Forces

Boeing Australia has teamed up with Rheinmetall, the largest arms manufacturer in Germany, to offer the MQ-28 Ghost Bat drone to the German military. The Ghost Bat collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) is the latest contender for a German requirement, and is likely to face competition from the XQ-58A Valkyrie drone and potentially the homegrown Airbus Wingman.

In a statement today, Rheinmetall said that the plan was to pitch the MQ-28 as “a mature solution for the Bundeswehr’s procurement of collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) into Germany by 2029.” Describing the Ghost Bat as “a world-leading, proven CCA,” Rheinmetall noted that the drone “can be modified to meet Germany’s sovereign requirements” — as we have discussed before, the highly modular nature of the MQ-28 is a key part of its design.

Should Germany select the MQ-28 for its CCA requirement, Rheinmetall would serve as the system manager for the aircraft in Germany, overseeing system integration into the country’s existing and future command and weapon systems, and adaptation to national requirements. The company would also provide operational, maintenance, and logistical support. A major benefit of the platform is the fact that much of the development has already been paid for by Australia, and the resulting drone is more mature than anything else in Europe.

“With Boeing Defense Australia as a partner, we are laying the groundwork to optimally tailor the MQ-28 to the Bundeswehr’s requirements,” said Armin Papperger, CEO of Rheinmetall AG. “As a system integrator, we ensure that integration, operation, and further development come from a single source while simultaneously strengthening industrial value creation in the form of an industrial hub in Germany and Europe. We see revenue potential for Rheinmetall in the range of three-digit millions of euros.”

At this point, the MQ-28 has completed more than 150 test flights, including high-profile trials in which one of the drones completed a first live-fire weapons shot, launching an AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) against a target over a range in Australia.

The Royal Australian Air Force is the Ghost Bat’s launch customer.

Australia has already acquired eight Block 1 MQ-28s, which are configured as pre-production prototypes.

The first nine Block 2 drones, now in production, are seen as a pathway to an operational capability, although when that might actually materialize remains unclear.

Australia has also contracted for the development of the enhanced Block 3 MQ-28, which will include an internal weapons bay. This will be scaled to accommodate one AMRAAM or two GBU-39/B Small Diameter Bombs (SDB) or equivalents, in terms of size. A pair of SDB IIs, also known as the GBU-53/B StormBreaker glide bomb, would be another option.

The next big milestones for the Royal Australian Air Force should come in 2028, with the planned service introduction of the Block 2 aircraft and the initial production of the Block 3 aircraft.

Interestingly, the Rheinmetall press release describes the MQ-28 being “ready to deliver air-to-ground capability to Germany by 2029.” It’s unclear at this point if this reflects Berlin’s requirement for an exclusive air-to-ground CCA platform, or if an air-to-air capability will be added at a later point.

In terms of sensors, some Block 2 aircraft have already been seen sporting an infrared search and track (IRST) sensor fitted in the nose. This is understood to be a Selex system.

For Block 3, Boeing is working on three or four alternative sensor payloads, too. Integration of these would be facilitated by the fact that the entire nose can be swapped out to accommodate different payloads.

Speaking earlier this year to journalists, including from TWZ, Glen Ferguson, MQ-28 program director at Boeing, said he was unable to talk about any potential future customers other than Japan, but noted that the company was pursuing sales elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific region, specifically.

Meanwhile, in 2022, the Pentagon confirmed that it had acquired at least one MQ-28 to be used to support the U.S. Air Force’s advanced uncrewed aircraft and autonomy efforts. Meanwhile, the U.S. Navy has deployed a test and evaluation squadron to Australia to work on the aircraft, and an MQ-28 has also been operating out of Naval Air Station Point Mugu, California.

As we have discussed in the past, the MQ-28 seems uniquely suited for a cooperative production and operation program across multiple allied nations, and it’s perhaps not a coincidence that the Bundeswehr is increasingly looking at future operations in the Indo-Pacific region, something that has seen recent deployments of Luftwaffe Eurofighters, for example.

The Luftwaffe has long been seen as a candidate for a CCA-type drone. In the medium term, this would involve an uncrewed companion to work alongside the Eurofighter, which would be especially relevant for its forthcoming Eurofighter EK electronic warfare jets.

A drone of this kind could also be harnessed by other German Eurofighters, which undertake a range of air defense and air-to-ground missions, as well as the F-35A stealth fighters it also has on order. The F-35 is designed very much with CCAs in mind, with the combination of the stealth jet and complementary drones being a key part of the planned future U.S. Air Force force posture.

A CCA could be even more important for Germany depending on the fate of the pan-European Future Combat Air System (FCAS) program, at the heart of which will be the crewed New Generation Fighter (NGF). Both are expected to be in service by 2035, although that target is looking increasingly unlikely.

In fact, there is a good chance that rifts between France and Germany on the course that FCAS should take, especially when it comes to workshare, could see Germany walk away from the program entirely.

That would leave a significant gap in combat air ‘mass’ that a CCA could help mitigate.

With Germany in the market for a drone in this class, another partnership, announced last year, sees Airbus Defense and Space team up with Kratos Defense and Security Solutions to provide the stealthy XQ-58A to the German Luftwaffe.

Kratos says the new version of the Valkyrie would be “tuned” for the European mission, suggesting that it will feature specific modifications for operators in the region. New versions of the XQ-58 will be capable of runway launch, and the platform can be scaled to a degree, too.

The same would likely apply to the MQ-28, which Rheinmetall could potentially offer to a range of other European nations, alongside Germany, potentially filling an emerging niche for ‘loyal wingman’-type drones, along with other roles, with several air forces. Again, depending on the fate of FCAS, that requirement could become even greater, and the new partnership gives the MQ-28 an anchor in Europe and an increasingly lucrative market.

Last year also saw the emergence of another possible contender for the Luftwaffe CCA, when German defense startup Helsing unveiled its CA-1 Europa. The company is targeting a first flight in 2027 for the drone, which looks very similar to the MQ-28.

CA-1 Europa: Autonomous Air Dominance

Meanwhile, in 2024, Airbus unveiled a stealthy CCA-like concept of its own, known as Wingman. At the time, the company said that the Luftwaffe had “expressed a clear need” for a drone that would be able to operate in conjunction with crewed fighters before the arrival in service of the FCAS. Airbus says the Wingman should provide a unit cost that’s equivalent to one-third that of a modern crewed fighter.

Somewhat larger than the XQ-58A, the Wingman currently exists only as a concept aircraft, and its future is less certain now that Airbus is collaborating with Kratos on the Valkyrie.

Drones of the kind that are now referred to as CCAs are not entirely new territory for Germany.

Before the Wingman concept, Airbus worked on other advanced uncrewed aircraft programs, including the Barracuda, work on which began in 2003, initially as a ‘black program.’ The Barracuda was retired after six test campaigns. Experience and data from the drone have been fed into FCAS, which is also planned to include interaction of crewed and uncrewed aircraft, with “remote carrier” drones of different sizes being among the latter.

Whether Germany opts for the MQ-28 Ghost Bat or another rival solution, if current plans materialize, the Luftwaffe looks set to be operating some kind of advanced collaborative combat aircraft before the end of the decade.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

‘Once the US starts capturing territory in Iran, all bets are off.’
Kenneth Katzman, a senior fellow at the Soufan Center for Strategic Dialogue, says US war objectives in Iran that cannot be met with air power can be met with a limited ground invasion.

Video shows Israeli forces blowing up a mosque’s minaret in Khiam in southern Lebanon. Israel says it is fighting Hezbollah but has forcibly displaced more than a million people and stands accused of trying to depopulate the entire south of the country.

Video shows the aftermath of an airstrike in Iraq’s Anbar province on a headquarters of the pro-Iran Popular Mobilisation Forces, where at least ten people were killed during a commanders’ meeting.

Workers in India’s textile hub Surat are returning home after days without cooking gas, as an LPG crisis linked to Iran war disruptions halts supplies. Industries face shutdowns, while authorities invoke emergency measures to prioritise households.

Israeli forces have attacked multiple towns in southern Lebanon after announcing “limited and targeted ground operations” against Hezbollah. Israel has warned residents will not be able to return to their homes until the military says so.

Gaza City, the Gaza Strip – Shortly before the call to sunset prayer, Islam Dardouna stretches her hand towards a pot hanging over a makeshift stove fashioned from a battered metal can, with scraps of paper and pieces of wood feeding the fire beneath it.

Then she pauses. She turns her face away from the rising tongues of smoke. Her face stained with a thin layer of soot and her clothes steeped in the lingering smell of fumes, she takes a deep breath but does not immediately lift the lid.

In her right hand, Dardouna holds an asthma inhaler as though it were a ladle or tongs. With her other hand, she tries to prepare food for her three children.

“I can no longer tolerate the fire at all,” the 34-year-old says in a strained voice as she raises the inhaler to her mouth.

“We heat water on it, cook on it … everything. It completely destroyed my health,” she said, pointing to her chest.

Dardouna has been displaced from Jabalia in northern Gaza since the start of Israel’s genocidal war against Palestinians in the territory in October 2023.

She now lives with her husband – 37-year-old Muath Dardouna – and their children in Sheikh Ajleen, west of Gaza City.

A year and a half ago, their home was destroyed. Since then, the family has moved from place to place until they eventually settled in this camp alongside other displaced families.

Everything changed after the war began. But for Dardouna, having to cook daily over an open fire in the face of cooking gas and fuel ranks among the worst.

“Our entire life now is a struggle, searching for wood and things we never imagined we would need one day,” she says. “There is no cooking gas and no gas cylinders. We lost all of that during displacement.”

What makes the situation even harder is that she suffers from asthma and chronic chest allergies, conditions she says began during Israel’s 2008 war on Gaza when she inhaled the smoke of a phosphorus bomb that dropped on her house. Her situation improved over the years, but has dramatically worsened during the current war.

“I developed airway obstruction, and recently there were masses found in my lungs,” said Dardouna, who in January was hospitalised for six days after suffering from oxygen shortage.

“The doctors prescribed an oxygen cylinder for me,” she says, quietly. “But unfortunately, I cannot afford it.”

A prolonged shortage

Like so many others across Gaza, Dardouna is struggling amid a prolonged shortage of cooking gas and fuel that has persisted since the start of the war.

Supplies have remained severely limited even after a “ceasefire” came into effect in October that included provisions allowing the entry of fuel and essential goods into the territory.

However, the quantities that have entered since then remain far below the population’s actual needs, according to official sources in Gaza and United Nations agencies.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says the availability of cooking gas in Gaza remains “critically constrained”, with the limited quantities entering the territory covering less than three percent of what is required.

As a result, many families have been forced to rely on alternative and often hazardous cooking methods.

UN data indicates that about 54.5 percent of households rely on firewood for cooking, roughly 43 percent burn waste or plastic, and only around 1.5 percent are able to cook with gas.

Humanitarian groups warn that such unsafe alternatives endanger people’s health and the environment due to prolonged exposure to smoke and toxic fumes produced by burning plastic and other waste.

Amid these conditions, cooking over open fires made from wood, scrap materials or plastic has become a daily reality across displacement camps and neighbourhoods throughout Gaza.

The crisis has intensified during the Muslim holy month Ramadan, when families must prepare both suhoor meals before their daily fast and iftar meals afterwards.

Firewood has become expensive, requiring a daily budget. Lighting the fire before dawn is also often difficult due to the lack of lighting and unfavourable weather conditions, so the family often skips the pre-dawn meal entirely.

“Today, for example, it’s raining and windy. I couldn’t light the fire,” said Darduna’s husband, Muath, who is also helping out with the daily cooking.

“Even when we break our fast, we wish we could drink a cup of tea or coffee afterwards, but we can’t, because lighting the fire again is another struggle.”

A former psychosocial support worker for children, Muath says it pains him to see his children fasting without suhoor.

“Every detail of our lives is literally suffering,” he says. “Fetching water is suffering. Cooking is suffering. Even going to the bathroom is suffering. We are truly exhausted,” he added.

“Our lives are covered in soot,” Muath says, pointing to the black smoke stains left by the fire.

He describes gas as “one of our dreams”, recalling how “it felt like Eid day” when the family got a gas cylinder a few months ago. “But we don’t even have the stove to use it, and many families are like us,” he said.

“We are living on the edge of nothing. Displacement and war stripped us of everything,” he adds. “We are willing to live with the simplest rights in tents. But there is no heating, no gas, no lighting. It feels like we are living in open graves on Earth.”

Serious implications

In a statement on Wednesday, the General Petroleum Authority in Gaza warned of the “catastrophic and dangerous consequences of the continued halt in cooking gas supplies” to the territory, stressing that the crisis “directly affects the lives of more than two million residents” amid already dire humanitarian conditions.

The authority said Gaza had already been facing a shortfall of about 70 percent of its actual gas needs compared with the quantities that entered after the “ceasefire” announcement.

It added that the “complete suspension of gas supplies places the Gaza Strip before a looming disaster that threatens food and health security”, particularly during Ramadan.

The authority also said that preventing gas from entering the enclave constitutes a “clear violation of the ceasefire understandings”, calling on mediators and international actors to intervene urgently to ensure the regular flow of cooking gas into Gaza.

Across Gaza, many families now rely on ready-made meals from aid distributions and charity kitchens because of economic collapse and the difficulty of cooking.

“Even when food arrives ready hours before iftar,” Muath says, “heating it becomes another problem.”

The frustration of daily survival pushes Muath to the brink.

“As a father now, I cannot even provide the most basic things,” he says. “Imagine my son simply wants a cup of tea … even a little wind can stop me from making it.”

‘The fire suffocates you’

In a nearby tent, Amani Aed al-Bashleqi, 26, sits watching food being cooked over an open fire for iftar while her husband stirs the pot.

She said cooking on fire makes food taste “flavourless” – not because the taste changes, but because “exhaustion and suffering have become part of every bite”.

“We start cooking early so we can finish by iftar, and after breaking the fast, my husband and I are completely exhausted and covered in soot.”

Like Dardouna, al-Bashleqi says the smoke causes severe headaches and health problems.

“The fire suffocates you. All the women in the camp suffer health problems from cooking on fire,” she says. “But we have no choice.”

She has a seven-month-old baby, and her biggest worry is boiling water for his milk.

“Sometimes I boil water and keep it in a borrowed thermos, but I don’t always have one,” she says. “And sometimes when he wakes up at night, I mix the milk with water without boiling it, even though I know that’s not healthy. But what can I do?”

Nearby, Iman Junaid, 34, displaced from Jabalia to western Gaza City, sits with her husband Jihad, 36, in front of the fire preparing food.

Junaid blows on the flames while she pushes an empty plastic oil bottle under the fire.

Behind them, bags full of plastic bottles are piled up. The family collected them to fuel the fire because cooking gas has been unavailable for months.

A mother of six, Junaid says she knows the health dangers of burning plastic, but has “no other choice”.

“My little daughter is one year old, and her chest always hurts because she inhales the smoke,” she says. “Our life is collecting and burning plastic and nylon.”

“With the price of wood rising, we now wish we could even find wood. Gas has become almost impossible … we’ve forgotten it.”

She said there were many promises that gas would enter Gaza after the “ceasefire”, but “nothing happened”.

For Dardounah, the solution is not simply bringing cooking gas into Gaza. “What we need is for life to become possible again,” she says.

“Let gas enter. Let goods enter at reasonable prices. Let there be basic necessities for a normal life.”

Palestinian journalist Amal Shamali, who worked as a correspondent for Qatar Radio, has been killed in an Israeli air strike on the Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS) says.

Shamali, who was killed on Monday, also “worked with several Arab and local media outlets and was among the journalists who continued performing their media mission despite the ongoing assault and war on the Gaza Strip”, the PJS said in a statement.

More than 270 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since Israel launched a genocidal war against Palestinians in the territory on October 7, 2023, in response to Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel.

“This represents one of the bloodiest periods for journalists in modern history, reflecting the scale of the deliberate targeting of Palestinian journalism in an attempt to silence the voice of truth and prevent the documentation of the crimes and violations committed against the Palestinian people,” the PJS said.

The PJS also said: “Targeting journalists will not succeed in breaking the will of the Palestinian journalistic community or deterring it from fulfilling its professional and humanitarian mission of conveying the truth and documenting the crimes and aggression faced by the Palestinian people.”

Gaza’s Government Media Office released a statement after Shamali’s killing, saying it “strongly condemns the systematic targeting, killing, and assassination of Palestinian journalists by the Israeli occupation”.

The office also said it “holds the Israeli occupation, the U.S. administration, and the countries participating in the crime of genocide – such as the United Kingdom, Germany, and France – fully responsible for committing these heinous and brutal crimes”.

It called on international and regional media associations, the international community and human rights organisations to condemn “the crimes” committed against Palestinian journalists and media professionals working in Gaza and to work towards holding Israel accountable for its “ongoing crimes” against Palestinian journalists.

Israeli attacks have killed about 13 journalists every month over more than two years of war, according to a tally by Shireen.ps, a monitoring website named after Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, who was shot and killed by Israeli forces in the occupied West Bank in 2022.

Of those journalists, at least 10 of them worked for Al Jazeera, including Al Jazeera Arabic correspondent Anas al-Sharif, who had reported extensively from northern Gaza.

Israel’s war on Gaza has been the single deadliest conflict for journalists.

According to Brown University’s Costs of War project, more journalists have been killed in Gaza since the war began on October 7, 2023, than in the US Civil War, World Wars I and II, the Korean War, Vietnam War, the wars in the former Yugoslavia and the post-9/11 war in Afghanistan – combined.

As per a report released early this year by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Palestine was the deadliest place to work as a journalist in 2025.

The IFJ said the Middle East was the most dangerous region for media professionals, accounting for 74 deaths last year – more than half of the 128 journalists and media workers killed.

The Middle East was followed by Africa with 18 deaths, the Asia Pacific (15), the Americas (11) and Europe (10), according to the report.

Since a US- and Qatar-brokered “ceasefire” came into effect in October, 640 Palestinians have been killed and at least 1,700 wounded, according to Gaza’s Ministry of Health. At least 72,123 Palestinians have been killed since October 2023 while 171,805 people have been injured. At least 1,139 people were killed in the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on October 7, 2023.

Hezbollah reported on Monday that its fighters engaged Israeli troops in eastern Lebanon during an overnight airborne raid, marking the second such operation in the area in recent days. The conflict between Israel and the Iran-backed group has drawn Lebanon deeper into the regional war, which began after Hezbollah opened fire to avenge the killing of Iran’s former supreme leader.

The Israeli military has not immediately commented on the latest Hezbollah claim. In previous operations, the military carried out airstrikes across Hezbollah-controlled southern Beirut, including targeting financial institutions like Al-Qard Al-Hassan. Lebanese authorities report nearly 400 people have been killed in the country since March 2, including 83 children and 42 women, though the toll does not distinguish combatants from civilians. Israel confirmed two soldier deaths in southern Lebanon—the first Israeli military casualties since the outbreak of hostilities.

Expanding Operations

Hezbollah stated that around 15 Israeli helicopters flew over eastern Lebanon after midnight, deploying troops observed approaching Lebanese territory from Syria. The region, the Bekaa Valley, is a stronghold of Hezbollah’s political and security apparatus. This follows a similar Israeli raid near Nabi Chit on March 2–3, which Lebanese officials said killed 41 people. Israel described that previous operation as an attempt to recover the remains of Ron Arad, a navigator missing since 1986.

Civilian Displacement and Urban Strikes

The war has prompted mass displacement, with hundreds of thousands fleeing southern Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs, known as Dahiyeh. Israeli strikes have also hit locations outside Hezbollah strongholds. On Sunday, a drone strike in Beirut’s Rouche seafront district reportedly killed five senior commanders of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Quds Force, illustrating the widening geographic and operational scope of the conflict.

Strategic Posturing

Israel has reinforced its military presence in southern Lebanon, establishing forward defensive positions in anticipation of potential Hezbollah attacks into Israel. The military maintains troops at five positions in the region, a posture originating from the 2024 war with Hezbollah.

Analysis: Escalation Risks

The repeated incursions and airstrikes signal a deepening and increasingly unpredictable phase of the Israel-Hezbollah conflict. Hezbollah’s engagement of Israeli forces in eastern Lebanon demonstrates its capacity to operate beyond the southern front, potentially broadening the battlefield.

For Israel, the operations appear aimed at both tactical objectives such as neutralizing high-value targets—and broader deterrence, signaling its intent to strike Hezbollah assets and Iranian-linked operatives throughout Lebanon. For Lebanese civilians, however, the widening conflict exacerbates humanitarian pressures, including casualties, mass displacement, and infrastructure destruction.

The situation underscores the risk of further regional escalation, with Syria and Iran-linked actors already drawn into the conflict, raising the possibility of a protracted war with extensive human and geopolitical costs.

With information from Reuters.