Syria live: Fighting resumes in Aleppo after ceasefire collapses | Armed Groups News
The Syrian army is locked in intense fighting in Aleppo after SDF fighters refused to withdraw under a ceasefire.
Published On 10 Jan 2026
The Syrian army is locked in intense fighting in Aleppo after SDF fighters refused to withdraw under a ceasefire.
Malam Fatori, Nigeria — It’s been more than 10 years since Isa Aji Mohammed lost four of his children in one night when Boko Haram fighters attacked their home in northeast Nigeria’s Borno State.
Maryam, who was 15 at the time, was killed alongside her brothers Mohammed, 22, and Zubairu, who was only 10. Yadoma, 25 and married with children, who had returned home to her parents’ house for a visit, also died in the attack.
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“We ran with nothing,” said 65-year-old Isa, standing on the parched soil of his farm in the Lake Chad village of Malam Fatori, to which he recently returned. “For more than 10 years, we slept in relatives’ homes. I felt like a stranger in my own country.”
Before the deadly attack, Isa, a farmer, produced hundreds of bags of rice, maize and beans annually, enough to feed his family and sell in markets in neighbouring Niger.
After that night, he fled and spent the next decade in displacement camps across the border.
But last year, he joined thousands of other former residents who have relocated back to Malam Fatori and other towns as part of a resettlement programme initiated by the government.
The village sits on the edge of Nigeria’s northeastern frontier, close to the border with Niger, where the vast, flat landscape stretches into open farmland and seasonal wetlands.
A decade ago, homes there were intact and full, their courtyards echoing with children’s voices and the steady rhythm of daily life. Farms extended well beyond the town’s outskirts, producing grains and vegetables that sustained families and supported local trade.
Irrigation canals flowed regularly, and the surrounding area was known for its productivity, especially during the dry season. Markets were active, and movement between Malam Fatori and neighbouring communities was normal, not restricted by fear.
Today, the town carries the visible scars of conflict and neglect, with much of it lying in ruin.
Rows of mud-brick houses stand roofless or partially collapsed, their walls cracked by years of abandonment. Some homes have been hastily repaired with scrap wood and sheets of metal, signs of families slowly returning and rebuilding with whatever materials they can find.
The farms surrounding Malam Fatori are beginning to show faint signs of life again. Small plots of millet and sorghum are being cleared by hand, while irrigation channels – once choked with sand and weeds – are gradually being reopened.
Many fields, however, remain empty, overtaken by thorny bushes and dry grass after years without cultivation. Farmers move cautiously, working close to the town, wary of venturing too far into land that was once fertile but has long been unsafe.
For returnees like Isa, walking through these spaces means navigating both the present reality and memories of what once was. Each broken wall and abandoned field tells a story of loss, while every newly planted seed signals a quiet determination to restore a town that violence nearly erased.

For the Borno State administration, the returns are a success. “There are 5,000 households of returnees in Malam Fatori, while the town’s total population now exceeds 20,000 people,” Usman Tar, Borno State commissioner for information and internal security, told Al Jazeera last year.
As we toured the town, the security presence was visible. Armed patrols, checkpoints and observation posts were stationed along major routes and near public spaces, reflecting ongoing efforts to deter attacks and reassure residents.
Families interviewed said they were subjected to frequent security checks and strict movement controls, measures they understand as necessary but which also disrupt daily routines and limit access to farms, markets and neighbouring communities.
Residents and local officials say the threat remains close. Fighters from Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), another armed group active in the area, are believed to be operating from swampy areas approximately two kilometres from the town, using the difficult terrain as cover.
Although the town itself is under heavy military protection, surrounding areas continue to experience attacks, kidnappings and harassment, particularly along farming routes and access roads.
These persistent security incidents reinforce a climate of fear and uncertainty among returnees. While many families have chosen to remain and rebuild despite the risks, they say the proximity of armed groups and the ongoing violence in nearby communities make long-term recovery fragile.
“Here in Malam Fatori, we live under two pressures,” said resident Babagana Yarima. “Boko Haram dictates our safety, and the military dictates our movement. Both limit how we live every day.”
Farmers wait up to eight hours at military checkpoints when transporting produce. Curfews prevent evening farm work. Access to agricultural land beyond the town requires military permits or armed escorts.
“Insecurity and military restrictions limit access to farmlands, forcing farmers to cultivate smaller areas than before,” said Bashir Yunus, an agrarian expert at the University of Maiduguri who also farms in the region.
Fishing, previously a major food source and income generator from Lake Chad, has become dangerous and requires permits to leave the town boundaries.
“Movement beyond the town’s boundaries now requires military permits. Militant attacks in isolated areas continue,” said Issoufou.
The United Nations has raised concerns about the government’s resettlement programme, citing potential protection violations. Mohamed Malick, UN resident and humanitarian coordinator in Nigeria, said during an interview with journalists in Maiduguri that “any returns or relocations must be informed, voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable”.
Malick added that the return of refugees to Malam Fatori and other insecure areas must be carefully evaluated against established safety and humanitarian standards, and must only take place if conditions allow for basic services and sustainable livelihoods.

Settled back on his land, Isa wakes before dawn each day, leaving his home in the quiet hours before the town stirs.
He walks to the fields that once yielded fertile harvests, now choked with weeds and debris. The land that once fed his family and supported their livelihood now demands relentless effort just to coax a small crop from the exhausted soil.
With each turn of the hoe and careful planting of seeds, he is determined to reclaim a fragment of the life that was disrupted by conflict.
He also participates in community farming initiatives, joining neighbours in collective efforts to restore agricultural production for the returning population and aid the town’s slow recovery.
However, the area he personally cultivates is far smaller than what he once managed, constrained by limited access to tools, seeds and water, as well as by the lingering insecurity in the region.
”A man without land is a man without life,” he said.
Most families in Malam Fatori now eat only twice a day, a sharp contrast to life before the conflict. Their meals typically consist of rice or millet, often eaten with little or no vegetables due to cost and limited availability.
Food prices have risen dramatically, placing further strain on households already struggling to recover. A kilogramme of rice now sells for about 1,200 naira (approximately $0.83), nearly double its previous price, making even basic staples increasingly unaffordable for many families.
Fish, once plentiful and affordable thanks to proximity to Lake Chad, have become scarce and expensive. Insecurity, restricted access to fishing areas, and disrupted supply chains have severely reduced local catches.
At the local market and at aid distribution points, women queue before dawn, hoping to secure small quantities of dried fish, groundnut oil or maize flour when supplies arrive.
Deliveries are irregular and unpredictable, often selling out within hours. Many women say they return home empty-handed after waiting for hours, compounding daily stress and uncertainty about how to feed their families.
Local health workers warn that malnutrition remains a serious concern, particularly among children under the age of five.
Basic services remain inadequate across town. Roads are poor, and schools and health clinics operate with minimal resources.
“Security risks and inaccessible routes through surrounding bushland continue to restrict humanitarian access, preventing aid agencies from reaching several communities. Basic services such as clean water, healthcare and quality education remain inadequate,” Kaka Ali, deputy director of local government primary healthcare, told Al Jazeera.

Despite ongoing challenges, residents of Malam Fatori are steadily working to rebuild their community and restore livelihoods disrupted by years of conflict.
Across the town, women have organised themselves into small cooperatives, producing handmade mats and processing groundnut oil for household use and local sale.
Fishermen, once central to the local economy, now operate cautiously in small groups in line with security regulations. Along riverbanks and storage areas, they repair damaged canoes and carefully mend fishing nets that were abandoned or destroyed during the conflict.
At the same time, teams of bricklayers are reconstructing homes destroyed during the violence, using locally sourced materials and shared labour to rebuild shelters for returning families.
The town’s clinic, staffed by six nurses, is overstretched. Vaccinations, malaria treatment and maternal health services are rationed. Power outages and equipment shortages compound the challenges. But it is a lifeline.
At Malam Fatori Central Primary School, children from the town and surrounding communities are being taught with the few resources available.
There are only 10 functional classrooms for hundreds of pupils, so some learn outdoors, under trees or in open spaces. There is a shortage of teachers, so some educators brave the conditions and travel long distances from the southern parts of Borno State.
In another, more unusual arrangement, soldiers stationed in the town occasionally step in to teach basic civic education and history lessons.
While not a replacement for trained teachers, community leaders say their involvement provides pupils with some continuity in education. The presence of soldiers in classrooms, they say, also reassures parents about security and underscores a shared effort to stabilise the town and rebuild essential services.

Amid all of the returning and rebuilding, security remains a dominant feature of daily life in Malam Fatori.
Soldiers remain stationed throughout the town, at markets and other public spaces to deter attacks.
Meanwhile, former Boko Haram members who have enrolled in a government-led deradicalisation and repentance programme also assist in protecting farmers working on the outskirts of the town, helping to rebuild trust between civilians and security structures.
Abu Fatima is a former Boko Haram fighter who joined the repentance programme. “Troop patrols are constant, curfews dictate daily life,” he said about the security arrangements in Malam Fatori.
Although residents welcome the security provided by the soldiers’ presence in the town, “many say they feel trapped – unable to fully rebuild the lives they had before Boko Haram, yet unwilling to abandon a homeland that defines them”, he said, echoing the tension felt by many returnees.
Bulama Shettima has also lived through the personal cost of the fighting that has devastated northeast Nigeria. Two of the 60-year-old’s sons joined ISWAP, a tragedy that left the family with deep emotional scars. After years of uncertainty and fear, one of his sons was later deradicalised through a government rehabilitation programme. This has allowed his family to heal and reconcile. Coming back to Malam Fatori is also part of that.
“Returning wasn’t about safety,” he said. “It was about belonging. This land contains our history. This land contains our grief. This land contains our future.”
Today, Bulama is focused on rebuilding his life and securing a different future for his children.
He works as a farmer, cultivating small plots of land under difficult conditions, while also running a modest business to supplement his income.
Despite his losses, Bulama places strong emphasis on educating his other children, saying that their schooling is a form of resistance against the cycle of violence that once tore his family apart. It will also allow them to grow up with choices, he says.
As many displaced families remain in Niger or live in limbo in Maiduguri, fearing a return to towns where armed men operate not far away, those now in Malam Fatori consider it a move worth making.
For Isa, the decision to return represents a calculated risk.
“We are caught between fear and order,” he said. “But still, we must live. Still, we must plant. Still, we must hope.”
This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.
Saudi-backed coalition forces in Yemen have launched air strikes targeting southern separatists, whose recent advances changed the map of control in the country. Al Jazeera’s Aksel Zaimovic explains which groups are competing for territory.
Published On 2 Jan 20262 Jan 2026
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Second release of prisoners related to 2024 election protests seen as possible conciliatory move from Maduro.
The government of Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro has released dozens of prisoners held for protesting his disputed victory in the country’s 2024 election.
The release of at least 87 prisoners comes as the administration of United States President Donald Trump has continued its pressure campaign against Caracas.
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It was the second release within a week, in what some observers have viewed as an effort by Maduro to strike a more conciliatory tone, even as he has accused Trump of seeking to topple his government and seize Venezuela’s vast oil reserves.
Two rights groups, the Committee for the Freedom of Political Prisoners and the Committee of Mothers in Defense of the Truth, confirmed the release on Thursday.
“On the morning of January 1, mothers and relatives reported new releases of political prisoners from Tocoron prison in Aragua state” in northern Venezuela, the Committee for the Freedom of Political Prisoners wrote on social media.
Venezuela’s government had previously announced the release of 99 prisoners on December 25, calling it “a concrete expression of the State’s commitment to peace, dialogue and justice”.
However, Foro Penal, a leading Venezuelan rights group, said afterwards it was only able to verify the release of 61 prisoners at the time.
Maduro claimed victory in the July 2024 vote, maintaining he had secured a third six-year term. The opposition has alleged widespread fraud, publishing results later verified by independent experts showing that Edmond Gonzalez had won by a landslide.
Gonzalez ran in place of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado after she was banned from standing in the election. Machado recently emerged in Oslo, Norway, after spending months in hiding.
The disputed vote prompted widespread protests across the country, resulting in at least 28 deaths and thousands of arrests.
Official records show that at least 2,000 people have since been released, while more than 700 people are still believed to be held for political reasons.
The disputed election has, in part, undergirded the Trump administration’s pressure against Maduro, whom they have accused of running a drug trafficking operation that aims to destabilise the US.
The Pentagon has surged military assets off the coast of Venezuela since August, with Trump earlier this week revealing the first attack on Venezuelan soil targeting a dock allegedly used to load drug boats earlier this week.
The US has also blockaded sanctioned oil tankers entering and exiting Venezuela, while simultaneously carrying out strikes on alleged drug boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, in what rights groups say amount to extrajudicial killings.
More than 100 people have been killed in the strikes so far.
From exile, Machado has vocally supported the US pressure campaign. She has been more circumspect on strikes on Venezuelan territory, while maintaining that Venezuela has been “invaded” by “terrorist groups” and “drug cartels”.
Venezuela experts have warned that many opposition groups in the country oppose US military action.
Israel is revoking the licenses of 37 international organisations, forcing them to stop operations in Gaza. Al Jazeera’s Hani Mahmoud explains how the new restrictions will worsen an already dire humanitarian crisis.
Published On 1 Jan 20261 Jan 2026
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Severe weather warning is issued by the Palestinian Meteorological Department, with heavy rain and hail expected across Palestine.
Israel says it will suspend more than two dozen humanitarian organisations, including Doctors Without Borders, for failing to meet its new rules for aid groups working in the war-ravaged Gaza Strip.
Organisations facing bans starting on Thursday didn’t meet new requirements for sharing information on their staffs, funding and operations, Israeli authorities said.
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Other major organisations affected include the Norwegian Refugee Council, CARE International, the International Rescue Committee and divisions of major charities such as Oxfam and Caritas.
Israel accused Doctors Without Borders, known by its French acronym MSF, of failing to clarify the roles of some staff members, alleging they cooperated with Hamas.
“The message is clear: Humanitarian assistance is welcome. The exploitation of humanitarian frameworks for terrorism is not,” Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli said.
MSF – one of the largest medical groups operating in Gaza, where the health sector has been targeted and largely destroyed – said Israel’s decision will have a catastrophic impact on its work in the enclave, where it supports about 20 percent of the hospital beds and one-third of births. The organisation also denied Israel’s accusations about its staff.
“MSF would never knowingly employ people engaging in military activity,” it said.
International organisations said Israel’s rules are arbitrary. Israel said 37 groups working in Gaza didn’t have their permits renewed.

Aid organisations help with a variety of social services, including food distribution, healthcare, mental health and disability services, and education.
Amjad Shawa from the Palestine NGOs Network said the decision by Israel is part of its ongoing effort “to deepen the humanitarian catastrophe” in Gaza.
“The limitations on the humanitarian operations in Gaza are in order to continue their project to push out the Palestinians, deport Gaza. This is one of the things Israel continues doing,” Shawa told Al Jazeera.
Israel’s move comes as at least 10 countries expressed “serious concerns” about a “renewed deterioration of the humanitarian situation” in Gaza, describing it as “catastrophic”.
“As winter draws in civilians in Gaza are facing appalling conditions with heavy rainfall and temperatures dropping,” Britain, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Japan, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland said in a joint statement.
“1.3 million people still require urgent shelter support. More than half of health facilities are only partially functional and face shortages of essential medical equipment and supplies. The total collapse of sanitation infrastructure has left 740,000 people vulnerable to toxic flooding.”
The countries urged Israel to ensure international NGOs can operate in Gaza in a “sustained and predictable” way and called for the opening of land crossings to boost the flow of humanitarian aid.
Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the joint statement “false but unsurprising” and “part of a recurring pattern of detached criticism and one-sided demands on Israel while deliberately ignoring the essential requirement of disarming Hamas”.
Four months ago, more than 100 aid groups accused Israel of obstructing life-saving aid from entering Gaza and called on it to end its “weaponisation of aid” as it refused to allow aid trucks to enter the battered Gaza Strip.
More than 71,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel launched its genocidal war on Gaza in October 2023. Hundreds have died from severe malnutrition and thousands more from preventable diseases because of a lack of medical supplies.
Israel claims it’s upholding the aid commitments laid out in the latest ceasefire, which took effect on October 10, but humanitarian groups dispute Israel’s numbers and say a lot more aid is desperately needed in the devastated enclave of more than two million Palestinians.
Israel changed its registration process for aid groups in March, which included a requirement to submit a list of staff, including Palestinians in Gaza.
Some aid groups said they didn’t submit a list of Palestinian staff for fear those employees would be targeted by Israel.
“It comes from a legal and safety perspective. In Gaza, we saw hundreds of aid workers get killed,” said Shaina Low, communications adviser for the Norwegian Refugee Council.
The decision not to renew aid groups’ licences means their offices in Israel and occupied East Jerusalem will close and organisations won’t be able to send international staff or aid into Gaza.
“Despite the ceasefire, the needs in Gaza are enormous, and yet we and dozens of other organisations are and will continue to be blocked from bringing in essential lifesaving assistance,” Low said. “Not being able to send staff into Gaza means all of the workload falls on our exhausted local staff.”
Israel’s decision means the aid groups will have their licences revoked on Thursday and, if they are located in Israel, they will need to leave by March 1, according to the ministry.
This isn’t the first time Israel has tried to crack down on international humanitarian organisations. Throughout the war, it accused the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, of being infiltrated by Hamas and Hamas of using UNRWA’s facilities and taking its aid. The UN has denied that.
In October, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion saying Israel must support UN relief efforts in Gaza, including those conducted by UNRWA.
The court found Israel’s allegations against UNRWA – including that it was complicit in the Hamas-led October 7, 2023, attacks on Israel – were unsubstantiated.
The court also said Israel, as the occupying power, must ensure the “basic needs” of the Palestinian population of Gaza are met, “including the supplies essential for survival”, such as food, water, shelter, fuel and medicine.
A number of countries halted funding for UNRWA after Israel’s accusations, jeopardising one of Gaza’s most desperately needed lifelines.
![[Al Jazeera]](https://i0.wp.com/www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/Interactive_Gaza_foodaid_timeline-1742987531-1744365779.webp?w=640&ssl=1)
The military rulers expand emergency powers, warning that people, property, and services may be requisitioned.
Published On 28 Dec 202528 Dec 2025
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Niger’s military rulers have approved a general mobilisation and authorised the requisition of people and goods as they intensify the fight against armed groups across the country, according to a government statement.
The decision followed a cabinet meeting on Friday and marks a major escalation by the military government, which seized power in a July 2023 coup that toppled the country’s democratically elected president, Mohamed Bazoum.
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“People, property, and services may be requisitioned during general mobilisation to contribute to the defence of the homeland, in compliance with the legislation and regulations in force,” the government said in a statement issued late on Saturday.
“Every citizen is required to respond immediately to any call-up or recall order, to comply without delay with the implementation of measures for the defence of the homeland, and to submit to requisition,” it added.
The authorities said the measures aim to “preserve the integrity of the national territory” and “protect the population” as Niger continues to face attacks by armed groups operating across several regions.
Niger has been embroiled in deadly armed conflict for more than a decade, with violence linked to fighters affiliated with al-Qaeda and the ISIL (ISIS) group. Nearly 2,000 people have been killed, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), which tracks political violence.
The southeast of the country has also suffered repeated attacks by Boko Haram and its splinter group, the ISIL affiliate in West Africa Province (ISWAP), further stretching Niger’s security forces.
The mobilisation order comes five years after Niger expanded its armed forces to around 50,000 troops and raised the retirement age for senior officers from 47 to 52. Since taking power, the military government has also urged citizens to make “voluntary” financial contributions to a fund launched in 2023 to support military spending and agricultural projects.
Soon after the coup, Niger’s rulers ordered French and United States troops, who had supported operations to combat rebel fighters, to withdraw from the country.
Niger has since deepened security cooperation with neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, also ruled by a military government. The three Sahel states have formed a joint force of 5,000 troops, presenting it as a regional response to armed groups while further distancing themselves from Western partners.
The US president says air strikes are against ISIL, claiming the group targets Christians.
“More to come”: Those are the words of United States Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth after his country carried out a wave of air strikes against ISIL (ISIS) in northwestern Nigeria.
Hegseth said the aim is to stop the group’s killing of what he called “innocent Christians”.
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Back in November, President Donald Trump warned the US would take action against the group if the Nigerian government continued to allow what he claimed was the targeting of Christians.
Many say Trump was pressured by his right-wing Christian base in the US to carry out the recent attacks in Nigeria. But what could be the fallout on the African country with a highly complex religious makeup?
Presenter: Adrian Finighan
Guests:
Malik Samuel – Senior researcher at Good Governance Africa
Ebenezer Obadare – Senior fellow for Africa studies at the Council on Foreign Relations
David Otto – Deputy director of counterterrorism training at the International Academy for the Fight Against Terrorism
Interior Ministry says the raid killed Mohammed Shahadeh, describing him as one of ISIL’s senior commanders in Syria.
Published On 25 Dec 202525 Dec 2025
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Syrian authorities say security forces have carried out a second operation against ISIL (ISIS) fighters near Damascus, killing a senior figure described as the group’s governor of Hauran.
In a statement on Thursday, the Ministry of Interior said the raid killed Mohammed Shahadeh, also known as Abu Omar Shaddad, calling him one of ISIL’s senior commanders in Syria and a direct threat to local security.
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Officials said the operation followed verified intelligence and extensive surveillance and was carried out by specialised units, operating in the Damascus countryside, that conducted a targeted raid in the town of al-Buweida, near Qatana, southwest of the capital.
The operation also involved the General Intelligence Directorate and took place in coordination with international coalition forces, the ministry said.
The announcement came a day after Syrian internal security forces arrested another senior ISIL figure in a separate operation near Damascus, according to the state-run SANA news agency.
SANA reported that forces arrested Taha al-Zoubi during what it described as a “tightly executed security operation” in the Damascus countryside. The agency said officers seized “a suicide belt and a military weapon” during the arrest.
Brigadier General Ahmad al-Dalati, head of internal security in the Damascus countryside, told SANA that the raid targeted an ISIL hideout in Maadamiya, southwest of the capital.
ISIL, which considers the current authorities in Damascus illegitimate, has largely focused its remaining operations on Kurdish-led forces in northern Syria.
At the height of its power, the armed group controlled vast areas of Iraq and Syria, declaring Raqqa its capital.
Although ISIL suffered military defeat in Iraq in 2017 and in Syria two years later, its cells continue to carry out attacks in the region and beyond, including in parts of Africa and Afghanistan.
The blast tore through a mosque in Maiduguri as worshippers gathered for evening prayers, witnesses say.
Published On 24 Dec 202524 Dec 2025
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An explosion has ripped through a mosque in northeastern Nigeria as worshippers gathered for their evening prayers, killing and wounding several people, according to media reports.
The blast took place at about 6pm on Wednesday (17:00 GMT) in the city of Maiduguri in Borno State, the Reuters and AFP news agencies reported, citing witnesses.
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Police spokesman Nahum Daso confirmed the explosion and told AFP that an explosive ordnance team was already on site at the mosque in Maiduguri’s Gamboru market.
There was no official word on casualties.
But mosque leader Malam Abuna Yusuf told the AFP at least eight people had died, while a militia leader, Babakura Kolo, put the figure at seven.
Another witness, Musa Yusha’u, told AFP that he saw “many victims being taken away for medical treatment”.
The cause of the blast was not immediately known, but it occurred in a city that has been at the heart of an armed rebellion waged by Boko Haram and ISIL’s (ISIS) offshoot in the region, the Islamic State West Africa Province, for nearly two decades.
The conflict has killed at least 40,000 people and displaced about two million from their homes since 2009, according to the United Nations.
Though the violence has waned since its peak about a decade ago, it has spilt into neighbouring Niger, Chad and Cameroon.
Concerns are also growing about a resurgence of violence in parts of the northeast, where armed groups remain capable of mounting deadly attacks despite years of sustained military operations.
Maiduguri itself – once the scene of nightly gun battles and bombings – has been calm in recent years, with the last major attack recorded in 2021.
Leaders from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso are hoping to find a way to repel advancing fighters linked to al-Qaeda. Al Jazeera’s Laura Khan explains what’s at stake at an Alliance of Sahel States summit in Bamako.
Published On 21 Dec 202521 Dec 2025
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Caroline HawleyDiplomatic correspondent

ESOHRSaudi Arabia has surpassed its record for the number of executions carried out annually for a second year in a row.
At least 347 people have now been put to death this year, up from a total of 345 in 2024, according to the UK-based campaign group Reprieve, which tracks executions in Saudi Arabia and has clients on death row.
It said this was the “bloodiest year of executions in the kingdom since monitoring began”.
The latest prisoners to be executed were two Pakistani nationals convicted of drug-related offences.
Others put death this year include a journalist and two young men who were children at the time of their alleged protest-related crimes. Five were women.
But, according to Reprieve, most – around two thirds – were convicted of non-lethal drug-related offences, which the UN says is “incompatible with international norms and standards”.
More than half of them were foreign nationals who appear to have been put to death as part of a “war on drugs” in the kingdom.
The Saudi authorities have not responded to the BBC’s request for comment on the rise in executions.
“Saudi Arabia is operating with complete impunity now,” said Jeed Basyouni, Reprieve’s head of death penalty for the Middle East and North Africa. “It’s almost making a mockery of the human rights system.”
She described torture and forced confessions as “endemic” within the Saudi criminal justice system.
Ms Basyouni called it a “brutal and arbitrary crackdown” in which innocent people and those on the margins of society have been caught up.
Tuesday saw the execution of a young Egyptian fisherman, Issam al-Shazly, who was arrested in 2021 in Saudi territorial waters and said he had been coerced into smuggling drugs.
Reprieve says that 96 of the executions were solely linked to hashish.
“It almost seems that it doesn’t matter to them who they execute, as long as they send a message to society that there’s a zero-tolerance policy on whatever issue they’re talking about – whether it’s protests, freedom of expression, or drugs,” said Ms Basyouni.
There has been a surge of drug-related executions since the Saudi authorities ended an unofficial moratorium in late 2022 – a step described as “deeply regrettable” by the UN human rights office.
Speaking anonymously to the BBC, relatives of men on death row on drugs charges have spoken of the “terror” they’re now living in.
One told the BBC: “The only time of the week that I sleep is on Friday and Saturday because there are no executions on those days.”
Cellmates witness people they have shared prison life with for years being dragged kicking and screaming to their death, according to Reprieve.

ReutersThe de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman – who became crown prince in 2017 – has changed the country profoundly over the past few years, loosening social restrictions while simultaneously silencing criticism.
In a bid to diversify its economy away from oil, he has opened Saudi Arabia up to the outside world, taken the religious police off the streets, and allowed women to drive.
But the kingdom’s human rights record remains “abysmal”, according to the US-based campaign group Human Rights Watch, with the high level of executions a major concern. In recent years, only China and Iran have put more people to death, according to human rights activists.
“There’s been no cost for Mohammed bin Salman and his authorities for going ahead with these executions,” said Joey Shea, who researches Saudi Arabia for Human Rights Watch. “The entertainment events, the sporting events, all of it is continuing to happen with no repercussions, really.”
According to Reprieve, the families of those executed are usually not informed in advance, or given the body, or informed where they have been buried.
The Saudi authorities do not reveal the method of execution, although it is believed to be either beheading or firing squad.
In a statement sent to the BBC, the UN’s special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Dr Morris Tidball-Binz, called for an immediate moratorium on executions in Saudi Arabia with a view to abolition, as well as “full compliance with international safeguards (including effective legal assistance and consular access for foreign nationals), prompt notification of families, the return of remains without delay and the publication of comprehensive execution data to enable independent scrutiny”.

Amnesty InternationalAmong the Saudi nationals executed this year were Abdullah al-Derazi and Jalal al-Labbad, who were both minors at the time of their arrest.
They had protested against the government’s treatment of the Shia Muslim minority in 2011 and 2012, and participated in the funerals of people killed by security forces. They were convicted of terrorism-related charges and sentenced to death after what Amnesty International said were grossly unfair trials that relied on torture-tainted “confessions”. UN human rights experts had called for their release.
The UN also condemned the execution in June of the journalist, Turki al-Jasser, who had been arrested in 2018 and sentenced to death on charges of terrorism and high treason based on writings he was accused of authoring.
“Capital punishment against journalists is a chilling attack on freedom of expression and press freedom,” said Unesco’s Director-General, Audrey Azoulay.
Reporters Without Borders said he was the first journalist to be executed in Saudi Arabia since Mohammed bin Salman came to power, although another journalist, Jamal Khashoggi, was murdered by Saudi agents at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018.

Human Rights WatchLast December, UN experts wrote to the Saudi authorities to express concern over a group of 32 Egyptians and one Jordanian national who had been sentenced to death on drugs charges, and their “alleged absence of legal representation”. Since then, most of the group have been executed.
A relative of one man put to death earlier this year said that he had told her that people were being “taken like goats” to be killed.
The BBC has approached the Saudi authorities for a response to the allegations but has not received one.
But in a letter dated January 2025 – in reply to concerns raised by UN special rapporteurs – they said that Saudi Arabia “protects and upholds” human rights and that its laws “prohibit and punish torture”.
“The death penalty is imposed only for the most serious crimes and in extremely limited circumstances,” the letter stated. “It is not handed down or carried out until judicial proceedings in courts of all levels have been completed.”
Here are the details on the teams, groups, format, match fixtures, kickoff times and venues for AFCON 2025:
⚽ Group A: Morocco, Mali, Zambia, Comoros
⚽ Group B: Egypt, South Africa, Angola, Zimbabwe
⚽ Group C: Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, Tanzania
⚽ Group D: Senegal, DR Congo, Benin, Botswana
⚽ Group E: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Equatorial Guinea, Sudan
⚽ Group F: Ivory Coast, Cameroon, Gabon, Mozambique
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The top two teams of each group, along with the best four third-placed teams, will advance to the knockout stage, beginning with the round of 16. That is followed by the quarterfinals, semifinals and the final. There is also a third-place playoff between the two losing semifinalists.
In the knockout stages, if a match is level at the end of normal playing time, teams will play 30 minutes of extra time and, if required, a penalty shootout.

December 21
Group A: Morocco vs Comoros (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 8pm/19:00 GMT)
December 22
Group A: Mali vs Zambia (Stade Mohammed V, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group B: Egypt vs Zimbabwe (Adrar Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group B: South Africa vs Angola (Marrakesh Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 23
Group C: Nigeria vs Tanzania (Fez Stadium, 1pm/12:00 GMT)
Group C: Tunisia vs Uganda (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group D: Senegal vs Botswana (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group D: DR Congo vs Benin (Al Barid Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 24
Group E: Algeria vs Sudan (Moulay Hassan Stadium, 1pm/12:00 GMT)
Group E: Burkina Faso vs Equatorial Guinea (Stade Mohammed V, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group F: Ivory Coast vs Mozambique (Marrakesh Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group F: Cameroon vs Gabon(Adrar Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Rest day on Christmas
December 26
Group A: Morocco vs Mali (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 1pm/12:00 GMT)
Group A: Zambia vs Comoros (Stade Mohammed V, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group B: Egypt vs South Africa (Adrar Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group B: Angola vs Zimbabwe (Marrakesh Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 27
Group C: Nigeria vs Tunisia (Fez Stadium, 1pm/12:00 GMT)
Group C: Uganda vs Tanzania (Al Barid Stadium, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group D: Senegal vs DR Congo (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group D: Benin vs Botswana (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 28
Group E: Algeria vs Burkina Faso (Moulay Hassan Stadium, 1pm/12:00 GMT)
Group E: Equatorial Guinea vs Sudan (Stade Mohammed V, 3:30pm/14:30 GMT)
Group F: Ivory Coast vs Cameroon (Marrakesh Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group F: Gabon vs Mozambique (Adrar Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 29
Group A: Comoros vs Mali (Stade Mohammed V, 6:30pm/17:30 GMT)
Group A: Zambia vs Morocco (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 6:30pm/17:30 GMT)
Group B: Angola vs Egypt (Adrar Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Group B: Zimbabwe vs South Africa (Marrakesh Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 30
Group C: Tanzania vs Tunisia (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group C: Uganda vs Nigeria (Fez Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group D: Benin vs Senegal (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Group D: Botswana vs DR Congo (Al Barid Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
December 31
Group E: Equatorial Guinea vs Algeria (Moulay Hassan Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group E: Sudan vs Burkina Faso (Stade Mohammed V, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Group F: Gabon vs Ivory Coast (Marrakesh Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Group F: Mozambique vs Cameroon (Adrar Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Rest days on January 1 and 2

January 3
Winner Group D vs 3rd Group B/E/F (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Runner-up Group A vs Runner-up Group C (Stade Mohammed V, 8:30pm local/19:30 GMT)
January 4
Winner Group A vs 3rd Group C/D/E (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Runner-up Group B vs Runner-up Group F (Al Barid Stadium, 8:30pm local/19:30 GMT)
January 5
Winner Group B vs 3rd Group A/C/D (Adrar Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Winner Group C vs 3rd Group A/B/F (Fez Stadium, 8:30pm local/19:30 GMT)
January 6
Winner Group E vs Runner-up Group D (Moulay Hassan Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Winner Group F vs Runner-up Group E (Marrakesh Stadium, 8:30pm local/19:30 GMT)
Rest days on January 7 and 8
January 9
Quarterfinal 1 (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Quarterfinal 2 (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
January 10
Quarterfinal 3 (Marrakesh Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Quarterfinal 4 (Adrar Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Rest days on January 11, 12 and 13
January 14
Winner QF1 vs Winner QF4 (Ibn Batouta Stadium, 6pm/17:00 GMT)
Winner QF3 vs Winner QF2 (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 8:30pm/19:30 GMT)
Rest days on January 15 and 16
January 17
Loser SF1 vs Loser SF2 (Stade Mohammed V, 8pm local/19:00 GMT)
January 18
Winner SF1 vs Winner SF2 (Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, 8pm local/19:00 GMT)
