envoy

China has previously criticised the role, accusing the US of interfering in China’s internal affairs.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has announced that the Trump administration has appointed an envoy to the position of United States special coordinator for Tibetan issues.

The role, which was created by the US Congress in 2002, will be filled by Riley Barnes, who is currently also serving as the assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights, and labour.

Rubio announced Barnes’s appointment in a statement on the occasion of Losar, the Tibetan New Year, on Tuesday.

“On this first day of the Year of the Fire Horse, we celebrate the fortitude and resilience of Tibetans around the world,” Rubio said in a statement.

“The United States remains committed to supporting the unalienable rights of Tibetans and their distinct linguistic, cultural, and religious heritage,” he added.

The new appointment comes as the administration of US President Donald Trump has stepped back from speaking out on a range of human rights issues globally, and as the US has either intervened directly or threatened other countries, including Venezuela, Iran, Cuba, and Denmark’s Greenland.

The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not immediately respond to Rubio’s announcement, which comes during the Chinese New Year holiday, but Beijing has criticised similar appointments in the past.

“The setting up of the so-called coordinator for Tibetan issues is entirely out of political manipulation to interfere in China’s internal affairs and destabilise Tibet. China firmly opposes that,” Zhao Lijian, a spokesman at the Chinese Foreign Ministry, said after a similar appointment was made by the US State Department in 2020, during Trump’s first presidency .

“Tibet affairs are China’s internal affairs that allow no foreign interference,” Lijian had said.

China has governed the remote region of Tibet since 1951, after its military marched in and took control in what it called a “peaceful liberation”.

Exiled Tibetan leaders have long condemned China’s policies in Tibet, accusing Beijing of separating families in the Himalayan region, banning their language, and suppressing Tibetan culture.

China has denied any wrongdoing and says its intervention in Tibet ended “backward feudal serfdom”.

More than 80 percent of the Tibetan population is ethnic Tibetan, while Han Chinese make up the remainder. Most Tibetans are also Buddhists, and while China’s constitution allows for freedom of religion, the governing Communist Party adheres strictly to atheism.

Also on Tuesday, the head of the Washington-based Radio Free Asia announced that the US-government-funded news outlet has resumed broadcasting into China, after shutting down its news operations in October due to cuts from the Trump administration.

Radio Free Asia President and CEO Bay Fang wrote on social media that the resumed broadcast to audiences in China in “Mandarin, Tibetan, and Uyghur” languages was “due to private contracting with transmission services” and congressional funding approved by Trump.

Feb. 5 (UPI) — Though still awaiting Senate confirmation, Jennifer Wicks McNamara is preparing to land in Hanoi not with a ceremonial bouquet, but with a tariff ledger in hand instead.

The ambassador-designate steps into a newly minted “comprehensive strategic partnership” now defined less by warship visits and more by a $144 billion trade gap, market-economy disputes and rising economic friction between Washington and one of its most pivotal Asian partners.

Her posting follows the Trump administration’s unusual mass recall of career diplomats, a move that rattled U.S. embassies worldwide and signaled the White House impatience with the slow, methodical pace of traditional diplomacy.

McNamara’s mandate appears blunt: recalibrate a relationship the administration views as fundamentally lopsided. While security cooperation has expanded in response to shared concerns over China’s maritime pressure in the South China Sea, trade has become the gravitational center of U.S.-Vietnam relations — and it is pulling both sides toward confrontation even as they speak of partnership.

At her December confirmation hearing, McNamara adopted a notably hard line. She told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the trade relationship is “imbalanced” and pledged to press for “equitable market access” for U.S. goods and services.

The phrasing echoed the administration’s “America First” doctrine, which treats tariffs not as economic distortions, but as instruments of leverage — diplomatic tools by other means.

“In my view, this rhetoric reflects McNamara’s political calculations and a sober recognition that she had better adapt to the administration she is being nominated to serve in order to succeed in her post,” said Hunter Marston, a foreign policy analyst at the Center For Strategic &International Studies Southeast Asia Program.

Marston said he believes this single-minded attention to the trade dispute risks eroding trust upending the extraordinary progress in bilateral relations which brought the United States and Vietnam to the level of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership under the Biden administration.

That philosophy is already in motion. Since August, most Vietnamese exports have faced a 20% tariff, with a 40% duty imposed on goods deemed to be transshipped from third countries such as China.

U.S. officials describe these measures as necessary to prevent Vietnam from becoming a backdoor for Chinese manufacturing, but in Hanoi, they are widely seen as collective punishment that risks undermining two decades of economic integration.

Yet, the coercive power of tariffs has, so far, produced little correction. Vietnam’s trade surplus with the United States surged to $144.2 billion between January and October 2025, at times rivaling — and even surpassing — China’s surplus in key sectors such as electronics, textiles and consumer goods.

The data suggest that U.S. demand for Vietnamese production remains stubbornly inelastic, a reflection of deeply embedded supply chains that cannot be easily rerouted.

“Vietnam and the U.S. will have to navigate the trade issue to propel the relationship forward,” said Khang Vu, a visiting scholar in the Political Science Department at Boston College.

For McNamara, the test will be whether she can translate tough rhetoric into tangible changes in market access, investment rules and industrial policy, or whether she will preside over a continuing cycle of tariffs, retaliation and rhetorical sparring that leaves the underlying imbalance largely intact.

“Jennifer Wicks is a very senior and respected official within the State Department. U.S. tariff policies have been central to the U.S.-Vietnam relations since President Trump announced tariffs last April, so [she] will likely continue efforts to complete a U.S.-Vietnam trade agreement,” said Ambassador Brian McFeeters, president & CEO of the US-ASEAN Business Council.

At the core of the dispute lies Vietnam’s designation as a “non-market economy” by the U.S. Department of Commerce. That label allows Washington to calculate anti-dumping duties using surrogate prices from third countries — often higher-cost economies, such as Bangladesh or India — that inflates the “fair value” of Vietnamese shrimp, furniture and steel in the American market.

Hanoi has long argued that the classification is outdated and politically motivated. In September 2023, Vietnam formally requested a review of its status, pointing to reforms in pricing, competition policy and state enterprise governance.

But in August 2024, Commerce reaffirmed the non-market economy designation, citing continued “significant government involvement” in the economy despite acknowledging “substantive reforms.”

McNamara steps into an escalating legal and diplomatic standoff. While Hanoi has floated concessions on U.S. autos, medical devices and farm goods, Washington has made clear that limited tariff adjustments are not enough. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has called for broader structural reforms that would steer Vietnam toward a more market-driven system – a demand that challenges the core of its state-led economic model.

For Vietnam, shedding the non-market ecomony label is a matter of prestige and a multibillion-dollar economic imperative.

In practical terms, U.S. officials are expected to press Hanoi on several politically sensitive fronts. Currency policy is emerging as another point of tension. The officials question Vietnam’s management of the dong, citing limited convertibility and opaque reserve practices they say bolster export competitiveness.

Labor policy presents another fault line. A key metric for market economy status is whether wages are determined by free bargaining between independent unions and employers.

While Vietnam has introduced a revised Labor Code that allows more space for worker representation, U.S. officials question whether unions are truly independent from the ruling Communist Party. McNamara will almost certainly raise these concerns, even as Hanoi insists its model is evolving.

Equally contentious is the role of state-owned enterprises, which dominate sectors such as energy, telecommunications and transportation. Washington is likely to demand a faster pace of “equitization” — Vietnam’s term for partial privatization — along with tighter limits on state-backed financing.

U.S. negotiators also argue that government controls over land and energy prices distort production costs, giving Vietnamese manufacturers an unfair advantage. Addressing this would require Hanoi to relinquish a degree of control over core economic inputs — a politically fraught move that could unsettle domestic constituencies and state-linked elites.

Aware of the stakes, Vietnam appears to be preparing its own strategy: concessions rather than confrontation.

Diplomats in Hanoi say officials are preparing limited market-opening steps to ease pressure from Washington without reshaping Vietnam’s state-led economy. The measures could include selective tariff cuts and increased purchases of U.S. goods, offering visible trade concessions, while leaving core political and economic structures intact.

Vietnam is weighing major purchases of U.S. liquefied natural gas as it expands energy capacity to fuel industrial growth. Long-term LNG deals worth billions could help narrow the trade gap with Washington, while tying Hanoi more closely to U.S. energy supplies.

Agriculture could become another friction point. Vietnam enforces strict health standards on U.S. pork, poultry and grain imports, citing food safety concerns. McNamara is expected to press for science-based regulatory changes to expand access for American farm exports – a sensitive issue in a country where small farmers wield political influence.

Aviation is emerging as a highly visible battleground. Vietnam Airlines, VietJet and Bamboo Airways are all in the midst of fleet expansions. U.S. officials are keen for these multibillion-dollar orders to go to Boeing rather than European manufacturers, viewing aircraft sales as a concrete way to offset the trade deficit and demonstrate goodwill.

If Vietnam resists deeper reforms, it risks entrenching itself under punitive U.S. trade barriers that could discourage investment and slow export growth. If it moves too far, too fast, it could destabilize its own state-led development model and alienate domestic power centers that benefit from the current system.

For Hanoi, the challenge is even more delicate: proving it can behave like a market economy while remaining a one-party state — a contradiction that Washington is now probing with far sharper tools than before.

How McNamara navigates this dilemma will not only shape her legacy in Hanoi, but could redefine the future trajectory of U.S.-Vietnam relations in an era in which geopolitics and geo-economics are increasingly inseparable.

Laura Farnsworth Dogu is not, at first glance, your typical Trump appointee.

A career diplomat with postings under the Obama and Biden administrations, she represents a branch of government President Trump has cut back and long vilified.

Yet her selection for Trump’s top envoy to Venezuela signals a rare strategic choice, leveraging her experience with authoritarian regimes at a moment when Washington is recalibrating its approach to Caracas after the overthrow of Nicolás Maduro.

“There are not very many cases in this administration where they have relied on a career diplomat,” says Elliott Abrams, who served as Trump’s special representative for Venezuela in 2019. “This is actually an anomaly.”

Abrams suggests the appointment of Dogu — who met with the interim president, Delcy Rodríguez, in Caracas on Monday — could reflect a desire for a seasoned expert to manage day-to-day diplomacy as the administration embarks on one of its most complex foreign policy undertakings.

“What he really needs is a professional to oversee the embassy and do the traditional diplomatic things while all policy is made in Washington,” Abrams said, referring to Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Dogu, 62, arrived in Venezuela on Saturday to reopen the U.S. Embassy. She is recognized in Central America for her methodical, approachable style and deep understanding of Latin America’s political and cultural dynamics. However, her direct and outspoken approach has also led to controversy, with enraged officials in Honduras once wanting to declare her persona non grata.

Her new position as chargé d’affaires augments a career that includes senior roles in hostage recovery for the FBI and as ambassador to Nicaragua and Honduras during periods characterized by social and political volatility.

Before taking on her new position, she served as the foreign policy advisor to Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the leader of the operation that targeted Maduro. Her office did not respond to a request for interview.

Her experience navigating authoritarian governments and fragmented opposition movements makes her a pragmatic choice for a volatile post-Maduro transition. In a Senate hearing on Jan. 28, Rubio stressed the post’s importance for restoring a limited U.S. mission to gather intelligence and engage with Venezuelan stakeholders.

Dogu will be tasked with navigating Venezuela’s fractured opposition, which includes leaders inside the country, exiles abroad and figures struggling for influence in a potential transition. Abrams, the veteran diplomat, said engaging opposition actors, such as Maria Corina Machado, is a core diplomatic responsibility, particularly in a country the United States does not recognize as having a legitimate government. At the same time, maintaining relations with the turbulent, divided government will be her responsibility as well.

Abrams also cautioned that Washington priorities will define Dogu’s mission, and those priorities might not always align neatly with democratic objectives.

“The question is how the administration defines the interests of the United States,” Abrams said. “Does it include a free and democratic Venezuela? I don’t think we really know the answer yet.”

A family ethos of public service

A Texas resident and the daughter of a career Navy officer, Dogu often traces her commitment to public service to her upbringing in a military family. That ethos shaped her diplomatic career and has been a defining thread across generations, with both of her sons also serving in the military.

She has received multiple State Department honors, speaks Spanish, Turkish and Arabic and served in Mexico, El Salvador, Egypt, Turkey and Morocco.

Diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Venezuela have been suspended since 2019. She takes over from John McNamara, who had served as chargé d’affaires since February 2025 and traveled to Venezuela in January to discuss the potential reopening of the embassy.

According to a statement, Venezuelan Foreign Minister Yván Gil Pinto, indicated that the two governments will hold discussions to establish a “roadmap on matters of bilateral interest” and resolve disagreements through mutual respect and diplomatic dialogue.

Dogu is no stranger to Venezuelan issues. During a 2024 news conference, while serving as ambassador to Honduras, she publicly criticized the participation of sanctioned Venezuelan officials in Honduran government events.

“It’s surprising for me to see [Honduran] government officials sitting with members of a cartel based in Venezuela,” Dogu said at the time, referring to a meeting between the government of President Xiomara Castro and Venezuela’s defense minister, Vladimir Padrino López.

The United States has accused Padrino López of involvement in a conspiracy to distribute cocaine, and there is a $15-million reward for information resulting in his arrest or conviction.

Years earlier, Dogu had offered a blunt assessment of Venezuela’s economic collapse. Speaking in 2019 at Indiana University’s Latin American Studies program, she described Venezuela as “a very wealthy country, [with] huge oil supplies, but they’ve managed to drive their economy into the ground,” the Indiana Gazette reported.

Crisis and confrontations

Nominated by President Obama to serve as ambassador to Nicaragua in 2015, she said at her confirmation hearing that Obama had “rightly maintained” that “no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by another.” She added: “America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.”

Dogu left her Nicaragua post in October 2018 amid nationwide protests and a severe government crackdown that resulted in at least 355 deaths, according to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. At the time, Dogu said she learned from authorities that paramilitary groups had targeted her for death.

In 2019, she linked the unrest in Nicaragua to the Cold War, citing an “unfortunate negative synergy” among Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela. “We never left the Cold War in Latin America,” she said.

Nicaraguan opposition figures, many now exiled, remember Dogu as an accessible diplomat. Former presidential candidate Juan Sebastián Chamorro called her a “methodical and approachable official” who upheld State Department policy and democratic principles.

Lesther Alemán, then a student leader who frequently interacted with Dogu during the 2018 protests, described her as publicly blunt but privately empathetic. Alemán emphasized Dogu’s ability to engage “all sides of the coin,” making her effective with both the “authoritarian governments and with the opposition.”

Alemán said Dogu initially had a good relationship with the Nicaraguan government, including a personal friendship with then-first lady and current co-President Rosario Murillo. However, that relationship soured after Dogu publicly supported opposition groups during the political crisis.

Her experience in Honduras proved more contentious. After Dogu made her statements regarding Venezuela, Rasel Tomé, vice president of the National Congress and a senior figure in the governing Liberty and Refoundation Party, urged lawmakers to declare her “persona non grata.”

Tomé justified this request by accusing her of making “interventionist statements” directed at the government.

Criticism continued after Dogu’s departure from Honduras in 2025. An opinion column published by the Committee of Relatives of the Disappeared in Honduras argued that her relationship with the country had been marked by distrust.

“Although Ambassador Laura Dogu makes an effort to say goodbye amicably,” the piece read, “we all know that the relationship between her and Honduras was not sincere because it was disrespectful; it was not trustworthy because it was interventionist.”

This week, the U.S. Embassy posted online an upbeat video of showing Dogu entering the mission, meeting with Venezuelans and outlining plans for what she calls a “friendly, stable, prosperous and democratic” Venezuela. “Our presence marks a new chapter,” she says, “and I’m ready to get to work.”

Mojica Loaisiga is a special correspondent writing for The Times under the auspices of the International Center for Journalists.

Feb. 2 (Asia Today) — Elizabeth Salmon, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in North Korea, began a five-day visit to South Korea on Monday, meeting vice minister-level officials under the Lee Jae-myung administration, a shift from ministerial-level meetings held during the previous government.

The visit, which runs from Feb. 2 to 6, marks Salmon’s third official trip to South Korea since assuming the post and her first since September 2023.

During earlier visits in 2022 and 2023, Salmon met with ministers and vice ministers from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Unification, discussing broad cooperation on improving human rights conditions in North Korea. This time, her meetings with the South Korean government are limited to vice minister-level officials, reflecting differing policy approaches between the former Yoon Suk Yeol administration and the current Lee government.

The Foreign Ministry said Salmon met Monday with Vice Foreign Minister Kim Jin-ah to discuss the current state of North Korean human rights.

Kim praised the rapporteur’s efforts to raise international awareness of human rights abuses in North Korea and expressed hope that her work would contribute to tangible improvements for North Korean citizens. She also commended Salmon for focusing her report to the 61st session of the UN Human Rights Council on the Universal Periodic Review process and urged continued engagement.

Salmon said she would explore technical assistance to help North Korea implement recommendations it accepted through the review process and support efforts to promote dialogue and engagement.

She is scheduled to meet Vice Unification Minister Kim Nam-joong on Wednesday, as well as officials from other government bodies including the Ministry of Justice, according to officials.

During her first official visit in 2022, Salmon met with then Foreign Minister Park Jin, then Vice Foreign Minister Lee Do-hoon, Ambassador for International Cooperation on North Korean Human Rights Lee Shin-hwa, and then Unification Minister Kwon Young-se. On her second visit in 2023, she also met with former peace negotiations chief Kim Gun and former Unification Minister Kim Young-ho.

During this visit, Salmon is also meeting with North Korean human rights groups and defector organizations to hear their assessments and recommendations. She plans to hold a news conference on Thursday to outline the results of her trip.

Salmon will reflect the findings from the visit in her annual reports on North Korean human rights to the UN Human Rights Council in March and the UN General Assembly in September.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260202010000760

The talks come just a day before a second round of US-mediated talks between Russia and Ukraine in Abu Dhabi.

United States special envoy Steve Witkoff has said he held “productive and constructive meetings” with Russian special envoy Kirill Dmitriev in Florida, as President Donald Trump’s administration presses to end Russia’s nearly four-year war in Ukraine.

“We are encouraged by this meeting that Russia is working toward securing peace in Ukraine,” wrote Witkoff in a post on X following Saturday’s talks.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, and White House adviser Josh Gruenbaum also attended the talks.

Neither side released details of what was discussed.

Dmitriev also met Witkoff and Kushner in January on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

He also held talks on the Ukraine war with US negotiators in a visit to Miami in December.

Saturday’s meeting comes before Ukrainian and Russian negotiators are expected to hold a second round of talks with US mediators in Abu Dhabi to discuss a US-backed plan to end Russia’s war.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy later appeared to suggest that the meeting would not take place on Sunday, saying in his nightly address that Ukraine was waiting for more information from the US about further peace talks and expected new meetings to take place next week.

A first US-mediated meeting was held in the United Arab Emirates’s capital last week, marking the first direct public negotiations between Moscow and Kyiv since the early weeks of the war.

Trump told reporters in the Oval Office this week that he believes “we are getting close” to a deal to end the war.

Trump announced on Thursday that his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, had agreed to his request not to attack Ukraine’s energy infrastructure for a week amid extreme cold weather, which he said was “very nice” of the Russian president.

The Kremlin confirmed on Friday that Putin had received the request, with spokesperson Dmitry Peskov telling Sky News the Russian leader had “of course” agreed to the proposal.

Zelenskyy wrote on X that the issue of a ceasefire on energy infrastructure attacks had been discussed during last week’s talks, and that he expected the agreements to be implemented. “De-escalation steps contribute to real progress toward ending the war,” he added.

On Friday, the Ukrainian leader said in his nightly address that neither Moscow nor Kyiv had conducted strikes ⁠on energy targets from Thursday night onwards.

Several sticking points over the US-backed plan to end the war remain, including Russia’s demand for Ukrainian forces to withdraw from about one-fifth of the Donetsk region, and the potential deployment of international peacekeepers in Ukraine after the war.

Laura Dogu’s visit comes as Venezuela moves to privatise its oil sector under pressure from Trump.

The top United States envoy for Venezuela has arrived in Caracas to reopen a US diplomatic mission seven years after ties were severed.

Laura Dogu announced her arrival in a post on X on Saturday, saying, “My team and I are ready to work.”

The move comes almost one month after US forces abducted Venezuela’s then-president, Nicolas Maduro, from the presidential palace in Caracas, on the orders of US President Donald Trump.

Maduro was then taken to a prison in New York, and is facing drug trafficking and narcoterrorism conspiracy charges.

The move has been widely criticised as a violation of international law.

Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs Yvan Gil wrote on Telegram that he had received Dogu, and that talks would centre on creating a “roadmap on matters of bilateral interest” as well as “addressing and resolving existing differences through diplomatic dialogue and on the basis of mutual respect and international law”.

Dogu, who previously served as US ambassador to Honduras and Nicaragua, was appointed to the role of charge d’affaires to the Venezuela Affairs Unit, based out of the US Embassy in Bogota, Colombia.

Venezuela and the US broke off diplomatic relations in February 2019, in a decision by Maduro after Trump gave public support to Venezuelan lawmaker Juan Guaido, who claimed to be the nation’s interim president in January that year.

Minister of the Popular Power for Interior Diosdado Cabello, one of Venezuela’s most powerful politicians and a Maduro loyalist, said earlier in January that reopening the US embassy in Caracas would give the Venezuelan government a way to oversee the treatment of the deposed president.

Although the Trump administration has claimed that Maduro’s abduction was necessary for security reasons, officials have also repeatedly framed their interests in Venezuela around controlling its vast oil reserves, which are the largest in the world.

Since the abduction, Trump has pressured Interim President Delcy Rodriguez to open the country’s nationalised oil sector to US firms.

The two countries have reached ‌a deal to export up ⁠to $2bn worth of Venezuelan crude to the US, and on Thursday, Rodriguez signed into law a reform bill that will pave the way for increased privatisation.

The legislation gives private firms control over the sale and production of Venezuelan oil, and requires legal disputes to be resolved outside of Venezuelan courts, a change long sought by foreign companies, which argue that the judicial system in the country is dominated by the governing socialist party.

The bill would also cap royalties collected by the government at 30 percent.

The Trump administration said on the same day that it would loosen some sanctions on Venezuela’s oil sector, and allow limited transactions by the country’s government and the state oil company PDVSA that were necessary for a laundry list of export-related activities involving an “established US entity”.

Trump has announced that he ordered the reopening of Venezuela’s commercial airspace and “informed” Rodriguez that US oil companies would soon arrive to explore potential projects in the country.

On Friday, Rodriguez announced an amnesty bill aimed at releasing hundreds of prisoners in the country, and said she would shut down El Helicoide, an infamous secret service prison in Caracas, to be replaced with a sports and cultural centre.

That move was one of the key demands of the Venezuelan opposition.