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AFTER five long years, the dark truth behind Jesy Nelson’s feud with Little Mix has been laid bare for the first time – as the singer reveals she made a secret suicide attempt days before quitting the group.

Jesy — whose abrupt exit from the girl band has been shrouded in mystery until now — claimed her cry for help in the lead-up to her overdose was ignored by bandmates Leigh-Anne Pinnock, Perrie Edwards and Jade Thirlwall.

Thankfully, she was saved by her quick-thinking mum Jan, who raised the alarm after Jesy fell unconscious while on the phone to her.

Speaking about her daughter’s near-death experience for the first time,

Jan said: “For a few days before, she had just been really down and not talking much. She wanted to be on her own quite a lot.

“I got a gut feeling that something wasn’t right. I kept ringing and ­ringing, but there was no answer.

PROUD MUM

Jesy Nelson shares unseen snap of baby twins holding hands after SMA diagnosis

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Jesy Nelson reveals unseen pics of twin babies after SMA diagnosis

“She eventually answered the phone and the way she talking was really slurry.

“I heard the phone drop and didn’t hear anything else — I knew she’d done something.”

It was the second time Jesy had tried to take her own life following an overdose in 2013, which she ­previously opened up about in her NTA-winning BBC documentary Jesy Nelson: Odd One Out.

She later said that online abuse over her appearance left her unable to “tolerate the pain any more”.

‘You’ve got to stop’

Her boyfriend at the time, Diversity dancer Jordan Banjo, called an ambulance and she was taken to ­hospital, but one week later was told to “pull it together” to film a video for Little Mix’s single Salute.

Jesy, 34, admits: “It all just got too much for me. My manager was like, ‘Come on Jesy, you need to pull ­yourself together.’

“So it just got swept under the rug and everything went back to normal.”

Reflecting on her second attempt seven years later — just days before she quit Little Mix — Jesy said: “I was so sad. I was so down.”

The star was rushed to hospital by ambulance and missed the final of Little Mix’s BBC talent show The Search, with host Chris Ramsey ­telling fans she had fallen ill.

The singer recalled: “I knew after coming out of hospital that I ­mentally couldn’t do it [be in the band] any more.”

Jesy had sunk into a deep depression after returning to work following the 2020 pandemic.

Recalling the painful breakdown of Little Mix’s friendship days before her overdose, Jesy said: “I sat ­everyone down to explain how I was feeling and I remember one of the responses being, ‘Are you done now? Is that it?’

“She [one of the girls] was like, ‘Can I go now?’”

Fighting back tears, Jesy added: “That made me feel really alone. I felt like there was no point. That no one cared.”

Hidden turmoil within the group led to Jesy trying to take her own life, with her mum Jan insisting: “I can see why they [the other Little Mix members] did get angry at times.

“It’s hard to work with someone who is always down when you are always happy.

“But I personally believe that at Jesy’s lowest of low times, the girls were not really there for her and I think that’s why she’s so sad now.”

In her new Prime Video docuseries Jesy Nelson: Life After Little Mix, Jesy also makes the bombshell claim that another bandmate tried to quit a year before her shock exit.

Unbeknown to fans, the girls had agreed their next tour would be their last, but a two-year delay pushed their “sisterhood” to the brink.

After Jesy’s second suicide attempt, her mum said: “I kept cuddling her and said, ‘Right, that’s it now. No more.

I didn’t get my opportunity to explain why I couldn’t do this any more. I feel mad that that was taken away from me

Jesy Nelson

“You’ve got to stop doing what makes you unhappy’.”

While in hospital recovering, Jesy made the difficult decision to quit.

But after seeking legal advice, she felt betrayed when her lawyer ­delivered the news to the rest of ­Little Mix without her consent.

Jesy said: “I think they felt really hurt about that and it should never have played out like that.

“I didn’t get my opportunity to explain why I couldn’t do this any more. I feel mad that that was taken away from me.”

When Jesy later attempted to meet up with the girls, she claims her manager said that Leigh-Anne, Perrie and Jade “would only feel comfortable if there was a therapist present”.

Jesy tearfully said of Little Mix: “I didn’t feel like they were my sisters [any more]. I’d just come out of the hospital. This is the time I need you the most.”

Despite what she’d been through with her mental health battle, Jesy never saw the girls again.

Leigh-Anne went on to say the girls were left so “traumatised” by their bandmate’s exit they needed counselling.

Jesy explained: “Eventually there was a phone call.

“It was really awkward and so weird. It was like talking to strangers.

“It was the most uncomfortable phone call of my life. No one knew what to say.

“And that’s the last time I ever spoke to them as a group. It’s been five years now and every time I think about it, I think, was it them or was it the management? I’ll never know.”

‘Me and Jade cried’

Speaking for the first time about the end of Little Mix being planned a year before her exit when one of the other girls announced they wanted to walk away, Jesy said: “I thought everyone was in a really good place, but I was wrong.

“We got called in for a meeting and I just had this gut feeling that it wasn’t going to be good.

“One of the girls had decided they didn’t want to be in the band any more. I remember feeling my whole world had fallen apart.

“It was a really sad day — me and Jade really cried. I was devastated.”

When pushed to reveal the name of singer who wanted to quit at the beginning of 2020, Jesy added: “I don’t think that’s for me to say because they still haven’t said.

“It’s been really hard to not speak out about this.

“I thought we’d be together ­forever. It was never my decision to leave first.”

When Covid hit, the band’s end date was pushed back by two years.

“That’s when everything got messy,” Jesy said.

“I knew the band was coming to an end because one of the girls had made the decision to leave and I felt like I was being fake.

“I got this very quick realisation that I wasn’t happy.”

Jesy felt “swarmed with insecurities” after returning to the limelight following lockdown.

She began to feel fearful of performing — with panic attacks leading her to pull out of live performances including a BBC Radio One Live Lounge and as a judge on The Search.

Her vocals are also missing from tracks on Little Mix’s final album.

Jesy continued: “I had mentally checked out. It was like my body was telling me, ‘Stop now’.

“That was the moment I thought, I can’t do this any more.

“I just remember thinking, I ­cannot last another two years.

“I felt like it [the relationship with the girls] had shifted.

“There would be days I would cry and be a miserable bitch.

“All those little things build up and build up and they do get to a boiling point.”

Explaining why she is speaking out now, Jesy insists she wants to draw a line under the speculation.

She said: “I really f*ing hate that there were nine and a bit really beautiful years that I had with the girls and I really didn’t want for us to be known for that one sh***y part.

‘Sad and hurt’

“It overrode every amazing thing that we ever did and what we stood for.

“We were genuinely like sisters and I think that is what’s so sad about this whole thing.

“As the years have gone on I see both sides. I see why they would be sad and hurt.”

Little Mix became the first group to win X Factor in 2011 before making UK singles chart history with five No1s and selling more than 75million records worldwide.

Jesy walked out of the girl band in November 2020 and two years later released her debut single Boyz with rapper Nicki Minaj.

On the track Mine, she paired up with Zion Foster — who later became the father of her two children before they split in January.

Little Mix went on an extended hiatus in 2022 to pursue solo careers and start families.

Despite never reconnecting in person again, in May last year Jesy’s former bandmates got back in touch after she became pregnant with identical twins.

Nine-month-old girls Ocean and Story have since been diagnosed with Spinal Muscular Atrophy Type 1 — the most severe form of a rare disease affecting muscle strength and movement.

Jesy recently told The Sun there was hope of reconciliation between her and the girls after the five- year feud was “healed” by her children arriving.

In the docuseries, Jesy said: “They reached out to me when I was pregnant.

“It was lovely because I never thought that would happen. It made me really emotional.

“We’re grown women. We’ve got kids. I just think there are so many more important things in life.

“It’s just one of those things that needs to be put to bed now.”

• Jesy Nelson: Life After Little Mix is available on Prime Video from today.

EPiC is a hip-shaking, lip-curling, fist-pumping, wise-cracking, sequin-spangled, sweat-soaked, all singing and dancing grand spectacle. 

It stands for Elvis Presley in Concert — a film that brings The King back into the building. 

Directed with loving care and boundless pizazz by flamboyant Australian Baz Luhrmann, it is a fitting companion to his 2022 biopic Elvis, starring Austin Butler. 

Using an incredible patchwork of unseen footage and unheard interviews, painstakingly restored by high-end technicians, he is presenting Elvis singing and telling his story “like never before”. 

You hear the music icon talking about his adoring fans, saying: “Those people want to see a show. They want to see some action.” 

The “action” centres on two years, 1970 and 1972, and features the singer’s residencies in Las Vegas, tour engagements and upbeat rehearsals, all interspersed with telling insights from the man himself. 

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Aside from fleeting visits to Canada, Elvis never did shows outside the US and yet, as he admits in the movie, he yearned to spread his wings and bring THAT voice to the world. 

Movingly, he performs Never Been To Spain which includes the line: “Well, I never been to England but I kinda like The Beatles.” 

‘Seen all the stuff’ 

Now, with EPiC, he’s getting the world tour he never had. 

To celebrate its cinema release next Friday, along with a soundtrack album, I’m speaking to one of the most qualified experts on “the kid from Tupelo” who changed popular culture for ever. 

Angie Marchese is Vice President of Archives and Exhibits at Graceland, the Memphis mansion bought by Elvis in 1957 for $102,500. 

It’s where he lived with wife Priscilla, where the couple welcomed their only child, Lisa Marie, and where he died on August 16, 1977. 

Since 1982, Graceland has been a museum with exhibits including Elvis’s pink Cadillac, his private jets, his gold records, his jewellery, his ornate furniture, his deep-pile carpets and, of course, his legendary jumpsuits. 

During her years living and breathing the place, vivacious curator Marchese has seen “a whole lot of Elvis footage”. 

“I’ve scrolled YouTube and seen all the stuff,” she tells me. 

But nothing quite prepared her for EPiC, which she first saw last year when it premiered at Toronto International Film Festival.  

“I was captivated for 96 minutes,” she says. “I couldn’t take my eyes off the screen. 

“You get to see a real person through this movie. That’s the guy I know from going through his archives.” 

Marchese highlights the frequent snatches of interviews with Elvis, which she describes as a “window into his mind”. 

“You’re hearing him telling his story for the first time, in his own words,” she affirms. 

“It involved lots of manpower — finding all these interview clips, dissecting them and making a story out of them. That brought it to a personal level. If Elvis had ever done an autobiography, this is what it would be.” 

Hollywood’s image of me was wrong. I knew it and I couldn’t do anything about it

Elvis Presley

Marchese also saw EPiC at Graceland on January 8, on what would have been the music legend’s 91st birthday. 

“That was very special,” she says. “It was the first US screening of the movie — and you would have thought that you were at a live concert.  

“Everybody in the theatre was dancing and singing and applauding. With the clarity of the footage, it felt as if you could reach out and touch him and he’s there. 

“The look in his eyes, the little smirks — I’ve never seen Elvis performing this clearly before.” 

EPiC begins with a rapid-fire retelling of the Elvis story and how he led the rock ’n’ roll revolution in the Fifties, even if a few stuffed shirts thought his high- octane antics “triggered juvenile delinquency”. 

You see him being drafted into the US Army and posted to West Germany, serving with a tank battalion. There are glimpses of his frustrating movie career which saw him given increasingly lightweight roles, culminating in him talking to an actor dressed as a dog in Live A Little, Love A Little. 

“Hollywood’s image of me was wrong,” he decides. “I knew it and I couldn’t do anything about it.” 

EPiC continues with the dying throes of Elvis’s movie career coinciding with the momentous 1968 Comeback Special, his televised return to the live arena, looking as fit as a fiddle. 

“The black leather suit has a 28in waist,” says Marchese, again proving what a mine of fascinating information she has at her fingertips. 

“That size rolls into the next couple of years of touring. Even the Aztec Sun jumpsuit which Elvis wore in ’77 [for his last ever concert, on June 26, in Indianapolis] is not as large as people might envision it to be.” 

The focal point of EPiC is his Las Vegas residencies which began at the International Hotel in 1969 and continued until the end of 1976. 

You hear Elvis confessing to stage fright before emerging on to the stage in 1970 in his off-white “fringe” jumpsuit (Marchese’s favourite) and launching into the song that started it all, That’s All Right, his first hit from 1956. 

Marchese believes his anxieties stemmed from a burning desire to make shows as special as he could for his fans. 

“He was the kid who lived the American dream, coming from poverty in Tupelo to being on top of the world and able to do whatever he wanted, whenever he wanted. 

“But he never forgot where he came from.” 

Despite everything, Elvis was never exactly shy and retiring, as Marchese explains. 

“He sure knew how to dress. If a kid was going to high school in the Fifties with sideburns, greased hair, his collar pulled up and wearing pink, then he was confident in who he was as a person — even if he had come from humble beginnings.” 

There’s some astonishing footage of Elvis climbing off stage and wading into the crowd, hugging and kissing women — some on the lips. 

Marchese continues: “One of the questions I get asked the most is, ‘Why is Elvis still so popular?’  

‘He sang just to you’ 

“The answer is that he had a personal connection with his fans. If you were in the crowd and there were 18,000 other people in the audience with you, you felt like he was just singing just to you. He had this energy about him, and he was just so personable. 

“Even if you never had a chance to get a scarf or a kiss or even get close to him, you felt like he was there for you. That really comes across in this movie.”  

Another key aspect of Elvis, which shines through, is his mischievous sense of humour. 

There’s a moment where he grabs a drink after complaining of feeling “dry — like Bob Dylan, only in my mouth”. 

Marchese calls him “Graceland’s worst practical joker” and tells her favourite prank story. “Every year, he gave the Memphis Mafia [the nickname given to Elvis’s inner circle] Christmas bonuses,” she says. 

“One year, he overheard the guys as they sat around imagining what the bonus might be. So, Elvis goes to McDonald’s down the street from Graceland and buys them all 50-cent gift certificates. 

“He puts them in envelopes with their names on. Christmas Eve comes around, Elvis brings the envelopes out and hands them out.

“The guys open them up and stare at Elvis — and he just falls about laughing but, mind you, back then 50 cents would have got you an entire meal.”

Next, I ask Marchese if there’s a song in the EPiC movie which particularly grabs her attention. 

He never lost this desire to please his fans, to be with them and to perform for them

Angie Marchese, Vice President of Archives and Exhibits at Graceland

“Like everyone, I love the popular ones such as Suspicious Minds, but when he sings gospel, that’s huge for me. It takes everything to another level. So my answer is, How Great Thou Art. I don’t think anyone could have done it better.” 

Marchese describes how Elvis became infatuated with gospel at a young age. “He used to go to these all-night gospel sings at the North Hall in downtown Memphis when he was a kid. 

“He didn’t have money to buy a ticket so he would go round to the back door and listen. Sometimes, JD Sumner [who sang at Elvis’s funeral] would sneak him in.” 

Of his towering rendition of How Great Thou Art, Marchese says: “Typical gospel hymn, but Elvis put it in the middle of a rock concert. The crowd is silent, listening to every word, but it doesn’t slow down the vibe, it raises it even more.” 

Just before How Great Thou Art, you see cute home movies of Elvis with Lisa Marie when she was a baby and toddler. 

“It made me cry,” says Marchese. “I wonder if Baz [Luhrmann] did that on purpose because How Great Thou Art was her favourite Elvis song.” 

It’s so sad to think that, like her dad, she died young and is buried beside him in Graceland’s Meditation Garden. 

“Lisa was the apple of Elvis’s eye, and loved her dad more than life itself,” says Marchese. 

“She was loyal, authentically who she was and also a beautiful, doting mother to her kids [Riley, twin girls Harper and Finley, and the late Ben].” 

As the owner of Graceland, Lisa Marie also got to know Marchese well. “She really was a special friend. She had a lot of Elvis’s traits — she had no filter so whatever she was thinking was what she was trying to do.” 

Before we go our separate ways, Marchese returns to the subject of EPiC, which showcases some of Elvis’s best-loved songs with breathless intensity — Always On My Mind, Can’t Help Falling In Love, In The Ghetto and so on.  

Elvis announces that it’s time to “get dirty” before launching into a relentless Polk Salad Annie — a truly remarkable feat of film editing, employing footage from two concerts and a rehearsal, all spliced together to thrilling effect. 

“That was masterful editing [by Jonathan Redmond] right there,” enthuses Marchese. 

There are wonderful intimate moments where Elvis rehearses Beatles songs Yesterday and Something.  

Cue one final, illuminating anecdote from the curator with an encyclopaedic knowledge.  

“I actually took Paul McCartney through Graceland. He was most fascinated by the fact that Elvis had a remote control for his TV in 1965 — years before most people had them.

“Oh, and we have the first microwave ever sold in Memphis, inside Graceland’s kitchen.” 

Finally, I ask Marchese if Elvis felt “caught in a trap” by Vegas, resulting in him not touring the world. 

“He loved his Vegas audience. He loved being on tour. But there was a moment in time when he couldn’t get off the hamster wheel. He had so many people relying on him.  

“Yet he never lost this desire to please his fans, to be with them and to perform for them.” 

If you get the chance to see EPiC, you’ll realise Elvis Aaron Presley is STILL The King. 

EPiC – ELVIS PRESLEY IN CONCERT  

★★★★★

The Norwegian diplomat who was a key architect of the 1993 Oslo Accords is facing a storm of corruption and blackmail allegations after new documents revealed he was deeply embedded in the inner circle of late sex offender and financier Jeffrey Epstein.

Terje Rod-Larsen, a central figure in the Middle East “peace process” in the 1990s, is implicated in newly released United States Justice Department files and Norwegian media investigations that expose a relationship involving illicit loans, visa fraud for sex-trafficked women, and a beneficiary clause in Epstein’s will worth millions of dollars.

The revelations have sent shockwaves through the diplomatic community and led to the resignation of Rod-Larsen’s wife, Mona Juul – herself a pivotal figure in the Oslo negotiations – from her post as Norway’s ambassador to Jordan and Iraq this month. Her security clearance was also revoked.

Palestinian leaders are now questioning whether Oslo’s foundational agreements of the two-state solution were brokered by a mediator vulnerable to elite blackmail and foreign intelligence pressure.

The plan was heralded in the Western world at the time, and in the 30 years since, has been trampled on by successive Israeli governments, with the far-right leadership now openly pushing for annexation of the occupied West Bank.

Investigations by the Norwegian broadcaster NRK and newspaper Dagens Næringsliv (DN) detail how Rod-Larsen used his position as president of the International Peace Institute (IPI) think tank in New York to launder the reputation of Epstein’s associates.

According to the files, Rod-Larsen wrote official letters of recommendation to US authorities to secure visas for young Russian women in Epstein’s orbit, claiming they possessed “extraordinary abilities” suitable for research roles.

In reality, these women were often models with no academic background who were allegedly trafficked and abused by the financier. One victim told NRK she believed Epstein sent her to Rod-Larsen’s institute “to manipulate” her, while another described how the diplomat facilitated her visa after a direct request from Epstein’s assistant.

The transactional nature of the relationship was explicit. Documents show Epstein loaned Rod-Larsen $130,000 in 2013. More damningly, reports indicate that Epstein’s last will and testament included a clause bequeathing $5m each to Rod-Larsen’s two children – a total of $10m.

‘Oslo was a trap’

For Palestinians living under the reality of the failed agreements Rod-Larsen forged, the scandal offers a disturbing explanation for a “peace process” that many believe was rigged.

Mustafa Barghouti, general secretary of the Palestinian National Initiative political party, told Al Jazeera he was “not surprised at all” by the corruption allegations.

“We never felt comfortable with this person from the very first moment,” Barghouti said. “Oslo was a trap … and I have no doubt that Terje Rod-Larsen was being effectively influenced by the Israeli side all along.”

Barghouti argued that the revelation of millions of dollars potentially flowing from a Mossad-linked figure like Epstein to the Rod-Larsen family suggests the corruption was “directed to serve Israel’s interests against the interests of the Palestinian people”.

The ties between the disgraced Epstein and Israel have come into sharp focus after the release of millions of documents.

The documents have revealed more details of Epstein’s interactions with members of the global elite, including former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. But they also document his funding of Israeli groups, including Friends of the IDF (Israeli army), and the settler organisation the Jewish National Fund, as well as his ties to members of Israel’s overseas intelligence services, the Mossad.

The missing archive

The scandal has reignited calls in Norway to open the “private archive” Rod-Larsen kept regarding the 1993 secret negotiations.

Media investigations have revealed that documents from the critical period between January and September 1993 are missing from the official Foreign Ministry archive. Critics argue these missing files could obscure the extent to which personal leverage or blackmail played a role in the concessions extracted from the Palestinian leadership during the secret talks.

Governing by blackmail

Analysts argue the Rod-Larsen case is symptomatic of a wider system of global governance driven by systematic blackmail and intelligence operations.

Wissam Afifa, a political analyst based in Gaza, drew a parallel between the exploitation of minors on Epstein’s island and the geopolitical treatment of Palestinians.

“We, as Palestinians, were treated as minors … considered as having no right to demand our rights,” Afifa said. “Today we discover that a large part of the international system is essentially ‘Epstein Island’”.

Afifa suggested that the “silence” of the international community regarding the current genocidal war on Gaza could be linked to similar networks of influence and extortion.

“The world was managed from Epstein’s island … in dark rooms,” Afifa added. “We are victims of the influence network that Epstein managed with politicians, leaders and states”.

As Norwegian authorities, including the economic crime unit Okokrim, open investigations into the scandal, the legacy of the diplomat who once shook hands on the White House lawn lies in tatters, casting a long shadow over the history of deeply flawed Middle East peacemaking.

Beirut, Lebanon – The Lebanese and Syrian governments have reached a deal to repatriate about 300 Syrian inmates in Lebanese prisons back to their home country in a move that could pave the way for better relations between the two neighbours.

The issue of Syrian prisoners in Lebanon has been a priority for Damascus since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024. Relations between the two countries have long been marked by what many Lebanese describe as nearly 30 years of occupation and a tutelage rule by Syria over Lebanon, which ended when Syria withdrew its troops in 2005.

About 2,400 Syrian prisoners are currently in Lebanese prisons. Some are held on “terrorism” charges while others are held for links to attacks against the Lebanese army. But most have never been tried despite having spent years in jail, largely due to a myriad of issues, including political gridlock, judicial strikes and general political indifference.

And while the deal reached on Friday may signal the beginning of a new relationship between Syria and Lebanon – one built on mutual respect rather than Syria’s direct or indirect control of the smaller state on its western border – it did not come about without any public controversy.

In Syrian eyes, many of the prisoners are being held for political rather than judicial reasons. The government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa believes they are in prison mostly due to the influence of the former al-Assad regime and its Hezbollah allies in Lebanon.

But for many Lebanese, anyone accused of attacks against the Lebanese armed forces should not be released.

“Lebanon has long insisted that anyone Syrian or otherwise accused of committing serious crimes against the Lebanese army should not be extradited,” David Wood, the senior Lebanon analyst at the International Crisis Group, told Al Jazeera. “That has been one key obstacle to resolving this prisoner agreement up until now.”

Political prisoners?

Lebanese-Syrian relations have long been complex. Under Syrian President Hafez al-Assad and later his son Bashar, Syrian forces controlled Lebanon from 1976 to 2005.

Even after Syrian troops withdrew from Lebanon, Syria maintained influence over Lebanon via its allies there, including the political and military group Hezbollah.

When the 2011 Syrian uprising began and was subsequently repressed by Bashar al-Assad’s regime, Syria’s border with Lebanon soon became a hotspot for the transportation of people – both fighters and refugees – weapons and drugs.

In Lebanon, the Syrian war had a strong impact. It spilled over into clashes in the northern city of Tripoli; the Battle of Abra, which involved firebrand anti-Assad sheikh Ahmad al-Assir and Lebanese-Palestinian pop star Fadel Shaker; battles with Hezbollah and the Lebanese army on one side and ISIL (ISIS) and al-Qaeda-aligned groups on the other; and attacks on Beirut’s southern suburbs.

In the intervening years, hundreds of Syrians were arrested by Lebanese authorities and held in Lebanon’s overcrowded prisons.

When the al-Assad regime fell, the new Syrian government quickly looked to reframe the relationship with Lebanon, expressing an interest in building ties based on mutual respect and interests.

Among Damascus’s priorities were delineating their shared border and economic and security cooperation. But it also prioritised the repatriation of Syrians in Lebanese prisons.

“The allegation from Damascus is that in many cases the reason for [imprisonment] is political and specifically due to perceived ties between the inmates and groups that were opposed to the former regime of Bashar al-Assad,” Wood said. In its view, “it was actually Assad’s Lebanese allies who conspired to make sure that these people were imprisoned in Lebanon.”

By that logic, the fall of al-Assad and the weakening of Hezbollah after Israel’s 2024 war on Lebanon meant that these prisoners should be released.

Some Lebanese disagree and see the issue as more of a grey area. Even if the Syrian prisoners in question had fought Hezbollah, it had been at a time when the Shia group had been coordinating with the Lebanese army – and, for many Lebanese, fighting the army is a red line.

An important step

On Friday, the agreement was signed with a number of Lebanese ministers present, including Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri and the two countries’ justice ministers.

“This is a very important first step on the road of a comprehensive treatment regarding Syrian prisoners in Lebanese prisons,” Mitri said to reporters on Friday.

Syrian Justice Minister Mazhar al-Wais said: “This step will boost existing confidence, and we hope that relations will progress more.”

The agreement reportedly stipulates that over the next three months, about 300 prisoners will be repatriated to Syria and those serving time for serious crimes, such as rape or murder for example, must have served 10 or more years of their sentences in Lebanese prisons to be eligible for repatriation.

Lebanese prisoners, such as al-Assir, are not included in the deal.

But other issues remain. Among them are Lebanon’s backlogged judicial system and issues related to Lebanese inmates in Syrian prisons.

Only about 750 Syrian prisoners out of the 2,400 have been convicted. That means roughly 65 percent of prisoners are not eligible for repatriation yet.

Fadel Abdulghany of the Syrian Network for Human Rights described this as a “two-track” problem. On his personal website, Abdulghany noted that the transfer of prisoners convicted with final sentences can be carried out with a “swift step”.

However, for those who have yet to be convicted, the issue is not as straightforward. A mechanism for pretrial detention has not yet been agreed by the respective authorities.

“This is not merely a Syrian issue but one that touches the very structure of the Lebanese criminal justice system,” Abdulghany wrote. “Therefore, transferring convicts will not resolve the problem, because the root cause is the slow pace of procedures in Lebanon and the accumulation of detainees held without trial, along with the ensuing issues concerning the legality and continuation of their detention.”

He warned that such detainees could be used as political bargaining chips by Hezbollah. Some members or supporters of the group blame these prisoners for car bombings or other such attacks on their villages. While many of those attacks were on Shia Muslim areas where Hezbollah support is predominant, Christian villages, such as al-Qaa and Ras Baalbeck in the Bekaa Valley, were also subject to attacks.

‘There are no names’

Marcel Baloukji, a former brigadier general who oversaw the Lebanese army’s border committee with Syria, told Al Jazeera that the 300 or so prisoners who are to be transferred do not include many of the more hardened prisoners associated with ISIL or al-Qaeda whom Lebanese authorities have apprehended over the years.

But Baloukji also pointed out that the issue of Lebanese prisoners in Syrian jails is still important for the Lebanese side. Under the al-Assad regime, more than 100,000 people were forcibly disappeared, including hundreds or potentially thousands of Lebanese, going as far back as the Lebanese Civil War.

Mass graves have been found around Syria since the fall of the regime. However, much work needs to be done to identify all the bodies. Until now, the vast majority have still not been identified – neither Syrian nor Lebanese.

“There’s still a problem because there has to be an exchange between Lebanon and Syria,” Baloukji said. “There’s no one there. Most of them are not identified. There are no names.”

Israeli government moves to change rules around land registration in the West Bank, making it easier for Israeli Jews to buy property in the illegally occupied territory, are raising alarm among Palestinians, fearful that the new rules will establish defacto Israeli annexation.

The Israeli cabinet announced the decisions on Sunday. In addition to allowing Jews to buy property in the West Bank – a Palestinian territory that Israel has occupied since 1967 in defiance of international law – the Israeli government has also ordered that land registries in the West Bank be opened up to the public.

That means that it will be easier for Israelis looking to take territory in the West Bank to find out who the owner of the land is, opening them up to harassment and pressure.

The cabinet also decreed that authority over building permits for illegal Jewish settlements in Hebron, and the Ibrahimi Mosque compound, would pass to Israel from the Palestinian Hebron municipality.

Moataz Abu Sneina has seen Israel’s efforts to seize Palestinian land first hand. He is the director of the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron, a Palestinian national symbol and an important Islamic holy site due to its connection to the Prophet Ibrahim, also known as Abraham.

Abu Sneina said that the latest Israeli decisions reflect a clear intention to increase Israeli control over Hebron’s Old City, and the Ibrahimi Mosque compound.

“What is happening today is the most serious development since 1967,” Abu Sneina said. “We view it with grave concern for the Old City and the Ibrahimi Mosque, which is the symbol and beating heart of Hebron, and the shrine of the patriarchs and prophets.”

The Ibrahimi Mosque site is also revered by Jews, who refer to it as the Tomb of the Patriarchs.

An Israeli Jewish settler killed 29 Palestinians after opening fire on Muslims praying at the mosque in 1994. Shortly afterwards, Israeli authorities divided the site into Jewish and Muslim prayer areas, and far-right Israeli settlers continue to strengthen their control over areas of Hebron.

Despite only numbering a few hundred, the settlers have taken over large areas of the city centre, protected by the Israeli military.

Abu Sneina explained that Israel has repeatedly attempted to strengthen its foothold inside Hebron and the mosque, and that the latest government moves are a continuation of Israeli policy that has only increased since the October 2023 start of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

“This has taken the form of increased settler incursions, restrictions on worshippers, control over entry and exit, and bans on the call to prayer – all part of a systematic policy aimed at complete control over the holy site,” Abu Sneina said.

“[Israel] continues to violate all agreements, foremost the Hebron Protocol, closing most entrances to the mosque and leaving only one fully controlled access point,” he added. “This paves the way for a new division or an even harsher reality than the temporal and spatial division imposed since the 1994 massacre.”

Taking over Hebron

Mohannad al-Jaabari, the director of the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee, a Palestinian organisation focused on the restoration of Hebron’s Old City, said that the Israeli government was already increasing its presence on the ground, in an effort to take control of the city.

He pointed to the confiscation of shops belonging to the Hebron Municipality in the Old City, the construction of dozens of illegal settlement units, and the reconfiguration of water pipes by connecting them to an Israeli water company’s network, creating what he described as “a massive apartheid system”.

Al-Jaabari warned that the ultimate goal is to establish a Jewish quarter linking settlements to the Ibrahimi Mosque by emptying Palestinian neighbourhoods of their residents.

“All Hebron institutions are preparing for a difficult phase,” he said. “We are bracing for a fierce attack on Palestinian institutions, foremost the Rehabilitation Committee.”

The Israeli government’s latest decisions open the door for what has happened in Hebron to happen elsewhere, with Israeli settlers establishing a presence in other Palestinian cities, forcing locals out, experts say.

Nabil Faraj, a Palestinian journalist and political analyst, called the Israeli government’s moves “dangerous” and added that they “have driven the final nail into the coffin of the peace process”.

He explained that Israel is reengineering the geographic landscape of the West Bank, expanding infrastructure to serve settlements, and seeking to strip the Palestinian Authority of administrative and security control.

The Hebron model

Palestinians in Bethlehem are now worried that they will get a taste of what Hebron has already experienced.

One of the Israeli cabinet’s decisions on Sunday stipulated that the Bilal bin Rabah Mosque in the city, known to Jews as Rachel’s Tomb, would be placed under Israeli administration for cleaning and maintenance, after previously being under the jurisdiction of the Bethlehem municipality. The mosque’s cemetery has also been affected.

“It will affect the living and the dead,” said Bassam Abu Srour, who lives in Bethlehem’s Aida refugee camp. “Annexing the area would prevent burials and visits to the Islamic cemetery. This is extremely serious and completely unacceptable to us.”

In Bethlehem, Hebron, and the rest of the West Bank, Palestinians feel powerless to stop what they view as a creeping annexation.

Mamdouh al-Natsheh, a shop owner in Hebron, said he now has a growing sense that what is unfolding is an attempt to impose a permanent reality.

“The city is being taken from its people step by step,” he said. “Daily restrictions are turning it into a fixed policy that suffocates every detail of life.”

He added that the deepest impact is on children and young people, growing up in a city that is “divided and constantly monitored”, stripping them of a natural sense of the future.

“I fear the day will come when we are told this area has been officially annexed, and that our presence depends on permits,” al-Natsheh said. “In Hebron, a house is not just walls – it is history and identity. Any annexation means the loss of security and stability.”

SHE once had a love affair with Britain – and now it seems Madonna is back in Blighty with a vengeance.

Over the past week, the 67-year-old superstar has taken to the stands at Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in North London for two days running.

Before that, she was visiting — and waxing lyrical — about the seaside town of Margate in Kent.

So is the Queen of Pop, who has changed her image more in the last four decades than most of us change our bed sheets, back to rule Britannia and play the English lady again?

On Saturday, the self-declared “soccer mom” was at the Spurs ground to cheer on her 13-year-old twins Stella and Estere, who were playing in a Tottenham under-14s academy match.

Taking to Instagram, she told her 20.3million followers: “I will pay G*D for some sunshine! Go Estella and Estere, Hotspurs win!!! 5-0.”

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Complaining about the weather and yelling about footie . . . what could be more British than that?

The following day, she was back for more, telling fans she was taking her “second Uber ever” to watch the Tottenham Hotspur women’s team play Chelsea in the Women’s Super League.

Her boyfriend, Akeem Morris, 29, is also throwing himself into the UK way of life, VIP style, of course.

The Chelsea fan is regularly spotted at men’s home games with Madge in the directors’ box.

The couple turn up together with no security in tow.

Madonna last month visited close pal Tracey Emin and the artist’s latest exhibition in her hometown of Margate.

I will pay G*D for some sunshine! Go Estella and Estere, Hotspurs win!!! 5-0

Madonna

While there, she wrote on Instagram: “Tracey Emin is a Pearl.

“A precious necklace that has been draped around a seaside town in England called Margate.”

She added: “Whenever I go there, I feel like I’ve entered a dream.

“On top of all that, I get to eat at my favourite Italian restaurant which I’m not giving anyone the name of because then everyone’s going to go there and it only has one table!”

Margate might be a long way from the singer’s own hometown of Michigan, but she clearly felt very at home there.

And presumably the locals were delighted to have her.

Meanwhile, it is not just the singer’s social calendar that is packed with British outings.

She also seems to be making professional moves here, too.

Tracey Emin is a Pearl. A precious necklace that has been draped around a seaside town in England called Margate

Madonna

It was revealed last year that she had been secretly working with British music producer Stuart Price, who she collaborated with for 2005 album Confessions On A Dance Floor.

It is believed the pair are working on a new album, following Stuart’s role as musical director on her 2023 Celebration Tour.

Confessions On A Dance Floor might have been all disco glitter and electro pop, but it was a time when Madonna was at her most British.

Having married director Guy Ritchie in 2000 at Skibo Castle in the Scottish Highlands, the Material Girl had fully clothed herself in the trappings of a plummy country life.

Gone were the risqué red carpet outfits, replaced with a Home Counties wardrobe of tweed, riding jackets and tea dresses.

Fully embodying her Mrs Ritchie persona, Madonna went riding, took walks in the rolling fields of Wiltshire and hobnobbed around Marylebone.

She then doubled down on the act with her 2003 children’s book The English Roses.

And then, of course, there was the accent.

Having seemingly forgotten she was an Italian-American who had her first taste of adult life on the mean streets of New York City, the singer hit the headlines when she started speaking with the lilt of a posh (but slightly inebriated) Englishwoman.

It was Michigan meets Mayfair, with the added confusion of someone who thought Austin Powers was a real person.

Fans scratched their heads, but also could not help but love the campy creation of a world-class chameleon.

The singer had gone full method acting with her transatlantic marriage, becoming Madonn-rah in the process.

Whenever I go there, I feel like I’ve entered a dream. On top of all that, I get to eat at my favourite Italian restaurant which I’m not giving anyone the name of because then everyone’s going to go there and it only has one table

Madonna

Madonna kept the pretence up until she and Guy split in 2008 and she moved back to the US.

Years later, in 2020, she demonstrated some very British self-mockery when she joked about her adopted accent — and the reaction to it — while performing on her Madame X tour in London.

“I didn’t know what anyone was talking about until I heard old interviews of myself,” she told the crowd.

‘Lucky to be alive’

“And then I was horrified and flabbergasted. Why did you let me do that to myself? I’m from Michigan!”

She added: “It’s all Guy Ritchie’s fault. He made me do it.”

Meanwhile, having continued to grow her property portfolio across the world, Madonna relocated to Portugal in 2017.

That year she adopted twins Estere and Stella from Malawi (she was already mum to Lourdes, now 29, Rocco, 25, David Banda, 20, and Mercy James, 20).

The move to a £6million 18th-century mansion just outside Portuguese capital Lisbon was to help David pursue a career in football after he joined Benfica’s youth team.

Once again, the queen of reinvention did what she does best and embraced the local culture, soon debuting her Madame X persona to the world.

Her new image — and accompanying album — were heavily influenced by Portuguese life.

She later said she had been inspired by the local Fado and samba music.

The family moved back to the US in 2020, but since then Madonna has continued to prove herself a citizen of the world.

Lucky to be alive

Madonna

She splits her time between her palatial pads in New York, Los Angeles, Portugal and London, where she kept her Georgian townhouse in Marylebone after splitting from Guy.

She has also had several more reinventions along the way — which gave her plenty of material for her Celebration Tour three years ago, which took fans on a nostalgic trip over her 40-year pop career.

It was a poignant time for the singer, who had been forced to re­schedule early dates after a bacterial infection in June 2023 left her in intensive care.

She later said she felt “lucky to be alive”.

When she did finally take to the stage, she clearly relished the chance to time-hop through the years to resurrect some of her biggest songs and look back at her former personas.

After so much self-reflection, why does she now seem to be laying her hat down once again in the UK? The answer, first and foremost, seems to be her kids.

So the fact that Stella and Estere seem to be following in older brother David’s footsteps as football prodigies might just keep their proud mum back on British turf for a while.

Aga-loving lady

Added to that, eldest son Rocco is permanently based in London, where he owns his own art studio in Chelsea.

In December, Madonna played proud mum again as she attended one of his art shows in the capital.

She even posed alongside her ex-husband and Rocco’s dad Guy, suggesting the pair’s many years of animosity are now water under the bridge.

Posting the family picture, Rocco wrote: “It’s obvious why some people might hold judgment against me. I don’t blame them.

“However, I am proud to be who I am, but I’m even prouder to have both of my parents together in one room supporting me.”

She might not be sitting down for a Sunday roast with Guy and his new wife Jacqui any time soon, but the family snap was a pivotal moment.

It suggests Madonna is not fully ready to wash her hands of the years she spent winking at the world as Mrs Ritchie.

As she recently said, family means everything, describing her role as a mum of six as her­ ­“biggest medal”.

So, what is next for the woman who never stands still?

With new music in store — which is believed to be a follow-up to her British era Confessions On A Dance Floor output — there is every possibility we will see the Queen of Pop reclaim her crown as a cosplaying Brit.

Whether that will come with the lilt and wardrobe of an Aga-loving country lady remains to be seen, but one thing we do know is that she does not do things by halves.

So keep your eyes peeled, because you never know if a certain international megastar is sitting beside you at that football match, or walking just behind you on your weekend break at the seaside.

Then again, considering her former plummy accent, you will be sure to know when you hear her.

On a recent trip from Germany, where he lives, to his hometown of Aleppo, Alhakam Shaar made a decision. He would not stay at a hotel or with friends. Instead, he would stay at what used to be his father’s office in Aleppo’s Old City.

There was only one problem.

“Not a single room had a closable window or door,” Shaar, who had been away from the city for a decade, told Al Jazeera. Aleppo’s winters are brutally cold, with temperatures reaching well below zero degrees Celsius.

Still, he bought a sleeping bag that had been advertised as capable of withstanding extreme weather.

“That didn’t turn out to be true, and I still woke up with cold toes many nights,” he said. But despite the cold, he did not regret the decision.

Although his trip to Syria was short – about two weeks, in part due to flight cancellations after armed clashes in Aleppo – Shaar started renovating his old family home, also in the Old City, that had been looted and damaged during the war.

The roof was collapsing, and the door to the street had been removed. Two weeks did not seem to be enough time to make a dent in the extensive renovation work required.

But he got the job done, and placed a metal door on the house to signal that it was no longer an abandoned property.

“I was happy. I was truly, truly happy to be in Aleppo, not as a guest or as a tourist, but as an Aleppan,” he said. “As someone who is home. And I felt at home.”

Thousands of Syrians are returning to Aleppo, a great city damaged by years of neglect and war. Much of it, however, is plagued by infrastructure damage, requiring significant reconstruction efforts.

The new Syrian government – in power since December 2024 – has already started some of the work to rebuild Aleppo. But residents wonder if this will be enough to bring the city back to its past glory.

Years of damage

Aleppo was Syria’s most populous city until the war heavily reduced its population.

Its geographical position made it an important stop on the Silk Road trade route, as well as for travellers who passed through Anatolia – a large peninsula in Turkiye – eastwards into Iraq or further south towards Damascus.

While the emergence of Egypt’s Suez Canal in international shipping diminished Aleppo’s regional role, it still maintained an importance in Syria for being the country’s capital of industry.

Its prominence lasted throughout the rule of President Hafez al-Assad, who took control of Syria in 1970. The Assad regime’s massacre in the town of Hama in the early 1980s also spread to Aleppo, where thousands of opponents were killed. Still, the city held on.

However, by the time the 2011 Syrian uprising came around, Aleppo had already faced a lack of state investment and neglect.

The city deteriorated further as Bashar al-Assad, who took over the presidency when Hafez, his father, died in 2000, violently cracked down, and Syria deteriorated into war. Aleppo soon became divided, with regime forces controlling the west and the opposition controlling the east.

Then, in 2016, the Assad regime, with the help of Lebanon’s Hezbollah, Iran and Russia, violently took the eastern part of the city, which had become the capital of the Syrian revolution. In the process, they destroyed vast swaths of east Aleppo, expelling thousands.

As the Assad regime fell a little more than eight years later, some of Aleppo’s children returned as its liberators. But they found that the regime had not rebuilt the city during their absence. Many of Aleppo’s suburbs, where Syrian production had flourished in the pre-war years, were now ghost towns, after the regime had cut off water and electricity services.

Aleppo is still struggling. Informal settlements and overcrowded schools are common in the city and the rest of northern Syria, where a European Union report in January said that “2.3 million people reside in camps and informal settlements, of which 80 [percent] are women and children”.

Locals say they fear Aleppo may never be the same again.

“There is nothing that will return to the same as it was,” Roger Asfar, an Aleppo-native and the Syrian country director for the Adyan Foundation, an independent organisation focused on citizenship, diversity management and community engagement, told Al Jazeera.

Asfar said that Aleppo’s needs are the same as all parts of Syria devastated by more than a decade of war. Reconstruction is among the top priorities, but it will require heavy investment, particularly if the city’s historic character is to be protected.

Reconstruction

The Syrian government has worked with organisations like the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) to restore parts of Aleppo’s Old City, including its historic souk – a 13km-long (8 miles) covered marketplace.

The government also installed water pipes and new lighting around the city’s historic citadel, its crown jewel and a tourist attraction for both Syrians and foreigners. The municipality of Aleppo has also collaborated with the Directorate-General for Antiquities and Museums to rehabilitate parts of the citadel, as well as the Old City’s Grand Umayyad Mosque.

Still, the effort to rebuild Aleppo is Herculean and will require more investment.

Asfar said the challenge starts with governance. This requires that Damascus, instead of merely imposing its decisions on the city, consults with locals. “Aleppo doesn’t need an authority that decides on its own and ignores all other voices,” he said.

The Aleppo governorate, which includes the city and eight districts in northern Syria, is Syria’s most densely populated region, according to UNICEF. Its 4.2 million population is forced to live with the problems facing much of Syria, including infrastructural issues and long power cuts.

Shaar, the Aleppan native who recently visited his hometown, is also a founding scholar on the Aleppo Project, a Central European University project that aims to address the key issues facing the city’s eventual reconstruction.

He said he expects infrastructural issues to “improve in the coming years”, particularly as Syria’s oil and gas revenues increase. But he warns that expectations should be tempered.

Shaar is one Aleppan who holds out hope that the city may bounce back. He pointed out that a silver lining of Assad’s neglect is that the city had not become gentrified by the former government’s economic and political elites, unlike Homs or Damascus.

To return or not to return?

Aleppo has always been a city defined by its culture and diversity. Some Aleppans hope this of its character will return.

Musician Bassel Hariri is an Aleppo native, now based in London, who learned to play instruments from his father. He remembers the rich and diverse tradition of his native city, which has been passed on from one generation to the next.

“Music, art, cooking, whatever – everything is carried directly from the community,” Hariri said. “And this richness and this cultural access and the diversity of Aleppo makes it one of the most wonderful cities in Syria.”

While the city may not return to its past glory, thousands of Syrians are still coming back to their homes in Aleppo and its countryside. Others simply have nowhere else to go.

For Shaar, Aleppo is still calling. Two things are keeping him away: his wife’s full-time job as a lecturer in Germany, and the lack of a stable salary in Syria.

“Not much more than this,” he said. “It wouldn’t take much to bring me back to Aleppo, personally.”

Dhaka, Bangladesh – On Wednesday evening in Dhaka, Shafiqur Rahman, the emir (chief) of the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, unveiled an ambitious election manifesto. A key promise: If his party wins the country’s February 12 election, it would lay the ground for Bangladesh to quadruple its gross domestic product (GDP) to $2 trillion by 2040.

Addressing politicians and diplomats, the 67-year-old Rahman pledged investment in technology-driven agriculture, manufacturing, information technology, education and healthcare, alongside higher foreign investment and increased public spending.

Economists in Dhaka have cast doubt on whether sweeping promises can be financed, describing the manifesto as heavy on slogans but short on detail. But for Jamaat’s leadership, the manifesto is less about fiscal arithmetic than signalling intent, say analysts.

For years, critics have tried to portray Jamaat, Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, as driven too much by religious doctrine to be able to govern a young, diverse, forward-looking population. The manifesto, by contrast, presents a party long excluded from power as a credible alternative – and as a force that sees no contradiction between its religious foundations and the modern future that Bangladeshis aspire to.

His audience was telling too.

Until recently, Bangladesh’s business elites and foreign diplomats either kept their distance from Jamaat or engaged with it discreetly. Now, they are doing so openly.

Over the past few months, European, Western, and even Indian diplomats have sought meetings with Rahman, a figure who, until not long ago, was seen by many internationally as almost politically untouchable.

For a leader whose party has been banned twice, including by ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s administration, the coming election is raising a question few would have dared to ask even a year ago: Could Shafiqur Rahman become Bangladesh’s next prime minister?

‘I will fight for the people’

The shift in how Jamaat and its leader are being viewed is at least partly to do with a political vacuum that has opened up in Bangladesh.

The July 2024 uprising that ousted Sheikh Hasina did more than end her long rule. It upended the country’s political order, hollowing out the familiar duopoly that for decades defined Bangladeshi politics – the rivalry between Hasina’s Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

With the Awami League effectively barred from the political field and the BNP the only big party left standing, a vacuum emerged. Many initially assumed it would be filled by the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP). Instead, Jamaat – long pushed to the margins – moved to occupy the space.

As Bangladesh heads towards a high-stakes election in less than two weeks, Jamaat has now emerged as one of the country’s two most prominent political forces. Some pre-election polls now place it in direct competition with the BNP.

At the centre of that transformation is Rahman, according to Ahsanul Mahboob Zubair, Jamaat’s assistant secretary-general and a longtime associate of the party chief.

Zubair, who worked closely with Rahman when he led Jamaat in the country’s Sylhet region, said the resurgence is the result of years of grassroots social work and political survival under repression.

Rahman, a soft-spoken former government doctor, took over as Jamaat’s chief in 2019, at a time when the party was banned under Hasina. In December 2022, he was arrested in the middle of the night on charges of supporting militancy and was released only after 15 months when he secured bail.

In March 2025, months after the student-led protest had overthrown Hasina and an interim government under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus had taken office, Rahman’s name was dropped from the list of accused in the case.

Since then, his carefully calibrated, emotional public appearances have drawn wide attention.

At a massive rally in Dhaka last July, Rahman collapsed twice on stage due to heat-related illness but returned to finish his speech, defying doctors’ advice.

“As long as Allah grants me life, I will fight for the people,” he told the crowd, barely sitting on the stage, supported by the doctors. “If Jamaat is elected, we will be servants, not owners. No minister will take plots or tax-free cars. There will be no extortion, no corruption. I want to tell the youth clearly – we are with you.”

Reinventing Jamaat’s image

Supporters describe Shafiqur Rahman as approachable and morally grounded – a leader who prefers disaster zones to drawing rooms, and projects calm in a country exhausted by confrontation.

Now in his third term as chief, Rahman commands firm authority inside the party.

“He is a good and pious man. Everyone in the party trusts him,” said Lokman Hossain, a Jamaat supporter in Dhaka. He said that over the past year and a half, the party has reached far more people than before, with Rahman’s appeal beyond Jamaat’s traditional base playing a central role.

Rahman’s challenge, however, is no longer purely electoral – it is reputational.

As new supporters drift towards Jamaat, he is attempting to reframe how the party is seen: less as an Islamic force defined by doctrine and history, and more as a vehicle for clean governance, discipline and change.

Whether this reinvention is substantive or merely cosmetic will define both Rahman’s leadership and Jamaat’s future, say analysts.

Any attempt to recast Jamaat’s public image, however, runs up against the unresolved legacy of 1971. For decades, the party’s role during Bangladesh’s war of independence – when it sided with Pakistan – and the subsequent trials and executions of several senior leaders have shaped perceptions of Jamaat at home and abroad.

Rahman has approached that history with caution. He has avoided detailed admissions but has recently acknowledged what he calls Jamaat’s “past mistakes”, asking forgiveness if the party caused harm.

The language marks a subtle shift from outright denial, while stopping short of naming specific actions or responsibilities. Supporters say this reflects political realism rather than evasion – an attempt to move the party beyond its dark chapter. Critics, by contrast, see the ambiguity as deliberate, arguing it softens Jamaat’s image without confronting the substance of its past.

“He knows what those mistakes were,” said Saleh Uddin Ahmed, a United States-based Bangladeshi academic and political analyst. “But stating them explicitly would destabilise his leadership inside the party.”

Ahmed nonetheless considers Rahman more moderate than Jamaat’s previous leaders, noting his relative willingness to discuss unresolved historical questions and address issues such as women’s rights – topics the party long avoided. “This opening up is also happening because of increased public and media scrutiny,” Ahmed said. “People are asking questions now, and Jamaat has to respond.”

Jamaat’s effort to reach voters beyond its traditional base and reassure foreign audiences, while retaining the loyalty of its conservative supporters, has created a persistent tension – one that has often resulted in dual messaging.

That balancing act has been evident in public statements by senior leaders. Abdullah Md Taher, one of Rahman’s closest aides, in an interview with Al Jazeera, said Jamaat is a moderate party, adding that it would not impose or strictly adhere to Islamic law.

The party has also, for the first time in its history, nominated a Hindu candidate.

Yet when addressing conservative supporters, the party continues to emphasise its Islamic identity, with some backers encouraging votes for Jamaat as an act of religious merit – a practice the rival BNP has criticised as the misuse of religious sentiment.

The strategy appears to have helped Jamaat re-enter political conversations that were once closed to it. At the same time, it has sharpened doubts about how far Rahman is willing – or able – to go in reinterpreting the party’s past and ideology as he courts a broader electorate.

Those limits are most visible in Jamaat’s stance on women and leadership. They came into sharp focus during his Al Jazeera interview in which Shafiqur Rahman said it was not possible for a woman to hold the party’s top position – a remark that reignited longstanding criticism of Jamaat’s gender politics, despite its attempts to project a more inclusive image.

“Allah has made everyone with a distinct nature. A man cannot bear a child or breastfeed,” Rahman said. “There are physical limitations that cannot be denied. When a mother gives birth, how will she carry out these responsibilities? It is not possible.”

Critics argue that the stance exposes the limits of Jamaat’s claims of moderation.

Mubashar Hasan, an adjunct researcher at the Humanitarian and Development Research Initiative at Western Sydney University in Australia and author of Narratives of Bangladesh, also questioned Jamaat’s internal culture, noting that even female leaders who publicly endorse such views operate within a male-dominated hierarchy. He was referring to the party’s large number of female supporters and members, including women within its Majlis-e-Shura, the highest decision-making body. “It reflects a structure where women follow what men say in that party,” he said.

The criticism carries particular weight given the movement that helped reopen political space for Jamaat itself. The July 2024 uprising against Hasina, analysts note, saw extensive participation by women, often at the front lines of protest. “Women were part of that movement as much as men, if not more,” Hasan said. “Undermining them now gives Jamaat a deeply problematic outlook.”

Political historians argue this is not a new contradiction but a longstanding one. Since contesting elections under its own symbol in 1986, Jamaat has never fielded a woman candidate for a general parliamentary seat, relying instead on reserved quotas.

“This isn’t a temporary position or a tactical lapse,” said political historian and author Mohiuddin Ahmad.“It reflects the party’s ideological structure, and that structure has not fundamentally changed.”

The ‘grandfather’ expanding Jamaat’s reach

Yet among Jamaat supporters – particularly younger ones – the issue is often filtered through loyalty to Rahman himself rather than doctrine.

During his recent nationwide campaign, young supporters can frequently be heard calling Shafiqur Rahman “dadu” – grandfather. White-bearded, soft-spoken and visibly attentive to supporters, Rahman fits the image.

“He connects with young people through his words,” said Abdullah Al Maruf, a Gen Z law student from Chattogram and a Jamaat supporter. “There is something about his recent work that feels like the relationship between a grandfather and his grandchildren. Where BNP leaders often belittle young people, Shafiqur speaks to them with respect.”

Maruf added that Rahman’s appeal extends beyond Jamaat’s traditional base. “Outside the usual Jamaat circle, he is more popular than previous Jamaat leaders,” he said.

Zubair, Jamaat’s assistant secretary-general, described the party’s outreach beyond traditional voters – such as the decision to nominate a Hindu candidate – not as a tactical move but one rooted in Jamaat’s constitutional framework rather than political expediency.

“Our constitution allows any Bangladeshi, regardless of religion, to be part of the party if they support our political, economic and social policies,” he said. “Supporting our religious doctrine is not a requirement for political participation.”

Jamaat leaders argue the move reflects a broader effort to shift the party’s public image – from one defined primarily by theology to one centred on governance and accountability. “We are emphasising corruption-free politics, discipline and public service,” Zubair said. “People have seen our leaders stand with them during floods, during COVID, and during the July uprising. That is why support is growing.”

Krishna Nandi, the party’s Hindu candidate from the city of Khulna, agrees. “When families fall into poverty, Jamaat-linked welfare networks step in without asking about religion or political loyalty. This culture of service explains why many citizens see Jamaat not as a party of slogans but as a party of discipline, structure and responsibility,” Nandi wrote for Al Jazeera.

The Jamaat’s outreach has also extended well beyond domestic audiences. Zubair said the party’s leadership has held meetings with Indian diplomats in Dhaka who paid a courtesy visit to Shafiqur when he was ill. Jamaat figures were invited to India’s 77th Republic Day reception at the Indian High Commission last month – an unprecedented step.

European and Western diplomats, he added, have also sought engagements with Rahman in recent months. That shift has been mirrored in Washington. In a leaked audio recording reported by The Washington Post, a US diplomat was quoted as saying American officials wanted to “be friends” with the Jamaat, asking journalists whether members of the party’s influential student wing might be willing to appear in their programmes.

As Jamaat’s international engagement expands – and as it emerges as a serious electoral force alongside frontrunner BNP – many general supporters express confidence in Rahman’s leadership.

“He is a patriot,” said Abul Kalam, a voter in Rahman’s Dhaka constituency. “Whether as prime minister or opposition leader, he will lead us well.”

What lies next for the party is unclear. But analysts say that irrespective of the outcome of the elections, Rahman’s stature within Jamaat – and beyond, in Bangladesh – appears resolute.

“Shafiqur Rahman is an experienced politician and is frequently in the headlines,” Ahmad, the political historian, said. “His political thinking is not yet fully clear, but his grip over the party is evident.”

Mumbai, India — For most of a warm and breezy Sunday afternoon in Mumbai, the Wankhede Stadium felt closer to Kathmandu than India’s southern metropolis as thousands of Nepalese fans sang, danced and dared to dream while their cricket team took on the mighty England in the ICC Men’s T20 World Cup 2026.

A sea of red and blue replica shirts heaved in every nook and corner of the iconic 33,000-capacity venue, with supporters turning the famed Indian stadium into their adopted home.

A banner, saying “Feel the Thrill” stretched across stands and captured the mood perfectly as chants, drums and Nepali tunes echoed throughout the ground.

From children arriving with flags painted on their faces to elderly supporters proudly wearing the traditional Dhaka topi – a traditional Nepalese hat – fans of all ages turned up for what felt like a cricketing festival drenched in Nepali culture.

‘We almost won’

On the pitch, Nepal’s players delivered one of their most memorable performances in recent years, with the match ending in heartbreak as the team’s spirited chase fell agonisingly short on the final ball.

With the odds stacked heavily against them, Nepal walked out to face two-time champions England fully aware of the vast gulf in experience and pedigree compared to their opponents.

They hoped, though, that their hunger, intensity and fearless approach to the game could keep them firmly in the contest.

Chasing a challenging target of 185, the Rhinos proved why they are one of the most promising teams in associate cricket, as Lokesh Bam’s late heroics, coupled with Rohit Paudel and Dipendra Singh Airee’s onslaughts, pushed the contest to the last ball.

“We almost won but couldn’t go through because the players lack experience,” Nepal fan Subodh Dhakal, who travelled from Kathmandu, told Al Jazeera. “Experience will come with time, but the team played well.”

Dhakal, a doctor and passionate Nepal supporter, planned a quick two-day trip to attend the match with his wife, after watching the Nepal Premier League – the domestic league whose growth has been central to the nation’s progress in the sport.

Like Dhakal, Satyam Pokhrel also made his way to Mumbai from the Nepalese capital. Joined by a group of friends, Pokhrel revealed his plans to stay for the remaining three Nepal games, all of which are scheduled at the same venue.

“Nepal had a really good chance [to win], but were unlucky,” he said. “The match was very close; I’m proud of the team. They showed great energy and are capable of winning the upcoming games.”

Sunday’s heroics against England were not the first time Nepal troubled stronger opponents. Five months before the World Cup, they beat the West Indies 2-1 in a three-match series — their first bilateral series victory over a full member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) — while in 2024 they came within a run of upsetting South Africa at the T20 World Cup.

Nepal’s debut at the tournament, in 2014, led to a famous win over a highly-rated Afghanistan team.

‘Don’t count us out’

For many in the stands, being part of the atmosphere required journeys just as memorable as the match itself.

Bhuvan Rawal travelled from Tikapur in far-western Nepal, spending three days on the road to reach Mumbai by bus.

“I wasn’t bothered by the time or money taken to come here. Watching Nepal play at a World Cup is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for me,” said the 26-year-old.

“I’ve come with around 200 to 300 supporters from Nepal. We were aware of the match schedule since last year and were excited to be at Wankhede Stadium… Mumbai is our second home now!”

Rawal, who played cricket in his younger years and works as a gym trainer, believes lowly-ranked teams such as Nepal aren’t just here to make up the numbers at the expanded 20-team T20 World Cup.

“We may be a small country, but Nepal is very beautiful and can play wonderful cricket. I understand there’s a difference between full ICC members and associate teams, but don’t count us out.

“No team is too small to challenge the giants,” he said.

AS the ugly aftermath of his Instagram tirade against his family rumbles on, Brooklyn Beckham’s one-time pals appear to have become unwitting contestants in a real-life game of The Traitors.

Having already severed ties with his parents, David and Victoria, the A-list nepobaby is now ruthlessly banishing his inner circle, with insiders revealing how “incredibly close” friends have been blindsided by his “bizarre” and brutal behaviour.

Former best mates, including Madonna’s son Rocco Ritchie and Gordon Ramsay’s twins Jack and Holly, have all fallen by the wayside since the 26-year-old tied the knot with Nicola Peltz, while even newer friends such as pop star Selena Gomez have found themselves ruthlessly cut off.

His brother Romeo this weekend unveiled a new tattoo that reads “Family” — leaving no doubt where his loyalties lie.

And as divisions grow between the wannabe chef and his famous family, he and Nicola, 31, appear to be weeding out any “traitorous” friends who have slighted them — or picked the wrong side in the feud.

The Sun can reveal that the latest famous face to be cut adrift is Brooklyn’s former classmate Anais Gallagher, the daughter of Oasis star Noel and Meg Mathews.

Just days after David’s oldest son released a bombshell Instagram statement — in which he vowed never to reconcile with his “controlling” family who only care about “Brand Beckham” — 26-year-old influencer Anais was stunned to discover she had been blocked online.

Having attended sixth form with Brooklyn — at the exclusive, £12,000-per-term Fine Arts College in Belsize Park, North West London — the pair were part of the same close-knit group of friends which also included Rocco.

‘I find this book offensive’

As the children of two of Britain’s most famous couples, they quickly hit it off and became thick as thieves with a flirty on/off relationship.

Our insider said: “They grew incredibly close while they were at school and there was always a lot of flirting between them.

“It was never anything with a label but they were certainly more than friends.

“Victoria, it’s fair to say, wasn’t 100 per cent enthralled with their closeness — in her eyes the Gallaghers don’t have quite the same reputation as the Beckhams.

“Anais and Brooklyn stayed close for quite a while after — she even went to his wedding to Nicola — and Anais assumed they were still on good terms even though their lives have taken different paths.

“She was really blindsided when she realised that he had blocked her.

“Anais is pretty sure it’s because he’s worried she’s going to spill the beans about what went on. But that’s not her style.”

Brooklyn’s feelings towards Anais might have started to change in 2022, shortly after his lavish $3million oceanfront wedding to billionaire’s daughter Nicola.

Anais attended the bash, but that same year she slammed Brooklyn’s photography book, What I See, despite attending its launch event.

His photography attempts were widely mocked — and his pal said: “I genuinely find this book offensive.”

It first became clear that Brooklyn was having a social clear-out when none of his former friends or family came to see him renew vows with Nicola last August at her family’s 130-acre estate in New York state.

Instead they partied with Georgina Chapman, her partner Adrien Brody and Nicola’s glam squad.

Brooklyn was close to a string of nepo-babies in London, including Jack and Holly Ramsay.

During his schooldays, he was often snapped skating or hanging out with pals alongside Madonna and Guy Ritchie’s son Rocco — who at the time was dating Kim Turnbull, now the girlfriend of Brooklyn’s sibling Romeo.

Madonna was said to be very pleased about Brooklyn’s influence on her son, but it’s not known if Victoria felt the same way.

Rocco was at Brooklyn and Nicola’s lavish wedding in 2022 — but he was absent when they renewed their vows, raising questions about whether the friends who the Beckhams’ eldest child grew up with supported his relationship.

An insider explained: “There has clearly been a real shutdown. Brooklyn has no contact with mates from his former life in the UK. It’s like the marriage to Nicola meant he started a whole new life with new people around him.

“It’s sad but people have sensed a shift in his life and priorities.

“And being aligned with someone who is feuding with his parents so publicly is a bad look.”

Brooklyn once spoke highly of Rocco and Jack, saying in 2017: “I’ve changed schools quite a few times but I have some close friends that have known me since I was very young. I have a handful of really close friends, but in particular I’d say Jack Ramsay and Rocco Ritchie.”

And as his time with Rocco came to an end, so did his friendship with DJ Kim Turnbull, who he was once romantically linked to.

Her relationship with his brother Romeo hasn’t helped the situation — and insiders say their dating made it clear to him whose side she was on.

And Brooklyn’s friendship with Jack is now said to be non-existent. He no longer speaks to Gordon and Tana’s eldest son, who is in the Marines.

Meanwhile, Brooklyn is believed to have declined an invitation to attend Holly’s wedding to Adam Peaty at the end of last year.

Tellingly, his parents and siblings were all in attendance, including brothers Cruz and Romeo.

It’s been more than five years since Brooklyn has been seen with anyone from his old London life.

His Instagram is now full of pictures with just Nicola or her family who appear to have become their closest confidants.

But it is not only his pals who have been cast aside. Up until last year, American actress and pop star Selena Gomez was a permanent fixture in the Peltz-Beckhams’ lives, joking they were all so close it was like a throuple.

Now the trio are no longer speaking — with sources telling The Sun that Selena was left feeling betrayed after best pal Nicola unceremoniously dumped her.

‘Victoria didn’t like me’

Despite numerous photos together over the past few years — including girls’ night sleepovers, and gushing birthday tributes — Brooklyn and Nicola were not in attendance at Selena’s fairytale wedding to Benny Blanco in September.

While it was claimed Nicola and Brooklyn were unable to attend due to a busy work schedule, questions have been raised about why they refused to move things around for someone who was once so close in their lives.

Nicola is certainly no stranger to shutting people out. Before she started dating Brooklyn in 2019, she had a year-long relationship with Anwar Hadid — brother of models Bella and Gigi — but the romance is now tinged with ill-feeling.

Nicola was 22 and Anwar was 17 at the time, and there were rumours that he grew distant from his family during the relationship. Nicola unfollowed the whole family on social media after they split.

Now, as tensions with Brooklyn’s parents reach an all-time high, their social circle certainly seems to be getting smaller and smaller.

He suffered from anxiety. Brooklyn felt as though the world was constantly waiting for him to muck up

Afton McKeith

So who is still on their side? Despite spilling the beans on their time with Brooklyn recently, former flames Tallia Storm and Afton McKeith appear to have proved their loyalty.

Afton, who dated Brooklyn when they were 17, and Tallia, who was linked to him in 2016, were quick to speak out about their experiences — in particular with Victoria — in support of Brooklyn.

Singer Tallia recalled the time the pair were meant to attend a charity gala, which was hosted by Victoria’s close pal, the actress Eva Longoria.

She explained: “I was meant to sit next to Brooklyn.

“We were all super excited — and then he messaged me on the night itself, when I was already inside, saying, ‘My mum won’t let me come, I’m sorry.’ And that was that. Obviously, Victoria didn’t like me or whatever.”

Afton, the daughter of I’m a Celeb star Gillian McKeith, grew up alongside Brooklyn in West London — and gave a scathing review of David and Victoria’s parenting.

If you’ve ever crossed him, he won’t forget — and as the war with his parents drags on, he’s taking note on who has his back and who clearly doesn’t

Our insider

She said: “He suffered from anxiety. Brooklyn felt as though the world was constantly waiting for him to muck up.

“I now feel his parents could have protected him more and considered the impact of the public Brand Beckham.”

At least Brooklyn and Nicola also appear to have two high-profile champions in their camp, with The Sun last year revealing how Prince Harry and Meghan Markle were secretly supporting the couple and even had them round for dinner.

Closer to home, Brooklyn seems to have reserved an olive branch for little sister Harper — the only sibling he has reached out to since the estrangement — after wishing her a happy birthday in July.

Unfortunately for Anais, building bridges may be harder.

Our insider added: “Brooklyn has the memory of an elephant, just like the infamous, blurry image of one he snapped in Kenya for his photography book.

“If you’ve ever crossed him, he won’t forget — and as the war with his parents drags on, he’s taking note on who has his back and who clearly doesn’t.”

Anyone planning a Traitorous move on Brooklyn or Nicola better watch out — they won’t be returning breakfast in the morning.

As Thailand prepares to vote on Sunday in a nationwide election, the country’s months-long border dispute with Cambodia continues to cast a shadow over election proceedings.

Brief but deadly armed clashes in May last year on a disputed section of the Thai-Cambodia border escalated into the deadliest fighting in a decade between the two countries, killing dozens of people and displacing hundreds of thousands.

Fallout from the conflict toppled the government of Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra – daughter of the billionaire populist leader Thaksin Shinawatra – before bringing Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul to power in September.

Now, while the fighting may have ceased, the conflict remains an emotive topic for Thais and a means for Anutin to rally support for his conservative Bhumjaithai Party as a no-nonsense prime minister, unafraid to flex his country’s military muscle when required, analysts say.

“Anutin’s party is positioning itself as the party that’s really willing to take the initiative on the border conflict,” said Napon Jatusripitak, an expert in Thai politics at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

“It’s a party that has taken the strongest stance on the issue and the most hawkish,” Napon said of the recent military operations.

Anutin had good reason to focus on the conflict with Cambodia in his election campaign. The fighting created a surge in nationalist sentiment in Thailand during two rounds of armed conflict in July and December, while the clashes also inflicted reputational damage on Anutin’s rivals in Thai politics.

Chief among those who suffered on the political battlefield was the populist Pheu Thai Party, the power base of Thailand’s former prime minister Thaksin and his family.

Pheu Thai sustained a major hit to its popularity in June when a phone call between its leader, then-Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn, and the strongman of Cambodian politics, Hun Sen, was made public.

In the June 15 call, Paetongtarn referred to Hun Sen, an erstwhile friend of her father, as “uncle” and promised to “take care” of the issue after the first early clashes between Thai and Cambodian troops, according to Reuters news agency.

For factions in Thailand’s politics and Thai people, Paetongtarn’s deference to Hun Sen was beyond the pale of acceptable behaviour for a prime minister, especially as she appeared to also criticise Thailand’s military – a major centre of power in a nation of more than 70 million people.

Hun Sen later admitted to leaking the call and claimed it was in the interest of “transparency,” but it led to the collapse of Paetongtarn’s government. She was then sacked by the constitutional court at the end of August last year, paving the way for Anutin to be voted in as Thailand’s leader by parliament the following month.

The border conflict with Cambodia has given a major boost to Thailand’s armed forces at a time of “growing popular discontent with the military’s involvement in politics, and with the conservative elite”, said Neil Loughlin, an expert in comparative politics at City St George’s, University of London.

Anutin’s government focused its political messaging when fighting on the border re-erupted in early December. Days later, he dissolved parliament in preparation for the election.

“Bhumjaithai has leaned into patriotic, nationalist messaging,” said Japhet Quitzon, an associate fellow with the Southeast Asia programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, DC.

“Anutin himself has promised to protect the country at campaign rallies, signalling strength in the face of ongoing tensions with Cambodia. He has vowed to retaliate should conflict re-emerge and will continue protecting Thai territorial integrity,” Quitzon said.

‘War against the scam army’

During the fighting, Thailand took control of several disputed areas on the border and shelled Cambodian casino complexes near the boundary, which it claimed were being used by Cambodia’s military.

Bangkok later alleged some of the casino complexes, which have ties to Cambodian elites, were being used as centres for online fraud – known as cyber scams – a major problem in the region, and that Thai forces were also carrying out a “war against the scam army” based in Cambodia.

Estimates by the World Health Organization say the conflict killed 18 civilians in Cambodia and 16 in Thailand, though media outlets put the overall death toll closer to 149, before both sides signed their most recent ceasefire in late December.

While the fighting has paused for now, its impact continues to reverberate across Thai politics, said the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s Napon.

Pheu Thai is still reeling from the leaked phone call between Paetongtarn and Hun Sen, while another Thai opposition group, the People’s Party, has been forced to temper some of its longstanding positions demanding reform in the military, Napon said.

“[The People’s Party] vowed to abolish the military’s conscription and to cut the military’s budget, but what the border conflict with Cambodia did was to elevate the military’s popularity to heights not seen in longer than a decade since the 2014 coup,” Napon told Al Jazeera.

“Its main selling point used to be reform of the military, but after the conflict it seems to be a liability,” Napon continued.

The party has now shifted its criticism from the military as an institution to specific generals, and turned its focus back to reviving the economy, which is expected to grow just 1.8 percent this year, according to the state-owned Krungthai Bank.

In the past two weeks, that messaging seems to be hitting home, Napon said, with the People’s Party once again leading at the polls despite a different platform from 2023.

“It will be very different from the previous election,” Napon said.

“Right now, there’s no military in the picture, so it’s really a battle between old and new,” he added.

SHE is no stranger to steamy scenes, but Margot Robbie says new movie Wuthering Heights beats her previous films when it comes to passion on screen.

Out in time for Valentine’s Day, the adaptation of Emily Bronte’s classic novel sees Margot as Cathy alongside Jacob Elordi as Heathcliff.

And the 35-year-old star says it is much raunchier than the book’s romantic scenes, set on the sweeping Yorkshire moors.

She added: “They never really kissed in the book, but we kiss a lot. We kiss everywhere.

“And there’s so many times where he just picks me up and puts me in a tree, or picks me up with one hand.

“And I have to say, it is really nice, it makes you feel, ‘Oh I’m light as a feather, I’m a tiny little thing’.”

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I think a lot of men are going to turn to their partners and be like, ‘Am I Heathcliff to you or am I Edgar?’. And I don’t know if they want to hear the answer

Margot

Before landing the role, Margot had not read the novel but has now gone through it a “bunch of times” and thinks it’s “phenomenal”.

Film critics say the movie is a winner, too.

Directed by Emerald Fennell, it hits cinemas on Friday. February 13 has become known as Galentine’s Day and celebrates female friendships.

‘Start fights’

Margot said: “It’s a great Galentine’s movie. Going with a group of girlfriends and having a couple of drinks is going to be a fun night out, and then you could go with your partner.”

Bronte’s novel follows a love triangle between Cathy, wild Heathcliff and gentleman Edgar.

And Margot said with a laugh: “I did wonder if this film will start fights, because I do think a lot of men are going to turn to their partners afterwards and be like, ‘Am I Heathcliff to you or am I Edgar?’. And I don’t know if they want to hear the answer.”

Margot rose to fame on Neighbours in 2008, aged 17, as fiery teenager Donna Freedman.

Her Hollywood breakthrough came five years later opposite Leonardo DiCaprio in The Wolf Of Wall Street.

Since then, she has starred in blockbuster films including as Harley Quinn in 2021’s The Suicide Squad and in the 2023 global smash Barbie.

Last month, polling company Ranker named the three-time Oscar nominee as the most beautiful woman in the world, but Margot says she remains insecure about her looks.

She told Wonderland magazine: “When I was playing Naomi in The Wolf Of Wall Street it was so high-tempo sexy. I was acutely aware that the line in the screenplay was ‘the hottest blonde ever’.

I lied for a long time about the nudity [in Wolf of Wall Street]. First, I said there was no nudity. Then I said there was nudity but it was a body
double

Margot

“I’m clearly not the hottest blonde ever. I was just terrified that people would see the movie and think, ‘Eugh! She’s not that great’.”

Margot also gets worried about her family seeing some of her more risque roles. When she had to strip for The Wolf Of Wall Street, she banned some of them from watching.

She said: “I lied for a long time about the nudity. First, I said there was no nudity. Then I said there was nudity, but it wasn’t me, that it was a body double with my head CGI’d on. Then I had to admit it was me.

“The grandparents flat out can’t see it. The rest of the family can watch at their own risk, but if we can’t have a relationship after that, it’s not my fault.”

Margot’s parents split up when she was five and she was raised on Australia’s Gold Coast with her physiotherapist mum Sarie. She has limited contact with her father Doug, a retired farmer and sugar cane tycoon.

The star says that acting seemed like an impossible dream and told Vogue Australia: “I got on Neighbours and I thought that was the biggest thing that was ever going to happen to me.

“Before that, the idea of being in Hollywood, I did think you had to be born into it or had to know someone in the industry.”

Now she speaks out to let young girls know that if you work hard anything is possible.

Margot said: “I just want to say to young people that success is not as far away as it seems. I didn’t know anyone in the industry; it can totally happen.

“You do have to work really hard, you have to work really, really, really hard, but if you want it badly enough, you can totally make it happen.”

Today, Margot lives in Los Angeles with her husband, English film ­producer Tom Ackerley, and their 16-month old son — who has not been named publicly.

Alongside Tom, Margot runs production company LuckyChap, the powerhouse firm behind Barbie, Saltburn and now Wuthering Heights.

And she says life at the top is a constant balancing act.

‘Rarely go on holidays’

Margot explained: “Having a business is stressful and time-consuming, but it’s incredibly rewarding. There are obviously a lot of times where I’ll have a meltdown and go, ‘I can’t do it any more’.

“You miss out on a lot of things, like you rarely go on holidays, you miss everyone’s weddings, everyone’s birthdays. I haven’t seen my best friends, my nephew.

“So there’s that side to it where it kind of hurts to sacrifice those things, but it’s also enormously satisfying to build something and be part of something.

“The biggest misconception about me is that people think I spend all my time sitting on a yacht or swanning around at fancy parties.”

Margot added to Elle Australia: “I still feel very Australian, so I don’t really feel like I’m in Hollywood at all.

“You only get a taste of Hollywood twice a year when you go to the Oscars or you go to do a press junket or a premiere or something.”

And of her happy place, she told Vogue: “Being on a film set is my favourite place, there’s nothing better.

“And I don’t care if I’ve got three lines in the film or if I’ve got one of the lead roles.

“I hope I look back and feel like I spent my time well.

“I don’t mind if the movies that I make aren’t massive successes, as long as I know I put in everything I could and I loved the people I was working with.

“I want to look back and know I had a lot of adventures, a lot of fun with good people.”

The Algarve, Portugal – After fierce storms that brought days of torrential rain, the sun is finally out in Portugal’s Algarve.

In the coastal town of Portimao, cafe terraces are busy with people enjoying a respite from the bad weather. In nearby Albufeira, tourists, mostly from northern Europe in search of winter warmth, stroll on the sandy beach. The ocean is gleaming; the cliffs are topped with lush vegetation.

But behind the idyllic scenery is an increasingly disaffected population that may be on the cusp of embracing Portugal’s first right-wing nationalist president since the country’s dictatorship ended half a century ago.

The Algarve has long been a popular destination for holidaymakers, and tourism fuels much of the region’s economy. But it also pushes up housing prices and the cost of living, and attracts a high number of foreign workers. Some residents say they are fed up with the situation. Others will tell you wistfully that the Algarve is not what it once was.

Outside a supermarket in Albufeira, a man tells Al Jazeera he knows people who can barely pay their rent because salaries are so low. Another says that the Algarve and Portugal need change and new leadership.

The sense for many people here is that politicians in Lisbon are disconnected from the struggles of people outside of the capital. It is partly why the Algarve has become a stronghold for Andre Ventura’s far-right Chega party. Its anti-establishment and anti-immigration message resonates with voters here who feel unheard and unseen by mainstream parties.

A former TV football commentator, Ventura founded Chega, which means “Enough”, seven years ago. Since then, Chega’s made large gains in a region that has become a springboard for its leader’s ambitions, including the presidency.

Ventura is in the second round of the presidential run-off vote on February 8.  He is the first populist candidate in Portuguese history to make it that far. Ventura may well believe that momentum is on his side.

In the 2024 parliamentary elections, Chega grew to become the main opposition to the centre-right government of Luis Montenegro. Its rapid rise has shaken a political landscape long dominated by socialists and liberals. It has also rattled opponents and critics who believed Portugal was immune to the far-right surge seen elsewhere in Europe.

In Portimao and Albufeira, Ventura’s campaign billboards tower over roads and roundabouts. He is also a regular on TV shows and prolific on social media, much like Donald Trump, whom Ventura admires. Like the United States president, Ventura rails against immigration and immigrants. He has even been sanctioned by Portuguese courts for discriminatory comments.

Not everyone in the Algarve would welcome a Ventura presidency. At the Timing temporary employment agency in Albufeira, people come looking for work, mainly in the region’s many hotels and restaurants. Most are from outside Portugal.

Al Jazeera spoke with Tariq Ahmed and Saidul Islam Said from Bangladesh, and Gurjeet Singh from India. They work during the holiday season to save money. All say they like Portugal.

When asked whether they worry about Chega’s rhetoric, Saidul says he is aware of it but isn’t concerned for now. He says that every country has its problems and that he stays focused on work, not politics.

The agency has thousands of workers on its books, and about 70 percent come from abroad, says manager Ricardo Mariano. They work hard and are welcome, he says. He insists the Algarve could not function without immigrant labour and says neither could the rest of Portugal.

The country faces worker shortages in several industries. Portugal has a long tradition of emigration, and a lack of affordable housing, jobs and low wages mean young Portuguese people continue to seek opportunities abroad.

Successive socialist and liberal governments are viewed by some as having failed to reverse the trend. Nevertheless, it is a veteran socialist politician who faces Ventura in the presidential race. Antonio Jose Seguro has served as an MP, a junior minister and a member of the European Parliament.

He had retired from politics to teach but returned with a mission, saying he wanted to unite an increasingly divided country and defend Portugal’s institutions. Seguro says voters will have to choose between democracy and radicalism.

Opinion polls suggest Seguro could win, and several politicians from across the political spectrum are urging their supporters to rally behind him and block a Ventura victory. The presidential role is largely ceremonial, but it has the power to dissolve parliament or veto laws.

Back in Portimao, Chega MP Joao Graca is out campaigning for Ventura. He’s come to a food market wearing a suit jacket over a T-shirt printed with Ventura’s portrait.

He weaves through the stalls, chatting to sellers and shoppers. More than a dozen supporters chant behind him, enthusiastically handing out Chega pens and bags. The reception for them is noteworthy in that it is universally warm.

For some Portuguese voters, a Ventura win would be a disaster, widening divisions in society and destroying Portugal’s image as one of Europe’s most tolerant nations, but for Graca, it would be the best thing that could happen to the country. Portugal, he tells Al Jazeera, needs Ventura.

Najaf, Iraq – Leaders of Iraq’s Coordination Framework – the Shia political coalition that came out on top in November’s parliamentary elections – are adamant that Nouri al-Maliki will be their candidate for the Iraqi premiership, even after threats from United States President Donald Trump.

Trump warned in late January that if al-Maliki, who previously served as Iraq’s prime minister between 2006 and 2014, returned to the role, then the US would cut off aid to Iraq.

“If we are not there to help, Iraq has ZERO chance of success, prosperity or freedom,” the US president wrote in a post on his Truth Social website.

Trump, and the US administration, view al-Maliki as part of Iran’s direct network of influence in Iraq, and fear that his return would undermine American efforts to weaken Iran’s power in its western neighbour, including limiting the reach of Iran-backed armed groups.

But, even with pressure ramping up, it appears that a majority of the Coordination Framework’s most influential actors are not willing to give up on al-Maliki, and are determined to find a way to push his candidacy forward.

Coordination Framework divided

The Coordination Framework (CF) is a coalition of Shia political parties established in 2021. It represents the biggest Shia bloc in the Iraqi parliament.

The loose nature of the coalition that makes up the CF means that opinions on al-Maliki’s candidacy are varied, with some opposing it, others willing to bend to Trump’s will and switch their backing, and still others who are adamant that they will push forward.

And it seems as though the majority are in the latter camp.

The CF issued a statement on Saturday reiterating its support for al-Maliki. “Choosing the prime minister is an exclusively Iraqi constitutional matter … free from foreign interference,” the statement added.

The statement reflects the position of various pro-Maliki forces in the CF, including former deputy parliament speaker Mohsen al-Mandalawi; the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amir; and the Islamic Supreme Council, led by cleric Humam Hamoudi.

Current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, whose party received the most votes in the elections but who did not receive the CF nomination despite his membership within it, is also officially supportive of al-Maliki’s nomination, even if he has not abandoned the possibility of continuing as prime minister himself.

Several of these factions did well in last year’s parliamentary elections, including al-Maliki’s own State of Law Coalition, as well as Badr and al-Sudani’s Reconstruction and Development Coalition.

But, with support from Kurdish and Sunni parties, the Shia al-Maliki sceptics have enough seats, and enough of a voice, to block the nomination if they desire to do so.

These include important Shia figures such as Qais al-Khazali, the leader of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq group; Ammar al-Hakim, the leader of the National State Forces alliance; and former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.

Al-Hakim, whose parliamentary bloc has 18 seats, warned that there would be “incoming economic repercussions” if al-Maliki was chosen, and added that “public interest must be prioritised over private interests”.

Meanwhile, the Victory Alliance, led by al-Abadi, issued a statement calling for “[the prioritisation of] the people’s vital interests given the exceptional circumstances Iraq and the region are experiencing”. Al-Abadi’s group has no seats in parliament, but retains an important voice within the CF.

Both statements contain a tacit acknowledgment of Iraq’s inability to withstand US pressure and the need for an alternative candidate suited to the current reality.

Other roadblocks

The CF, therefore, still has an uphill battle to confirm al-Maliki as prime minister. Outside of the Shia political groups, there is also opposition to al-Maliki, a divisive figure remembered negatively by many Iraqis, particularly Sunnis.

And there are also divisions within the non-Shia groups that are also slowing down the nomination process.

Under the Iraqi Constitution, parliament must first elect a president for Iraq, who then mandates the nominee of the largest parliamentary bloc to form the government. According to Iraq’s post-2003 “muhasasa” system of dividing political offices by sect and ethnicity, the prime minister must be a Shia, the president a Kurd, and the parliamentary speaker a Sunni.

To date, the main Kurdish factions – the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) led by Masoud Barzani and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) led by Bafel Talabani – have failed to agree on a consensus candidate for the presidency.

The CF is attempting to broker an agreement between the Kurds. Recent efforts included a delegation led by al-Sudani meeting with both parties, and a personal visit by al-Maliki to Barzani. But these initiatives have not yet succeeded, and without a political agreement on the presidency, the process of designating a prime minister cannot proceed.

And even if the Kurds reach an agreement and don’t stand in the way of al-Maliki, the CF must persuade a long list of the former prime minister’s opponents.

Among them is Mohammed al-Halbousi, former speaker of parliament and leader of the Takadum Party, who issued a statement prior to the US veto implicitly rejecting al-Maliki’s candidacy.

Collectively, the anti-al-Maliki groups could gather roughly a third of the seats in parliament, enough to prevent a presidential election session due to a lack of quorum.

To avoid that scenario, the CF would have to either reset internal negotiations regarding the next prime minister, or nominate al-Sudani for a second term.

Al-Sudani’s party issued a statement on January 28 calling for “positive relationships with the United States” – a move interpreted as an indirect pitch for his renewal, leveraging his proven track record of managing relations with Washington during his tenure.

US leverage

The US may no longer be the occupying power in Iraq, but it still has enormous economic leverage over the country.

The revenue from Iraq’s main export – oil – is routed through the US Federal Reserve Bank in New York.

Trump may decide not to renew a presidential executive order, issued originally by President George W Bush in the wake of the Iraq War, that grants legal protection for the oil revenue funds and prevents them from being frozen by Iraq’s creditors. The order had been expected to be renewed as a formality upon its expiration in May.

If the US president decides against renewal, creditors will seek to claim their funds, and New York courts may issue rulings to freeze the Iraqi assets. This would disrupt the transfer of funds necessary to pay public salaries and sustain the economy for months or even years. In practical terms, the Iraqi economy would grind to a halt.

That therefore explains why the pro-al-Maliki bloc in the CF is attempting to persuade the US to change its position, rather than simply ignore Trump.

A high-ranking source in the CF’s State of Law coalition, who wished to remain anonymous in order to speak freely on the topic, told Al Jazeera there are “ongoing attempts to convince the US administration to lift the veto on al-Maliki”.

Aqeel al-Fatlawi, the State of Law spokesperson, also said he was hopeful that the US “will change its stance in the coming period”.

While blaming regional states, including Turkiye and Syria, for the US position towards him, al-Maliki himself has sought to soften his positions.

Syria has been one of the main points of difference between al-Maliki and the US, which has backed Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa, even as the former Iraqi prime minister has denounced him for his past membership of al-Qaeda.

In a televised interview on Tuesday, al-Maliki used al-Sharaa’s full name, rather than the Syrian leader’s nom de guerre of “al-Jolani”, an attempt to emphasise that he was willing to move on from the past. Al-Maliki also attempted to soften his stance towards the Syrian government, directing his criticism towards the former regime of ousted President Bashar al-Assad and its role in supporting “terrorism” in Iraq.

Whether these attempts will go far enough to placate the US remains to be seen.

Reports indicate that US Special Envoy to Iraq Mark Savaya may have been removed from his position, although there is no official confirmation. His replacement would likely be Tom Barrack, currently the US ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy to Syria.

The CF favours Savaya, who has proven to be more supportive of using a more gradual approach in reducing the power of Iraq’s Shia militias, versus Barrack, who is viewed by the CF more negatively for his role in weakening Hezbollah in Lebanon and his support for Syria’s al-Sharaa.

An official announcement of a change could indicate where Trump’s thoughts are in the critical next few weeks – and whether the president will choose to not renew the US guarantee to protect Iraq’s oil revenue in May.

Ukraine braced for more attacks on its energy infrastructure this week as winter temperatures continued to fall to -20 degrees Celsius (-4 degrees Fahrenheit), and sought to adapt its defences against Russian drones.

On Thursday, Ukraine’s energy minister, Denys Shmyal, warned Ukrainians to prepare for more power blackouts in the coming days as Russian air attacks continued.

Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said Russia had struck energy infrastructure 217 times this year. Shmyal said 200 emergency crews were working to restore power to 1,100 buildings in Kyiv alone.

Russia has been targeting Ukrainian power stations, gas pipelines and power cables since mid-January, leaving hundreds of thousands of people without heat or electricity at various points.

On January 29, US President Donald Trump told a cabinet meeting that Russian President Vladimir Putin had agreed to halt strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure for a week, something the Kremlin confirmed.

“I personally asked President Putin not to fire into Kyiv and various towns for a week, and he agreed to do that,” Trump said.

It was unclear when that conversation happened, exactly, but on Tuesday this week, Russia unleashed one of its biggest strikes ever on energy infrastructure in Kyiv and Kharkiv, deploying 71 missiles and 450 drones.

Ukraine’s Air Force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat said Ukraine had only managed to shoot down 38 of the missiles because a very high proportion of them were ballistic.

Russia’s defence ministry claimed it was targeting storage sites for unmanned aerial vehicles, defence enterprises and their energy supply.

The strike coincided with a visit to Kyiv by NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, and came a day before tripartite talks among Russia, Ukraine and the US resumed in Abu Dhabi.

“Last night, in our view, the Russians broke their promise,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in his news conference with Rutte. “So, either Russia now thinks that a week is less than four days instead of seven, or they are genuinely betting only on war.”

The strike also came just as Kyiv had managed to reduce the number of apartment buildings without heat from 3,500 three days earlier, to about 500.

At least two people, both aged 18, were killed as they walked on a street in Zaporizhzhia, southeast Ukraine.

Even on relatively quiet days, Russia causes civilian deaths. On Sunday, February 1, Russia killed a dozen miners when a drone struck the bus that was taking them to work in Ukraine’s central Dnipro region.

Evolving drone tactics

During the few days in which it did observe the moratorium on energy-related strikes, Russia focused on striking Ukrainian logistics instead and made attempts to extend the reach of its drones.

Ukrainian Defence Ministry Adviser on Technology and Drone Warfare Serhiy “Flash” Beskrestnov reported that Russian drones were striking Ukrainian trucks 50km (31 miles) from the front line. He also said Russia had adapted its Geran drone to act “as a carrier” for smaller, first-person view (FPV) drones, doubling up two relatively cheap systems for greater range.

Ukrainian broadcaster Suspilne said Russia had begun these new tactics in mid-January.

Ukraine’s Air Force has managed to down about 90 percent of Russia’s long-range drones, and a high proportion of its missiles – almost 22,000 targets in January alone.

Zelenskyy recently demanded better results, however, and one of the Ukrainian responses to Russian tactics has been a new, short-range “small air defence” force that uses drones to counter drones.

“Hundreds of UAV [unmanned aerial vehicle] crews have already been transferred to the operational control of the Air Force grouping – they are performing tasks in the first and second echelons of interception,” wrote Ukrainian commander-in-chief Oleksandr Syrskii on Wednesday this week.

Ukraine’s second response has been to disable Russian Starlink terminals, which Russia uses extensively on the battlefield, and has recently begun mounting on UAVs.

Starlink uses low-orbit satellites and is impervious to jamming, allowing Russia to change a drone’s intended target while it is in mid-flight.

Ukraine’s newly installed defence minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, has been creating a “white list” of Starlink terminals used by the armed forces of Ukraine, and sent them to Starlink owner Elon Musk, asking him to keep these operational while shutting down all others in the Ukraine theatre.

“Soon, only verified and registered terminals will operate in Ukraine. Everything else will be disconnected,” Fedorov wrote on Telegram.

“Looks like the steps we took to stop the unauthorized use of Starlink by Russia have worked. Let us know if more needs to be done,” Musk wrote on Twitter on Sunday.

Fedorov and Beskrestnov have been asking Ukrainian soldiers and civilians to register any Starlink terminals they acquire privately on the white list.

More sanctions on the way

On the day of Russia’s large strike, Zelenskyy appealed to the US to pass a bill long in the making that would impose more sanctions on buyers of Russian oil. China is the biggest, followed by India.

The previous day, Trump said Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had agreed to stop buying Russian oil. “He agreed to stop buying Russian Oil, and to buy much more from the United States and, potentially, Venezuela. This will help END THE WAR in Ukraine,” he wrote on his social media platform.

A Russian government source told Reuters that an assumed 30 percent drop in oil sales to India, and lower sales to other customers, could triple Moscow’s planned budget deficit this year from 1.6 percent of GDP to 3.5 percent or 4.4 percent. Government data released on Wednesday showed the Kremlin’s revenues from energy at $5.13bn in January, half the level of January 2025.

Zelenskyy also discussed a 20th sanctions package under preparation with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. “We can already see what is happening to the Russian economy and what could follow if the pressure is applied effectively,” he said.

Russia has made little headway in its ground war in the past three years, a fact repeatedly documented, most recently by a CSIS report. Despite this, its top officials continued to insist last week on terms of peace that would force Ukraine to give up control of four of its southeastern regions, cut down its armed forces and agree not to join NATO – terms Ukraine refuses.

The resumed talks in Abu Dhabi on Wednesday and Thursday yielded only a prisoner-of-war exchange of 157 a side.

WALKING back from her daily shop Beth Maitland, 32, isn’t worried about traffic jams, beeping horns or the cost-of-living crisis.

She’s more concerned about a local elephant trying to steal her bag of fruit.

It’s Beth’s ‘new normal’ since fleeing Britain over twelve months ago to begin her new life in Thailand, where rent is a fifth of the price, a dinner out costs just two quid, her front garden is a beach and her backyard rice paddies overlooked by a mountain range.

Thailand is routinely voted one of the top twelve destinations for Brit tourists where the pound goes a long way.

It’s estimated 55,000 Brits, from backpackers to retirees, have chosen to bail out of Britain, trading cold, gloomy weather for the tropical paradise and beaches known as the Land of Smiles.

Relocations have soared by a staggering 255 per cent since 2018, driven by Thailand’s Long-Term Residence or LTR visa which offers 10-year residency with tax exemption.

Beth, a former NHS maternity support staffer moved from Plymouth, Devon to the island oasis of Koh Samui in southern Thailand in March last year.

Talking exclusively to The Sun, Beth revealed: “I rent a two-bedroom cottage in the jungle, there are rice fields on one side, jungle on the other and it’s 15 minutes to the beach. From the roof I can check out the surf or plan a mountain hike in the other direction.

“If I paid the price I was paying in the UK, which was £700 for a studio flat in Plymouth, I could get a four-bedroom house with five bathrooms, a pool and a garden on the island’s outskirts with elephants as neighbours.

“The first month converting pounds to Thai currency – the Baht – was a nightmare and so was finding the perfect place to live. 

“Now it’s like I have lived here all my life. I am always shocked at how cheap food, accommodation and transport is compared to Britain. 

“The cost of living is so cheap I eat out for lunch and dinner every day. I haven’t had a ready meal since I moved here.

“Everything except British food is cheaper. For the first time in a decade, I feel I have a positive future, can buy a home, and achieve my career goals.”

Millennial Beth grew up in Plymouth and loved surfing in the summer months when the weather was good enough. 

She spent the next seven years working twelve-hour shifts as a nursing home assistant in Exeter before spending six months backpacking in Australia and Asia.

“I felt inspired by the Asian culture but thought I’d never be able to work or move there.

“I came back home in December 2019 to miserable winter weather and started work as an NHS maternity support staffer.”

Brighter future

When Covid hit, Beth says she found herself re-examining her life.

“Working during lockdown for the NHS was a privilege but it took its toll. I lost friends and patients.”

When the cost-of-living crisis hit Beth felt overwhelmed by work and a feeling her future wouldn’t be the one she wanted if she stayed in Britain.

“After rent and bills were paid, I was saving no money at all. When I hit 30, I knew if I didn’t act, I’d been in the same place with no savings when I hit 40. I couldn’t let history repeat.

“The government wasn’t offering young people like me hope. My friends could only buy a house if their parents helped.

“Other friends were marrying and having children admitting that they felt the goals they wanted for their twenties were no longer possible.”

It was when two of her close friends left to become digital nomads in Thailand and Bali in January 2024 Beth was inspired to act, realising she had a choice – commit to miserable weather, rising prices and a job in the NHS which wasn’t offering career development, or take a gamble, pursue a new career and move to Asia herself.

“Many of my work colleagues were shocked,” she says. “They couldn’t comprehend moving overseas, let alone to Thailand.

“It was terrifying and exciting for me but having friends living and working there already kept me going.” 

Beth isn’t the only millennial making the life-changing decision to flee to a new country instead of settling down and concentrating on their career here.

I sometimes think I have a career and life whiplash at the speed and dramatic change which occurred

Beth

The Currencies Direct’s British Expat Report 2024 revealed nearly 40 per cent of Brits are considering moving overseas due to the cost of living while a fifth, like Beth, feel a fresh start in another culture would be beneficial for their wellbeing and mental health.

And it’s the young who are leading the great British brain drain, and more than a third of people under 24 are planning to leave Britain in the next five years. 

Dramatic change

After a tip from a friend based in Thailand, Beth applied online as a full-time travel manager running group tours.

Just two Zoom interviews later and she was offered the job and within two months was living and working in Thailand.

Beth says even she was shocked by how quickly her life changed.

“I sometimes think I have a career and life whiplash at the speed and dramatic change which occurred.”

She explains: “I used to work part-time at holiday camps during my teenage years. As a maternity support worker, I was good at helping people before, during and after labour with all ranges of problems. 

Now two weeks of every month Beth travels with 30 holiday makers, overseeing their organised tour of Thailand’s islands and regional areas.

“Imagine running a creche on wheels for people of all ages and from all different countries on their first overseas holiday. I love it,” she says. 

“There is never a dull moment. People want to know if we are there yet, where the meet up point is, what the Wi-Fi code is, if they need sunblock, can they borrow a charger and when we are stopping for food. Or the loo.

“I must be a mother, nurse and organiser. I tell people making kittens and squirrels walk in a straight line is often easier.”

Beth then gets two weeks off and either spends time at her rented cottage or using it as a base to travel to other Asian countries.

She pays £150 a month rent for the two-bedroom countryside cottage which includes her water, electricity and air conditioning, as well as use of communal pool and gym.

“There are ten cottages and it’s full of long-term Brits based here. My phone bill is £20 a month and I share it with a friend.”

Beth says she now rarely cooks because the price of food at local restaurants and roadside food carts is so cheap.

My diet has improved dramatically. I haven’t had a microwave meal since I moved here. It’s fresh fruit and vegetables every day

Beth

“I have fruit or cereal for breakfast. I eat lunch and dinner out. It costs £2 for lunch or £3 for dinner. I usually grab stir fry, curry, Thai soup or rice dishes as well as a dessert, usually a sorbet, fruit platter or ice-cream.

“My diet has improved dramatically. I haven’t had a microwave meal since I moved here. It’s fresh fruit and vegetables every day.”

Cheap living

Grocery shopping isn’t the weekly trek to the supermarket like it is in Britain.

“I go to the local markets and buy bags of fruit and fresh meat if I plan to cook, which isn’t often.

“A pint of milk costs the equivalent of 56p, a large loaf of white bread is around 90p, a dozen eggs are 90p, a half a kilo of red meat is £7, chicken is just £1.85 a kilo. Cheese is the most expensive item costing £7 to £8 for half a kilo.”

Beth admits she does miss her British staples and those that are available come at a price.

“HP sauce costs £6 a bottle, Heinz Baked Beans are an eye watering £4.50 while a Lindt chocolate bar sets you back a fiver,” she says.

“I usually grab bread, milk, some cheese and a huge bag of vegetables and fruit for a fiver. Fortunately, good quality tea bags only cost £1 for a box here.”

Beth says wine is expensive costing £12 to £15 a bottle but local beers cost £1-£1.20 for a half litre bottle and cocktails are between £2 and £3.50, depending on the spirits you choose.

“If you go to a five-star hotel you will pay more. 

“Gym membership is £22 a month and a trip to a foreign cinema is £5.60 if you are missing home.

“I had to hunt down a good cafe for a cappuccino and it costs £1.70 for a catch up with my mates. I was paying £5.60 for a posh coffee at Starbucks in the UK, I can’t believe it.”

Beth says she doesn’t need a car and uses the local car or bike service called ‘Grab’, which is similar to Uber, to book travel online.

“A bike, which means I am a pillion passenger, is 50p and a taxi is around 78p a mile.

The standard of health care is better than Britain

Beth

“When I first moved here, I refused to use the motorbike ‘cab’ – now it’s second nature.

“If you do own or rent a car it costs 96p a litre to fill up the tank. A new Toyota Corolla sedan costs on average £19k new.”

Beth says if you have children private preschool starts at £275 a month per child and the private international primary school begins at £4,500 a year.

“I was stunned by the brilliant quality of healthcare available here in Thailand. When there was no delay to see a dentist or doctor I was gobsmacked. 

“The standard of health care is better than Britain.” 

Beth recently paid £50 to see a dental hygienist and £150 for a tooth extraction and filling. Back home I’d either be forced to wait one or two years to get an NHS dentist or pay more than £500 plus for the dental work.

Dinner splurges

According to financial website livingcost.org, Britain is ranked as the 11th most expensive country in the world while Thailand is the 114th most expensive.

Beth told us: “The cost of living is a lot cheaper – from shopping, to petrol, accommodation to food.

“If my friends and I went out for a splurge dinner, that costs us around a tenner for food and drinks all night plus the cab home.”

Beth usually buys her clothes at the local market but if she wants a retail hit H&M have stores in Thailand.

“If it gets hot, I peel off a layer. It can get cold during the equivalent of the winter months, and I pop on a sweater.

“It’s the wet season that causes problems but you learn to keep umbrellas handy.”

According to Beth, Thailand is now extra popular on the backpacking must-visit list with marijuana being legalised.

I feel calmer, more centred, and less stressed living here than I did in Britain

Beth

“Holiday makers are often shocked that pot cafes exist and pot is legally sold here,” she said.

Many of my thirty-something friends are moving here because Thailand is well known for its amazing spiritual and mental health clinics and holidays.

“It’s a very spiritual country. For people in their thirties moving here often means setting up wellbeing businesses or mediation and other fitness styled retreats.

“I feel calmer, more centred, and less stressed living here than I did in Britain,” she said.

“Everyone is meditating or trying a new yoga or healthy living trend.

“It’s a way many Brits not only embrace a new way of living, but a new career counselling or operating healing centres others move here to set up online businesses.”

Beth loves her new career path and says she is saving to buy a property on Koh Samui. 

“You can spend £70k for a basic three-bedroom apartment with four bathrooms, a communal pool and a countryside view. 

“When you consider that wouldn’t get me a static caravan in Britain it’s a brilliant option.”

Beth admits she misses her family and friends.

“I was homesick for the first six weeks. I try to come back to Britain once or twice a year.

“Once you make a few friends, join the various social media groups for expats and get yourself into a routine it becomes a new normal.

“I have hope again. I thought I would never feel this way. It turns out sun, surf and wrangling tourists is the perfect tonic.”

The Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt has finally partially opened this week after two years of Israeli-mandated closure. The news offers relief for many – particularly those Palestinians in urgent need of treatment abroad.

But for many elderly Palestinians in Gaza, staying in the enclave is an act of survival, resistance, and historical memory. Rafah may be open, but they are not planning to go anywhere.

In Kefaya al-Assar’s mind, that decision to stay is an effort to correct what she perceives to have been a historical mistake made by her parents – fleeing their village of Julis, which was depopulated in the 1948 Nakba, and is now within Israel.

“We blamed [our parents] a lot for leaving our home there,” said the 73-year-old Kefaya.

Kefaya has faced displacement during Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza five times. Originally from Jabalia in northern Gaza, she now shelters in a classroom at a school in central Gaza’s Nuseirat.

Widowed in early 2023 and without children, she said displacement revives the trauma she inherited from her parents.

“History repeats itself now,” she said. “My parents lost all their money when they were forced to flee. We also used to have money, but now we are displaced and have lost everything.”

When Kefaya was a child, her family lived in tents in Gaza’s refugee camps, before they became more permanent structures in later decades. Now, she says that she is reliving that same fate.

“I don’t want to repeat history, I want to die in my own country,” she said. “Even here, being in Nuseirat, I feel like a stranger. I wish I could go back to Jabalia.”

Her home in Jabalia was destroyed during the war, meaning that, for now, she is staying in Nuseirat. But she is still adamant that it will not mean her departure from Gaza.

“I will not leave for medical treatment outside … I choose to die on my own land rather than be treated outside,” she said.

That’s despite her own medical issues – Kefaya suffers from high blood pressure, and has not been able to receive adequate medical care because of the war.

Hidden crisis

The Rafah crossing partially opened on Monday after being largely closed by Israel since May 2024.

The opening of the crossing is part of the second phase of the Gaza “ceasefire”, even as Israel continues to violate the agreement by regularly attacking the Palestinian enclave, killing hundreds.

Only a few dozen Palestinians have been allowed to leave so far, all patients needing treatments accompanied by family members.

Other Palestinians have also put their names on the list, some hoping to go abroad for education or simply to escape life in Gaza, where Israel has killed more than 70,000 since the war began, and destroyed the majority of buildings, meaning reconstruction will likely be a years-long process, even if Israel cooperates.

“Israel is creating unlivable conditions in Gaza, denying Palestinians all essentials of life,” said Talal Abu Rukba, a political science professor at al-Azhar University in Gaza. “When people resist and stay in their homeland, they ruin the Israeli project of creating an Israeli state on a land ‘without a people’”.

Members of the Israeli right-wing, including members of the government, have repeatedly called for illegal settlements to be established in Gaza, and for Palestinians to be forced out.

The desire to stay in Gaza on the part of elderly Palestinians is despite a largely overlooked humanitarian crisis facing the demographic.

Research by Amnesty International and HelpAge International found that Israel’s blockade of aid and medicines to Gaza had contributed to a “physical and mental health crisis”.

“During armed conflict, older people’s needs are often overlooked. In Gaza, older people are enduring an unprecedented physical and mental health collapse as a direct result of Israel’s deliberate infliction of conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of Palestinians in Gaza,” Erika Guevara-Rosas, Amnesty International’s senior director of research, advocacy, policy and campaigns, said after the publication of the report.

The two organisations found that 76 percent of the elderly people interviewed live in tents, with 84 percent saying that their living conditions harmed their health and privacy. In addition, 68 percent of respondents had been forced to stop or reduce medication because of a lack of availability. Nearly half reported skipping meals so that others could eat.

Many are also suffering from mental health problems, with 77 percent reporting that sadness, anxiety, loneliness, or insomnia had reduced their appetite and impacted their wellbeing.

Tired and lonely

Nazmeya Radwan, 85, is one of those struggling.

Ill, underweight and unable to access medication, she still refuses to leave Gaza.

Nazmeya has her own previous experience of displacement at the hands of Israel – like Kefaya’s parents, she was forced to flee her home in the 1948 Nakba, along with about 750,000 other Palestinians.

Originally from Jerusalem, her family was displaced to Deir el-Balah, in central Gaza, after 1948.

“All my life was displacement and wars since the Nakba,” Nazmeya said. “I am 85, and tired, lonely, ill and displaced, but I would never leave Gaza. I would live as a beggar and homeless and never leave Gaza.”

WHEN it comes to getting a tattoo tribute to your family, lover or idol, you should maybe learn from Brooklyn Beckham and think before you ink.

After his angry rant about parents Victoria and David last month, he has dealt them another blow by covering the word “Dad” on his anchor tatt, with three random-looking shapes over the letters.

But Brooklyn – who also has the eyes of wife Nicola, right with him, inked on his neck – is not the only celebrity to have thought again about their body art.

Tom Bryden looks at five other stars who said tatty bye to unwanted tatts…

ANGELINA JOLIE

SHE wore a vial of her husband’s blood around her neck, so a tattoo of Billy Bob Thornton’s name was one of Angelina’s tamer tributes.

After their split, the inking changed course – with the co-ordinates for the birthplaces of her six children.

TATT SAGA

Brooklyn Beckham appears to cover up tattoo tributes to brothers Cruz and Romeo

TIT FOR TAT

Brooklyn Beckham posts new pic of tattoo tribute to David he’s had covered up

SYLVESTER STALLONE

WHEN Sly covered a tatt of his wife Jennifer Flavin with his late pup Butkus in 2022, he had to deny the marriage was Rocky.

Maybe it was just a ruff time.

JOHNNY DEPP

AFTER his 1993 break-up from Winona Ryder, the Hollywood star changed the “Winona Forever” tattoo on his bicep to “Wino Forever” – a cheeky nod to Johnny’s love of wine.

HEIDI KLUM

THE supermodel gave her singer hubby the Seal of approval with arty print of his name, next to stars for their kids.

But Heidi split with Seal in 2012 and had his name lasered off.

MEGAN FOX

THE actress scrubbed a tattoo of one-time idol Marilyn Monroe from her arm in 2011, claiming she had outgrown it after seven years.

While Some Like It Hot, Megan clearly did not.

The ‘test’ of a new country

This longing is shared by Angelica Angel, a 24-year-old student activist in exile.

She had grown up with tear gas and police beatings in Venezuela. After all, she had started protesting at age 15.

“They’ve pointed their guns at me, beaten me and almost arrested me. That’s when you realise that these people have no limits: They target the elderly, women and even young girls,” Angel said.

But the increasing political repression ultimately made her life in Merida, a college town in western Venezuela, untenable.

After 2024’s disputed presidential election, Angel decided to voice her outrage on social media.

Maduro had claimed a third term in office, despite evidence that he had lost in a landslide. The opposition coalition obtained copies of more than 80 percent of the country’s voter tallies, showing that its candidate, Edmundo Gonzalez, had won the race.

Protests again broke out, and again, Maduro’s government responded with force.

Military and security officers detained nearly 2,000 people, including opposition leaders, journalists and human rights lawyers.

When Angel denounced the arbitrary detentions on TikTok, she began receiving daily threats.

By day, anonymous phone calls warned her of her impending arrest. By night, she heard pro-government gangs on motorcycles circling her home.

Fearing detention, she fled to Colombia in August 2024, leaving her family and friends behind.

But living outside Venezuela gave her a new perspective. She came to realise that the threats, persecution and violence she had learned to live with were not normal in a democratic country.

“When you leave, you realise that it isn’t normal to be afraid of the police, of unknown phone calls,” said Angel, her voice trembling. “I’m afraid to go back to my country and to be in that reality again.”

For exiled Venezuelans to return safely, Angel believes certain benchmarks must be met. The interim government must end arbitrary detention and allow opposition members, many of whom fled Venezuela, to return.

Only then, she explained, will Venezuela have moved past Maduro’s legacy.

“Exiles being able to return is a real test of whether a new country is taking shape,” she said.

Tehran, Iran – Several of Iran’s former leaders, including some who are currently imprisoned or under house arrest, have released damning statements over the killing of thousands during nationwide protests, garnering threats from hardliners.

The Iranian government claims that 3,117 people were killed during the antiestablishment protests. The government has rejected claims by the United Nations and international human rights organisations that state forces were behind the killings, which were mostly carried out on the nights of January 8 and 9.

The United States-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) says it has verified 6,854 deaths and is investigating 11,280 other cases.

“After years of ever-escalating repression, this is a catastrophe that will be remembered for decades, if not for centuries,” wrote Mir Hossein Mousavi, a former reformist presidential candidate who has been under house arrest since the aftermath of the Green Movement of 2009.

“How many ways must people say that they do not want this system and do not believe your lies? Enough. The game is over.”

Mousavi told state forces to “put down your guns and step aside from power so that the nation itself can bring this land to freedom and prosperity”, and stressed that this must be done without foreign intervention amid the shadow of another war with the US and Israel.

He said that Iran is need of a constitutional referendum and a peaceful, democratic transition of power.

A group of 400 activists, including figures from inside and outside the country, backed Mousavi’s statement.

Mostafa Tajzadeh, a prominent jailed former reformist politician, said that he wants Iran to “move beyond the wretched conditions that the guardianship of Islamic jurists and the failed rule of the clergy have imposed on the Iranian nation”.

In a short statement from prison last week, he said this would be contingent upon the “resistance, wisdom, and responsible action of all citizens and political actors” and called for an independent fact-finding mission to uncover the true aspects of “atrocities” committed against protesters last month.

‘Major reforms’

Other former heavyweights have heavily criticised Iran’s current course, but have avoided calling for the effective removal of the Islamic Republic from power.

Former President Hassan Rouhani, who many believe is eyeing a potential future return to power, last week gathered his ex-ministers and insiders for a recorded speech, and called for “major reforms, not small reforms”.

He acknowledged that Iranians have been protesting for a variety of reasons over the past four decades, and insisted the state must listen to them if it wants to survive, but did not mention the internet blackout and killing of protesters during his tenure in November 2019.

Rouhani added that the establishment must hold public votes on major topics, including foreign policy and the ailing economy, in order to avoid further nationwide protests and prevent the population from looking to foreign powers for help.

Mohammad Khatami, the reformist cleric who was president from 1997 to 2005, adopted a softer tone and said violence derailed protests that could have helped “expand dialogue to improve the country’s affairs”.

He wrote in a statement that Iran must “return to a forgotten republicanism, and an Islamism that embraces republicanism in all its dimensions and requirements, placing development together with justice at the core of both foreign and domestic policy”.

Mehdi Karroubi, another senior reformist cleric who had his house arrest lifted less than a year ago after 15 years, called the protest killings “a crime whose dimensions language and pen are incapable of conveying” and said the establishment is responsible.

“The wretched state of Iran today is the direct result of Mr. Khamenei’s destructive domestic and international interventions and policies,” he wrote, in reference to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has been in absolute power for nearly 37 years.

Karroubi noted one prominent example as the 86-year-old leader’s “insistence on the costly and futile nuclear project and the heavy consequences of sanctions over the past two decades for the country and its people”.

Political prisoners rearrested

Three prominent Iranian former political prisoners were arrested and taken to prison by security forces once again last week.

The Fars news agency, affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), said the reason for the arrests of Mehdi Mahmoudian, Abdollah Momeni, and Vida Rabbani was that they had sneaked out Mir Hossein Mousavi’s statement from his house arrest.

Mahmoudian is a journalist and activist, and co-writer of the Oscar-nominated political drama movie, It Was Just an Accident, which won the Palme d’Or at the 2025 Cannes Film Festival. Momeni and Rabani are also political activists who have previously been arrested by the Iranian establishment multiple times.

The three were among 17 human rights defenders, filmmakers and civil society activists, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi and internationally recognised lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, who co-signed a statement last week that put the blame for the protest killings on the supreme leader and the theocratic establishment.

“The mass killing of justice seekers who courageously protested this illegitimate system was an organised state crime against humanity,” they wrote, condemning the firing on civilians, the attacks on the wounded, and the denial of medical care as “acts against Iran’s security and betrayal of the homeland”.

The activists called for holding a referendum and constituent assembly to allow Iranians to democratically decide their political future.

Hardliners incensed

In hardline-dominated circles and among their affiliated media, the mood has been entirely different.

On Sunday, lawmakers in parliament donned the uniforms of the IRGC, which was last week designated a “terrorist” organisation by the European Union.

They chanted “Death to America” and promised they would seek out European military attaches working at embassies in Tehran to expel them as “terrorists”.

Nasrollah Pejmanfar, a cleric who represents northeast Mashhad in the parliament, told a public session of parliament on Sunday that former President Rouhani must be hanged for favouring engagement with the West, echoing a demand also made by other hardline peers in recent years.

“Today is the time for the ‘major reform’, which is arresting and executing you,” he said, addressing Rouhani.

Amirhossein Sabeti, another firebrand lawmaker, condemned the government of President Masoud Pezeshkian – but not Khamenei or the establishment – for proceeding with mediated talks with the US.

“Today, the people of Iran are waiting for a pre-emptive attack on Israel and US bases in the region, not talks from a position of weakness,” he claimed.

Khan Younis, Gaza – The headlines read that Israel has finally reopened the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt, allowing injured Palestinians desperate for medical aid to leave.

However, the reality is that on the first day of the opening, on Monday, Israel only allowed five patients to exit Gaza via the crossing, forcing hundreds, if not thousands, of others to wait.

Mohammed Abu Mostafa is one of the lucky five. The 17-year-old travelled on Monday with his mother, Randa, to southern Gaza’s Khan Younis, and then on to Rafah, which has been closed by Israel for two years as it waged its genocidal war on Gaza, killing more than 70,000 Palestinians.

Randa told Al Jazeera that she had received a phone call on Monday morning informing her that Mohammed had been included in the first list of wounded patients scheduled to travel, and that they were instructed to head immediately to the Red Crescent Hospital in Khan Younis.

The reopening of Rafah, Gaza’s only land crossing that does not go through Israel, has been much touted as evidence of the progress of the second phase of the United States-backed Gaza “ceasefire” deal.

But events on Monday revealed a different reality, marked by strict security restrictions, complex procedures, and limited numbers being allowed to cross, falling far short of expectations and the scale of Gaza’s accumulated humanitarian needs.

Each of the five patients being allowed to leave was accompanied by two people as per Israeli orders, bringing the total number of travellers to 15, according to information provided to Gaza’s health authorities.

Mohammad Abu Salmiya, the director of Gaza’s al-Shifa Medical Complex, told Al Jazeera that this was the only group that departed, despite prior plans with the World Health Organization (WHO) – the body overseeing coordination between Egypt and Israel – for the departure of 50 patients daily.

Egyptian official sources have told Al Jazeera that 50 Palestinians were also permitted to return to Gaza via the Rafah crossing, though no information is yet available on whether they have actually reached the Palestinian side.

Ismail al-Thawabta, the director of Gaza’s Government Media Office, highlighted just how low these numbers are compared with the approximately 22,000 people needing to leave Gaza for treatment abroad. Meanwhile, about 80,000 Palestinians who left Gaza during the war want to return, he said.

Eye injury

Mohammed was injured in an Israeli air attack a year and a half ago, near where his family had been displaced in al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, Randa said. He sustained a direct injury to his eye, severely affecting his optic nerve and ability to see.

“My son has been suffering immensely since his injury. Day after day, his condition kept worsening, and there is no treatment available for him in Gaza,” Randa said, while waiting in the hospital courtyard alongside other patients and their relatives.

Despite her joy at finally being able to accompany her son on his journey, Randa feels a sense of anguish at having to leave four of her six children behind, as she was only permitted to take one child as a second companion.

“What matters to me now is that my son regains his sight and can see again with his own eyes. That is my only concern at the moment,” Randa said.

“I also hope to return to Gaza soon after my son recovers, that the blockade will be lifted, and that all patients will be able to travel, just like my son.”

Israeli restrictions

In the Red Crescent Hospital courtyard, dozens of patients on travel waiting lists expressed frustration over the first-day restrictions at Rafah.

Several patients, including those with amputations, gathered at the hospital, hoping to be permitted to travel to Egypt for treatment.

Despite patients and their families arriving early in the morning with high hopes, Israeli authorities refused to permit more than five patients to leave, leading to widespread dissatisfaction with the complex mechanisms accompanying the crossing’s partial reopening.

The multi-stage security procedure of Palestinians moving through the Rafah crossing begins with the preparation of daily lists of candidates for travel, which are then referred to the Israeli side for pre-travel security screening.

No one is allowed to pass through the crossing or enter it without explicit Israeli approval. The European Union Border Assistance Mission deployed to Rafah is limited to monitoring the process and verifying identities.

Arrivals in Gaza, after initial identity verification at the crossing under European supervision, are subject to additional inspection procedures at checkpoints located in areas under Israeli military control.

Raed al-Nims, the Gaza Red Crescent’s head of media, told Al Jazeera that the organisation was still waiting for updates regarding the transfer of more patients for treatment through the crossing.

He added that a group of patients was successfully transferred to Israel on Monday through the Kerem Abu Salem crossing, in coordination with the WHO.

Desperate need

Ibrahim Abu Thuraya was also one of the five patients allowed to leave Gaza on Monday.

Ibrahim was injured in the early months of the war, sustaining wounds that led to the amputation of his left hand and an injury to his left eye, where shrapnel is still embedded.

“Day after day, my eye condition is deteriorating, and I feel severe pain, especially since the shrapnel is lodged behind it and there are no medical capabilities in Gaza to deal with it,” he said from Khan Younis, before he travelled to Rafah. “Doctors told me that I need to travel abroad.”

Ibrahim was informed on Monday morning by the WHO and Gaza’s Ministry of Health that he had been approved for travel. He will be accompanied by his wife, Samar, and their son.

“I have suffered greatly for two full years just to be able to leave for treatment, and there are thousands of wounded like me,” he said. “I hope the crossing will be opened permanently.”

All about the numbers

The Petro administration has also continued to target criminal networks that traffic in cocaine through arrests and the seizure of shipments.

In November, Petro announced the Colombian government had made its largest drug bust in a decade, with law enforcement nabbing nearly 14 tonnes of cocaine.

Gloria Miranda was appointed by Petro in 2024 to lead Colombia’s Directorate for the Substitution of Illicit Crops, the agency overseeing the voluntary eradication efforts.

She believes that the Petro administration’s efforts have been mischaracterised as ineffective.

“There’s been a narrative that Colombia isn’t doing anything in the fight against drug trafficking,” she told Al Jazeera.

“But we’ve seized 276,000 kilogrammes [608,500 pounds] of cocaine, destroyed 18,000 laboratories, arrested 164,000 people, and are replacing more than 30,000 hectares [about 74,100 acres] of illicit crops.”

But critics — including Trump — argue Petro’s measures have yet to translate into results. Coca cultivation and cocaine production remain stubbornly at record levels.

According to the latest United Nations figures, coca cultivation rose in Colombia by about 10 percent in 2023. Potential cocaine output also jumped 53 percent to about 2,600 tonnes.

Petro has questioned the accuracy of those numbers, though. Last week, ahead of Petro’s meeting with Trump, his government announced it would no longer use the United Nations figures, arguing that they rely on an “obscure statistical method”.

Michael Weintraub, the director of the Center for the Study of Security and Drugs (CESED) at the University of the Andes, told Al Jazeera that some of Petro’s pushback is political.

But he added that there is a genuine basis for questioning the UN’s methodology.

“The ‘potential cocaine production’ measure has a lot of baked-in assumptions that make it very difficult to trust,” Weintraub said.

It predicts coca production from selected plots, but yields vary by region and season. The UN itself has admitted there are limitations in its method.

Despite these concerns, coca cultivation in Colombia has trended upward for decades.

Analysts note one overriding factor: demand. Consumption in North America and Europe remains strong, and new markets have emerged in Asia, Africa and South America.

“Coca can only grow in limited places due to climate, soil and elevation,” Weintraub said. “So Colombia is likely to remain a major producer for the foreseeable future.”