economics

EU Mulls Pausing Parts of AI Act Amid U.S. and Big Tech Pushback

The European Commission is reportedly considering delaying parts of its landmark Artificial Intelligence (AI) Act following heavy lobbying from U.S. tech giants and pressure from Washington, the Financial Times reported Friday. The proposed pause would affect select provisions of the legislation, which came into force in August 2024 but is being implemented in stages.

Why It Matters:

The AI Act is the world’s first comprehensive framework regulating artificial intelligence, setting strict rules on transparency, safety, and ethical use. Any delay could dilute Europe’s claim to global leadership in AI governance and highlight the growing influence of U.S. tech companies and policymakers in shaping international digital standards. The move also comes as the EU seeks to avoid trade tensions with the Trump administration.

Tech firms like Meta and Alphabet have long argued the law could stifle innovation and competitiveness. The European Commission previously rejected calls for a pause, insisting the rollout would proceed on schedule.

However, an EU spokesperson told the FT that officials are now discussing “targeted implementation delays” while reaffirming support for the act’s core objectives. The Commission and U.S. officials have reportedly been in talks as part of a broader “simplification process” ahead of a November 19 adoption date.

What’s Next:

No final decision has been made, but if adopted, the pause could push back compliance deadlines for some high-risk AI systems. The EU is expected to clarify its position later this month amid growing scrutiny from lawmakers, digital rights advocates, and international partners.

With information from Reuters.

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Leaked Docs Reveal Meta Cashing In on a ‘Deluge’ of Fraudulent Ads

Meta anticipated earning about 10% of its total annual revenue, or $16 billion, from advertising for scams and banned items, according to internal documents reviewed by Reuters. The documents reveal that for at least three years, the company failed to stop a significant number of ads exposing its billions of users on Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp to fraudulent schemes, illegal casinos, and banned medical products. On average, around 15 billion “higher risk” scam ads, showing clear signs of fraud, were displayed daily on these platforms. Meta reportedly generates about $7 billion annually from these scam ads.

Many of these ads were linked to marketers flagged by Meta’s internal systems. However, the company only bans advertisers if fraud is at least 95% certain according to its systems. If less certain but still suspect, Meta imposes higher ad rates as a penalty instead of outright banning them. This approach aims to deter dubious advertisers without fully eliminating them. The company’s ad-personalization system also ensures that users who click on scam ads see more of them based on their interests.

The documents create an image of Meta grappling with the extent of abuse on its platforms while hesitating to take stronger actions that could impact its revenue. The acceptance of revenue from suspicious sources highlights a lack of oversight in the advertising industry, as noted by fraud expert Sandeep Abraham. Meta’s spokesperson, Andy Stone, counters that the documents provide a biased view and argues that the actual share of revenue from scam ads would be lower than estimated. He claimed the plan aimed to validate investments in combating fraud.

Stone mentioned that Meta has significantly reduced user reports of scam ads globally and removed millions of scam ad content in recent efforts. The company aims for major reductions in scam ads in the upcoming year. Despite this, internal research indicates that Meta’s platforms are central to the global fraud economy, with one presentation estimating they contribute to a third of all successful fraud in the U. S. Competitors were noted to have better systems to combat fraud.

As regulators step up pressure for stronger consumer protections, the documents reveal the U. S. Securities and Exchange Commission is investigating Meta for financial scam ads. In Britain, regulators identified Meta as the source of over half of the payment-related scam losses in 2023. The company has acknowledged that addressing illicit advertising may hurt its revenue.

Meta is investing heavily in technology and has plans for extensive capital expenditures in AI. CEO Mark Zuckerberg reassured investors that their advertising revenue can support these projects. The internal documents suggest a careful consideration of the financial impact of increasing measures against scam ads, indicating that while the company intends to reduce illicit revenue, it is wary of the potential business implications.

Despite planning to diminish scam ads’ revenue share, Meta is bracing for regulatory fines, estimating penalties that could reach up to $1 billion. However, these fines are viewed as comparatively minor against the income from scam ads, which already generates significant revenue. The leadership’s strategy shows a tendency to react to regulatory pressure rather than implementing proactive measures to vet advertisers effectively. Stone disputed claims that Meta’s policy is to act only under regulatory threat.

Meta has set limits on how much revenue it can afford to lose from actions against suspect advertisers. In early 2025, a document revealed that the team reviewing questionable ads was restricted to a loss of no more than 0.15% of company revenue, which equated to around $135 million from Meta’s total of $90 billion in the same period. A manager noted that this revenue cap included both scam ads and harmless ads that might be mistakenly blocked, indicating strict financial boundaries in their approach.

Under increasing pressure to manage scams more effectively, Meta’s executives proposed a moderate strategy to CEO Mark Zuckerberg in October 2024. Instead of a drastic approach, they suggested targeting countries where they anticipated regulatory action. Their goal was to reduce the revenue lost to scams, illegal gambling, and prohibited goods from approximately 10.1% in 2024 to 7.3% by the end of 2025, with further reductions planned for subsequent years.

A surge in online fraud was noted in 2022, when Meta uncovered a network of accounts pretending to be U. S. military members trying to scam Facebook users. Other scams, such as sextortion, were also rising. Yet, at that time, Meta invested little in automated systems to detect such scams and categorized them as a low-priority issue. Internal documents showed efforts were mainly focused on fraudsters impersonating celebrities, which threatened to alienate advertisers and users alike. However, layoffs at Meta affected the enforcement team, as many working on advertiser rights were let go, and resources shifted heavily toward virtual reality and AI projects.

Despite layoffs, Meta claimed to have increased its staff handling scam advertising. However, data from 2023 revealed that Meta was ignoring about 96% of valid scam reports filed by users, suggesting a significant gap in their response to customer concerns. The safety staff aimed to improve this by reducing the number of dismissed reports to no more than 75% in the future.

Instances of user frustration were evident, such as a recruiter for the Royal Canadian Air Force who lost access to her account after being hacked. Despite multiple reports to Meta, her account remained active, even sharing false cryptocurrency investment opportunities that defrauded her connections. Reports indicated that she had many people flag her account, but it took about a month before Meta finally removed it.

Meta refers to scams that do not involve paid ads as “organic,” which include free classified ads, fake dating profiles, and fraudulent medical claims. A report from December 2024 stated that users face approximately 22 billion organic scam attempts each day, alongside 15 billion scam ads, highlighting the company’s ongoing struggle to manage fraud effectively. Internal documents suggest that Meta’s efforts to police fraud are not capturing much of the scam activity occurring across its platforms.

In Singapore, police shared a list of 146 scams targeting local users, but Meta staff found that only 23% of these scams broke the platform’s policies. The remaining 77% went against the spirit of the rules but not the exact wording. Examples of unchecked scams included fake offers on designer clothes, false concert tickets, and job ads pretending to be from major tech firms. In one case, Meta discovered scam ads claiming to belong to the Canadian prime minister, yet the existing rules wouldn’t flag the account.

Even when advertisers are found to be scamming, the rules can be lenient. Small advertisers need to be flagged for scams eight times before being blocked, while larger ones can have over 500 complaints without being shut down. Some scams generated significant revenue; for example, four removed ads were linked to $67 million monthly.

An employee initiated reports highlighting the “Scammiest Scammer” each week to raise awareness, but some flagged accounts remained active for months. Meta tried to deter scammers by charging them more in ad auctions, labeling this practice “penalty bids. ” Advertisers suspected of fraud would have to bid higher amounts, thus reducing competition for legitimate advertisers. Meta aimed to decrease scam ads from this approach, which showed some success, resulting in fewer scam reports and a slight dip in overall ad revenue.

With information from Reuters

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Trump’s Tariff Powers Face Supreme Court Challenge, Raising Fears of Trade Turmoil

The U.S. Supreme Court’s skeptical questioning of former President Donald Trump’s global tariffs has fueled speculation that his trade measures may be struck down, potentially upending the already fragile trade landscape.

The case centers on Trump’s use of the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose sweeping tariffs on imports. The law grants presidents broad authority to regulate trade during national emergencies but makes no mention of tariffs, raising constitutional questions about the limits of executive power.

During oral arguments on Wednesday, justices across the ideological spectrum except Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas appeared doubtful that Trump had legal authority to levy such blanket global tariffs.

Trade experts now warn that if the court invalidates Trump’s tariff policy, it could trigger a new wave of economic uncertainty, as the administration is expected to pivot quickly to other trade laws to reimpose duties.

Why It Matters

The outcome of this case could reshape U.S. trade policy for years. Businesses have paid over $100 billion in IEEPA-related tariffs since 2025, and a ruling against Trump could open a complex refund battle or force the White House to seek alternative legal pathways for its protectionist agenda.

Corporate leaders, already weary of erratic trade shifts, say a ruling either way offers little stability. “Even if it goes against IEEPA, the uncertainty still continues,” said David Young of the Conference Board, who briefed dozens of CEOs after the hearing.

Trump Administration: Faces potential legal defeat but can pivot to Section 232 (Trade Expansion Act of 1962) or Section 122 (Trade Act of 1974), both of which allow temporary or national security-based tariffs.

U.S. Supreme Court: Balancing presidential powers with statutory limits on trade actions.

Businesses & Importers: Risk being caught in regulatory limbo over refunds and future duties.

Federal Reserve: Monitoring potential economic fallout from prolonged trade instability.

Refunds Could Get “Messy”

Justice Amy Coney Barrett raised concerns about how refund claims would be handled if the tariffs are ruled illegal, calling it “a mess” for courts to manage.
Lawyer Neal Katyal, representing five small businesses challenging the tariffs, said only those firms would automatically receive refunds, while others must file administrative protests a process that could take up to a year.

Customs lawyer Joseph Spraragen added that if the court orders refunds, the Customs and Border Protection’s automated system could process them, but he warned, “The administration is not going to be eager to just roll over and give refunds.”

Economic and Policy Repercussions

Analysts expect the administration to rely on alternative statutes if IEEPA tariffs are overturned. However, implementing new duties under those laws could be slow and bureaucratic, potentially delaying trade certainty until 2026.

Natixis economist Christopher Hodge said such a ruling would be only a “temporary setback” for Trump’s trade agenda, predicting renewed tariff rounds or trade negotiations in the coming year.

Meanwhile, Federal Reserve Governor Stephen Miran warned the uncertainty could act as a drag on economic growth, though it might also prompt looser monetary policy if trade instability dampens business confidence.

What’s Next

A Supreme Court ruling is expected in early 2026, leaving companies in limbo over the future of U.S. tariff policy.
If Trump’s powers under IEEPA are curtailed, analysts expect a new wave of trade maneuvers potentially invoking national security provisions to maintain his “America First” economic approach, prolonging the climate of global trade unpredictability.

With information from Reuters.

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US Tariffs Slam Manufacturing Giants

In October, manufacturing economies worldwide faced challenges, particularly due to weak demand in the U. S. and tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump. Factories in the U. S. struggled with lower new orders and strained supply chains, leading to a decline in manufacturing activity for the eighth consecutive month. Manufacturers expressed concerns about the unpredictable tariff situation affecting future costs and the ability to expand production.

In the Eurozone, factory activity stagnated, with flat new orders and reduced workforce. Germany, a key player, showed minimal recovery, experiencing a slowdown in production growth. Engineering orders in Germany dropped sharply, while France’s manufacturing sector remained weak and Italy saw a slight contraction. Spain was the exception, with its factories performing better than in September. Analysts noted that growth in the Eurozone was primarily driven by strong domestic demand, but foreign orders remained a concern, especially from France and the U. S.

In Britain, outside the EU, factories reported their best month in a year, largely due to the resumption of production at Jaguar Land Rover following a cyberattack. Meanwhile, manufacturing activity in China grew at a slower pace, and South Korea saw a decline in exports amid cautiousness over U. S. demand. China’s official PMI indicated a seventh straight month of falling factory activity, with economists suggesting the economy lost momentum in October. Despite a recent agreement between Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping to ease tariffs, deeper trade tensions persist.

In Asia, India experienced a boost in factory activity driven by strong domestic demand, in contrast to some declines in Malaysia and Taiwan, while Vietnam and Indonesia saw improvements in their manufacturing sectors.

With information from Reuters

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Trump Bars China from Nvidia’s Top AI Chips

U.S. President Donald Trump announced that Nvidia’s most advanced artificial intelligence chips known as Blackwell will be reserved exclusively for U.S. companies. Speaking on CBS’ “60 Minutes” and aboard Air Force One, Trump said, “We will not let anybody have them other than the United States.”
This declaration signals a hard turn in U.S. tech policy, potentially going beyond previous export controls designed to curb China’s access to high-end AI semiconductors.

Why It Matters

The decision could reshape the global AI race. Nvidia’s Blackwell chips are the backbone of next-generation AI systems, from large language models to autonomous weapons. By blocking access to China and possibly even U.S. allies Washington is seeking to maintain a decisive technological lead.
However, the move could also strain trade ties, disrupt supply chains, and challenge U.S. allies like South Korea and Japan who rely on American chips for innovation and competitiveness.

China Hawks in Washington: Applauded the move. Rep. John Moolenaar compared allowing China access to the chips to “giving Iran weapons-grade uranium.”

China: Beijing has remained publicly quiet, though the move will likely be seen as another escalation in the U.S.-China tech war.

Nvidia: CEO Jensen Huang said the company has not sought export licenses for China, citing Beijing’s current unwillingness to engage with Nvidia. However, Huang warned that global restrictions could hurt U.S.-based R&D funding.

Allies: The statement comes just days after Nvidia announced plans to supply over 260,000 Blackwell chips to South Korea’s Samsung and other tech giants now casting doubt over whether those deals will proceed.

What’s Next

The Trump administration may soon issue new export rules formalizing these restrictions. Analysts expect a clearer framework distinguishing between “advanced” and “scaled-down” versions of Nvidia’s chips, determining what if anything can be sold abroad.
The decision also raises the stakes ahead of Trump’s next expected talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping, with AI dominance likely to top the agenda in future U.S.-China negotiations.

With information from Reuters.

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The “High-Quality” Gambit: Inside China’s Next Five-Year Plan

The draft proposals for China’s 15th Five-Year Plan were approved during the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in October 2025. The final plan is expected to be adopted by the National People’s Congress (NPC) in March 2026.

   China’s Five-Year Plans have been key strengths of China’s medium- to long-term economic and social development framework since the 1950s. Specifically, it has demonstrated strategic foresight, coordinated planning, and consistent implementation. The key strengths of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan are its focus on high-quality development, particularly by achieving stringent climate targets such as peaking carbon emissions before 2030, while relying on strict monitoring mechanisms and advanced technologies. The plan also promotes innovation and digital transformation, focuses on integrated economic and military development, and leverages investment in research and development.

  •  The strengths of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan, compared to previous five-year plans, are:

1)       Focus on quality development:

Compared to previous plans that focused on quantitative growth, the 15th Five-Year Plan focuses on quality, innovation, and sustainability rather than simply increasing productivity.

2) Integrated economic and military development:

The new plan systematically integrates scientific and technological innovations across the military and civilian sectors, enhancing national capabilities in a comprehensive manner.

3) Shifting towards a green economy:

The plan features new mechanisms for monitoring and managing carbon emissions, representing a significant shift from previous plans that were less focused on environmental issues.

4)       Investment in Research and Development:

The plan continues to boost investment in research, development, and innovation, a core strength that has enabled China to achieve significant technological advancements.

5) Balanced Development:

The plan seeks to achieve balanced development by supporting resource-rich regions, helping to reduce development gaps between different regions.

6) Investment Opportunities:

The plan opens new horizons for investors in areas such as carbon trading, offsets, and carbon asset management services, boosting national economic development.

Based on our understanding of the previous analysis, China’s 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-2030) includes goals for economic and social development, focusing on technological self-reliance, high-quality development, and a real economy. The plan aims to be a crucial link towards achieving socialist modernization by 2035.

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Behind the Communiqué: What China’s Latest Party Plenum Reveals About Its Economic Future

All eyes are on Beijing as the Communist Party of China (CPC) convenes to outline the next five years. These meetings take place amidst heightened trade tensions with Washington and mounting domestic challenges. This fourth plenary session of the CPC Central Committee, known as the “Fourth Plenum,” is a pivotal political event in the country, shaping future policies. The four-day closed-door meeting aims to finalize China’s new Five-Year Plan for 2026-2030, an economic and political roadmap outlining the priorities of the world’s second-largest economy for the coming years. Approximately 370 members of the Central Committee, led by “Xi Jinping,” are participating in the meeting, with expectations of changes in some leadership positions, although details of these changes may not be revealed for several days or weeks. The full details of the plan are expected to be announced during the annual session of the National People’s Congress in March 2026.  Perhaps the most important things for the Chinese leadership at the moment are stability, legitimacy, and continued support. Therefore, it is crucial that they demonstrate their ability to improve the quality of life, as this is the cornerstone of their legitimacy in the eyes of the Chinese people.

 Many objectives of the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) have come to fruition. The assessment of the key economic and social development achievements under the 14th Five-Year Plan, according to my view, is very positive, especially since they have global impacts in many aspects, such as economic growth, new quality productive forces, high-level opening-up, green transition, technological innovation, international cooperation, cultural and academic exchange, etc.

  As China’s 14th Five-Year Plan period (2021-2025) draws to a close, the country has achieved a number of notable accomplishments, including fostering a resilient economy and making tangible strides in technology, manufacturing, economic reform, sustainability, and innovation. The country’s strategic plan has supported the country’s high-quality development, contributing to national progress across various sectors in China. China’s five-year plans are strategic guidance documents that chart the country’s development path over five years and form the overall framework for national planning. China will continue its 15th five-year plan in its opening-up and reform process to achieve more balanced and comprehensive development.

 China’s 15th Five-Year Plan will cover the period from 2026 to 2030. Planning began in December 2023. The plan aims to achieve General Secretary Xi Jinping’s goal of doubling the size of the economy between 2020 and 2035. The recommendations of the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) outlined several actionable plans and programs for the national economic and social development of the People’s Republic of China. These plans focus on innovation-driven growth, low-carbon development, and urban-rural integration while deepening social inclusion and addressing the problem of population aging.

 The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) was held in Beijing from October 20 to 23, 2025. A total of 168 members and 147 alternate members of the Central Committee attended the plenary session. Members of the Standing Committee of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and responsible comrades from relevant departments attended as observers. Some comrades from grassroots units and a number of experts and scholars who were delegates to the 20th CPC National Congress also attended as observers. The plenary session was presided over by the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, and “Xi Jinping”, General Secretary of the Central Committee, delivered an important speech. The plenary session heard and discussed a work report delivered by Chinese President “Xi Jinping”, in his capacity as General Secretary of the CPC, commissioned by the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, and approved, after consideration, the “Proposals of the CPC Central Committee on Compiling the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development.” President Xi Jinping made explanations to the plenary session on the draft of the “Proposals.”

 The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China will be held from October 20 to 23, 2025, to discuss proposals for formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for China’s Economic and Social Development. China has achieved significant achievements during the 14th Five-Year Plan, both domestically and internationally. In the new plan, it will continue its pursuit of high-quality development and strengthen international cooperation to achieve a more prosperous shared future.

The 14th Five-Year Plan focuses on achieving high-quality development, encompassing key areas such as scientific and technological innovation, the green economy, improving living standards, and balanced regional development. China’s achievements during this period were not limited to domestic matters but rather extended their impact to the entire world.

  This year, 2025, marks the conclusion of the implementation of China’s 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025). Chinese authorities recently reviewed the most significant achievements made during this period, a development that received widespread attention from the international community. China’s achievements in innovation during the 14th Five-Year Plan represent a global model of scientific and technological self-reliance. Not only did it increase spending on research and development, but it also succeeded in transforming knowledge into a sustainable, productive, and economic force. This reflects a strategic vision that has made China a leader in the fields of artificial intelligence, clean energy, advanced manufacturing, and modern communications. Giant Chinese companies, such as Huawei, Alibaba, Xiaomi, and BYD, have become symbols of this transformation. They have not only succeeded in building global brands but also established integrated innovation systems that blend scientific research with practical application.

 China’s five-year plans have always been an effective tool for driving progress across all sectors. According to my analysis as an Egyptian expert on Chinese politics and the policies of the ruling Communist Party of China, China’s 14th Five-Year Plan is described as “diverse, innovative, and open.” I expect China’s upcoming 15th Five-Year Plan to continue prioritizing technological innovation, artificial intelligence, social welfare, scientific research, the digital economy, and carbon reduction. China’s development model is unique, with its sole goal of ensuring the prosperity of the Chinese people, under the motto “from the people, for the people.” Taking effective measures and prioritizing the protection and improvement of citizens’ livelihoods have been key factors behind China’s rapid development. This Chinese development model has become an inspiring example by transforming human capital into an engine of growth.

  Based on the previous analysis, perhaps what most caught my attention during China’s 14th Five-Year Plan is the significant Chinese focus on the innovation sector at the forefront. Over the past five years, the country’s total investment in research and development (R&D) has reached record levels. By 2024, China’s R&D spending will have increased by about 50 percent, or 1.2 trillion yuan, since the end of the 13th Five-Year Plan period (2016-2020), according to China’s National Development and Reform Commission.

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African Union Earmarks $170 Billion Infrastructure Investment Plan

During its 3rd grandiose summit in Luanda that brought together a distinguished panel of leaders, including the ministers of transport from Zimbabwe and Rwanda, the secretary-general of the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC), the director of strategies at Morocco’s Ministry of Transport and Logistics, the CEOs of Ethiopian Airlines and TAAG Angola Airlines, as well as representatives from the World Bank Group and the European Commission (EC), the African Union finally earmarked $30 billion for aviation infrastructure.

In his opening address, João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço, President of the Republic of Angola and Chairperson of the African Union (AU), stressed that Africa must invest between $130 billion and $170 billion annually to lay the foundation for sustainable growth. “We must move from words to action,” President Lourenço urged. “This summit represents a decisive step toward mobilizing the resources needed to enhance connectivity and integration across our continent.”

The ambitious investment plan strategically aims at modernizing the continent’s aviation infrastructure under the Single African Air Transport Market (SAATM), according to summit reports. Lerato D. Mataboge, African Union Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy, during the high-level session on Financing and Modernizing African Civil Aviation Infrastructure to Promote Integrated Continental Airspace and Enable Free Movement Under SAATM, emphasized aviation’s pivotal role as both an engine of integration and a cornerstone of Africa’s economic transformation.

“Aviation is not merely a mode of transport,” Mataboge stated, speaking at the session. “It is a strategic engine of continental integration and a core enabler of Agenda 2063 and the AfCFTA. The Single African Air Transport Market will only succeed if we build the modern, safe, and efficient infrastructure that Africa’s growth demands.”

Citing findings from a Continental Aviation Infrastructure Gap Analysis conducted with AFCAC, ICAO, and the World Bank, Mataboge revealed that Africa needs between $25 and $30 billion over the next decade to close critical aviation infrastructure gaps. Passenger traffic is projected to triple from 160 million in 2024 to nearly 500 million by 2050, intensifying the urgency for investment.

Key funding requirements include US$10 billion for airport and aerodrome infrastructure and $8 billion for modernizing communication, navigation, and meteorological systems. The AU’s strategy aims to mobilize $10 billion in catalytic public finance to attract an additional $20 billion in private and institutional investment. Through partnerships with Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) and AUDA-NEPAD, the AU is aligning investment priorities with SAATM and the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA).

The modernization plan integrates cutting-edge technologies such as Airport Collaborative Decision-Making (A-CDM) and System-Wide Information Management (SWIM) to enable seamless continental airspace. It also incorporates renewable energy solutions at airports to attract green financing and advance sustainability goals.

“As we modernize African skies, we are doing so sustainably,” Mataboge added. “Every project we prepare is designed to meet global green standards, reduce fuel consumption and CO₂ emissions, and make African aviation an attractive asset class for the world’s growing pool of climate-focused capital.”

Mataboge reaffirmed the AU’s commitment to ensuring that a modern, efficient, and sustainable aviation network drives Africa’s economic integration, connectivity, and global competitiveness. The AU’s officials reaffirmed their focus on Africa’s most strategic priorities, including building aviation infrastructure, digital data systems, and data interoperability. The discussion underscored the importance of collaborative efforts in building a better aviation sector across Africa.

Deals and Dollars: Concrete Commitments 

The summit moved beyond dialogue to secure tangible commitments, marked by the signing of three key Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs):

– A partnership between the African Social Security Association and AUDA-NEPAD to channel African pension funds into continental infrastructure.

– An MOU with Qatar Airways establishing a $500 million endowment for renewable energy and climate-aligned industrialization.

– The establishment of the Angola Export and Trade Facility to promote regional cooperation and trade.

Ms. Nardos Bekele-Thomas, CEO of AUDA-NEPAD, reported significant progress since the previous summit in Dakar, Senegal. She announced that the AU, alongside African financial institutions, has already raised $1.5 billion to execute high-impact cross-border projects.

“The lesson from Dakar is clear: we can no longer treat financing as a fragmented market of scattered deals. We must transform it into a unified strategy,” Bekele-Thomas stated. She detailed new financial instruments, including the Alliance for Green Infrastructure in Africa’s Project Development Fund, which has achieved a first close of $118 million and is managed by Africa50.

In his contribution, African Union Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf emphasized that Africa is entering a new phase of self-determination, one in which the continent must take ownership of financing, planning, and implementing its own development. He underscored that infrastructure investment is not merely technical but deeply political and strategic, vital to Africa’s economic sovereignty, competitiveness, and unity. Highlighting progress made under the PIDA framework, he called for an African-driven ecosystem for development financing through domestic resource mobilization, stronger private sector participation, and greater access to climate funds.

Echoing the urgency of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, framed infrastructure investment as a deeply political and strategic imperative for Africa’s economic sovereignty. “We are shifting from a logic of assistance to a logic of alliance, where partners align their engagement with priorities defined by Africa itself,” he declared. He concluded with a powerful vision: “What we are building here are not merely roads and bridges. We are building an Africa that is connected, confident, and sovereign.”

There were special sessions designed to facilitate in-depth due diligence and accelerate projects toward financial close. The summit for Africa’s infrastructure development stands as a definitive moment, signaling Africa’s unified resolve to finance its own destiny and build the interconnected, prosperous future its people deserve.

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Argentine Midterm elections. And the winner is… Donald Trump

No one anticipated last Sunday midterm election result in Argentina. Not even the executive, that faced a dire situation on the way to the election. Unexpectedly, Donald Trump himself came to President Milei’s rescue and the election´s results surprised everyone in the Argentine political spectrum.

The political campaign couldn´t be worse for the incumbent. First, in early September it lost a provincial election in key Buenos Aires province (home to 40% of Argentines). Second, Milei’s sister and top political advisor was accused of bribery. Third, his top candidate for national lawmaker at, again, the crucial Buenos Aires province had to step down amid accusations of being funded by a suspected narcotrafficker. Fourth, even though Milei has been very successful in slashing inflation, from over 200% annually to around 20%, this came with a hefty price. He cut subsidies to poor families and utilities, increase interest rates and open the economy to imports. According to the World Bank, economic activity plummeted a 1.7% in Milei’s first year in office while projections for 2025 economic growth hover around 3% to 4%. Finally, the Argentine peso faced strong devaluation pressures for several weeks prior the election that dried good part of Central Bank´s reserves.

It was at this point that Trump stepped in. He gave a 20bn US$ bailout that kept the peso´s devaluation under control during the crucial days previous to the election. He even offered to increase the economic assistance to 40bn depending on the elections’ result. Trump defied internal criticism, both from Democrats and Republicans for giving money to record high foreign debt defaulter Argentina.  

Astonishingly, the election’s result couldn´t be better for the government. It won at the national level with over 40% of the votes while the Peronist got 35%. It won in all but 8 of the 24 provinces, including Peronist stronghold, Buenos Aires province. It has greatly increased the president´s party congressional power, giving him the chance to defend his presidential decrees and vetoes and even advancing crucial legislation with the help of allies. Key among Milei´s projects is the reform of the 1974 labour law. This law repeatedly resisted reform attempts by pro market administrations in the past and has been blamed for Argentina´s far from successful private sector performance.

At the same time, the election has weakened the Peronists presidential aspirations since this voting could not produce a clear leader in their political arc. The same goes for other opposition candidates with presidential ambitions. In sum, this election has infused new life to the Milei administration and gave him the chance to pursue his agenda with renewed strength.

The other big winner is Donald Trump. He has successfully influenced an election in one of Latin America’s largest country. From here on, Argentina’s alliance with the US will only deepened. In the mind of those who voted Milei for president and were now doubting whether to cast their ballots for him again, the US support acted as a huge catalyst in making up their minds. The group of those seeking a profound alliance with the US in Argentina (traditionally an anti-American country, as Latino Barometer polls has shown across the years) has only grew.

Nevertheless, one important pitfall lies ahead: Argentina’s relations with China. China is currently Argentina’s major trading partner while the US ranks fourth after Brazil and the EU. Former Brazilian president and Trump ally Jair Bolsonaro faced the same situation: he tried at first to sever its economic ties with Beijing, only to find massive opposition from exporters at home. Will political affinity trump (no pun intended!) trade interests? The Argentine case will act as a litmus test of the future of the relationship between the US, Latin America and China.

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South-South Cooperation in Action: The China-Egypt Partnership

Relations between Egypt and China have proven their ability to keep pace with international and regional transformations. China is one of Egypt’s major trading partners, with annual trade volume exceeding billions of dollars. Recent years have witnessed an increase in Chinese investments in Egypt, particularly in the fields of infrastructure, industry, and energy, with a focus on mega-projects such as the New Administrative Capital and the Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone in the Suez Canal Corridor, among others. The two countries also pursue compatible policies in terms of working for peace throughout the world and advocating for the establishment of a multipolar system.

  We find that Chinese investments in Egypt play a significant role in many areas, most notably technology transfer to Egypt, particularly in sectors where China excels, such as renewable energy, the electric car industry, and all types of appliances. Chinese investments in Egypt also provide significant job opportunities and help Egypt implement its import substitution strategy by producing more products that help reduce Egypt’s import bill with Chinese assistance and support. As of May 2025, the number of Chinese companies operating in Egypt reached approximately 2,800, with total investments exceeding $8 billion. These Chinese investments are characterized by their diversity and geographical spread in Egypt, from the Suez Canal to the New Administrative Capital.  Cooperation between Egypt and China has extended to the fields of technology and artificial intelligence, with Chinese companies present in the Egyptian market, such as Huawei, Xiaomi, and ZTE. A $300 million investment fund has been established with the Tsinghua University of Artificial Intelligence and Semiconductor Technology, in addition to fiber optics and outsourcing projects.

Chinese projects contribute significantly to Egypt’s domestic growth by attracting billions of dollars in Chinese investments in various sectors, such as industry, construction, and infrastructure, along with technology transfer and industrial localization. Chinese companies in Egypt are also working to establish industrial complexes and develop mega projects, such as the iconic tower in the New Administrative Capital, and establish industrial zones in the Suez Canal and Ain Sokhna regions, contributing to job creation and added value for the Egyptian economy. Chinese development projects also contribute to the development of energy and electricity infrastructure, the training of Egyptian personnel, and the export of products to African and European markets. The win-win principle that governs the Chinese model of international dealings is a principle that suits Egypt, its leadership, and its people.

 The most prominent contributions of Chinese projects to Egypt’s domestic growth are attracting Chinese investments to Egypt, which amount to billions of dollars. China also contributes to localizing industries and transferring technology to Egypt, where technology and knowledge are transferred from China to Egypt, in addition to establishing Chinese factories to produce various products, such as automobiles, steel, textiles, and others. China also plays a significant role in developing Egypt’s infrastructure, with Chinese companies contributing to the construction of major infrastructure projects, such as the development of power plants and the expansion of their distribution networks, as well as the construction of modern roads and towers. Chinese projects in Cairo thus create job opportunities and provide significant export opportunities, as these Chinese projects provide thousands of job opportunities for Egyptian workers. Egypt is a strategic gateway for China to export its products to Africa and Europe, thanks to its distinguished strategic geographic location. In addition, China plays a significant role in developing Egypt’s economic sectors, as these Chinese projects focus on vital sectors such as industry, construction, tourism, advanced technology, and manufacturing, which supports overall economic growth in Egypt.  This enhances Egypt’s benefits from China’s Belt and Road Initiative, as Egypt’s accession to the Belt and Road Initiative enhances economic cooperation with China and facilitates the flow of Chinese investments into Egypt.

Chinese investments in Egypt received a significant boost under President “Abdel Fattah El-Sisi”. Egypt became an active member of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and Egypt joined the BRICS bloc and the New Development Bank. Chinese projects have subsequently become important, yielding positive returns and impacting Egyptian citizens. The most prominent of these are major Chinese projects in Cairo, such as the financial and business district in the New Administrative Capital, the electric train, renewable energy projects, and textile factories, among others. These are all Chinese projects that Egyptian citizens are already aware of and following. These Chinese investments in Egypt create new job opportunities and open the door for Chinese products to enter African and Arab markets, benefiting both sides.

 Egyptian-Chinese cooperation is an ideal model for cooperation between the Global South, and Southern issues have been a major focus of the political leadership of both Egypt and China. Chinese and Egyptian Presidents Xi Jinping and Abdel Fattah El-Sisi have repeatedly emphasized the importance of solidarity among the countries of the South to confront common challenges. Egypt’s accession to the BRICS grouping, and previously to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as a partner country reflects its commitment to expressing the views of the countries of the South and promoting their interests. Meanwhile, China has presented its own vision on the issues of the South, evident in the numerous initiatives and ideas it has put forward, including the Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative, and Global Governance, all of which are closely linked to the development goals of the countries of the South. This is also reflected in the vision of Chinese President Xi Jinping for “building a community with a shared future for humanity.”

 China’s cooperation with Egypt reflects a new Chinese vision for South-South cooperation, based on equality and non-interference. It reflects Beijing’s commitment to advancing cooperation toward strategic horizons that transcend traditional interests and build alliances capable of influencing the future of the international system. Egypt’s strong support and backing of President “Abdel Fattah El-Sisi” for the Global Governance Initiative launched by Chinese President “Xi Jinping” in early September 2025, with the aim of enhancing joint global cooperation to increase capacity to address common challenges and narrow the development gap between the countries of the North and the South, complements China’s and Egypt’s categorical rejection of the (Cold War mentality, protectionism, unipolarity, and hegemonic policies) pursued by the United States toward the world. 

 China’s massive military parade marking the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II demonstrated Egypt’s strong support for China’s strength and its determination to maintain peace and development in the world. The 2025 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, held in Tianjin, China, also highlighted the strong political will of China and its ruling Communist Party to contribute to reforming and improving the global governance system. The Tianjin Summit is the largest, most fruitful, and most successful summit in the history of the SCO to date. Through it, China and President “Xi Jinping” championed the principles of global governance, adhering to mutual benefit and win-win outcomes, openness and inclusiveness, justice and fairness, and pragmatism and efficiency in order to achieve justice and advance policies of cooperation among developing countries of the Global South in the face of American and Western hegemonic policies. 

 This year marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, a matter of particular interest to political circles in Egypt and China, as they play an increasing role in maintaining world peace and promoting international justice. In this context, Egypt and China have achieved fruitful results in comprehensive cooperation and advancing cooperation within the developing global South. Currently, the Egyptian and Chinese sides are working jointly to advance and ensure the success of China’s Global Governance Initiative, which will deliver tangible benefits to the two peoples and to the peoples of the region. This will make Sino-Egyptian relations a model for building a “community of shared destiny, mutual benefit, and shared prosperity,” in accordance with the vision of Chinese President Xi Jinping.

   Accordingly, we understand that the Chinese partnership with Egypt embodies the principles of global governance. The convergence between China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Egypt’s Vision 2030 enhances opportunities for development cooperation between the two parties and confirms the two countries’ commitment to dialogue and consultation and the rejection of hegemony and interference, in line with the principles of global governance. This, in particular, reinforces the principle of the rule of international law within the United Nations and in all international forums in order to support developing countries of the Global South, far removed from the policies of exclusion, hegemony, and the Cold War mentality that Washington currently pursues in its dealings with the world.

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Nexperia Halts Wafer Supplies to China, Deepening Global Chip Supply Turmoil

Dutch chipmaker Nexperia has suspended wafer shipments to its Chinese assembly plant in Dongguan, a move that could intensify the semiconductor supply crunch already rattling automakers worldwide.

The suspension, revealed in a company letter dated October 29 and signed by interim CEO Stefan Tilger, followed the Chinese unit’s failure to meet contractual payment terms. It comes amid escalating tensions after the Dutch government seized control of Nexperia from its Chinese owner, Wingtech Technology, in late September, citing national security and governance concerns.

Why It Matters

The halt threatens to disrupt automotive and electronics supply chains at a critical time. Around 70% of Nexperia’s chips produced in the Netherlands are packaged in China, meaning the freeze could ripple through global manufacturing networks.

The dispute also underscores the deepening fractures in global tech supply chains, where national security concerns and trade controls increasingly shape corporate decisions. With the U.S., China, and Europe tightening technology restrictions, Nexperia’s situation reflects the mounting geopolitical tug-of-war over semiconductor control.

Nexperia (Netherlands): Seeking to maintain operations while asserting independence from Chinese influence.

Wingtech Technology (China): The former owner now sidelined after Dutch government intervention.

Dutch Government: Exercising sovereignty over critical tech assets amid Western security coordination.

Chinese Ministry of Commerce: Blocking Nexperia’s chip exports from China in retaliation.

Global Automakers: Companies like Stellantis and Nissan are monitoring potential production halts as chip prices soar.

What’s Next

Nexperia says it is developing alternative supply routes to support its global customers but has not disclosed details. The Dongguan facility remains operational, though limited by the wafer cutoff.

Analysts expect further trade retaliation from Beijing, potentially deepening the rift between European and Chinese semiconductor ecosystems. Automakers warn of possible shortages by mid-November if shipments do not resume.

Implications

This episode highlights how state intervention in technology firms is reshaping global supply chains. The Dutch government’s takeover framed as a national security move signals Europe’s growing alignment with U.S. export controls targeting Chinese tech entities.

In the short term, the halt could spike chip prices and strain automotive production, particularly in Asia and Europe. Long term, it may accelerate a strategic decoupling between Western and Chinese semiconductor manufacturing bases.

Politically, this marks a test of Europe’s resolve to protect critical tech sectors even at the cost of trade friction with Beijing.

With information from an exclusive Reuters report.

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Saudi Gigaproject May Expand to Rebuild Syrian Historic Sites

Diriyah, a major project in Saudi Arabia, aims to develop a historic site in Riyadh for real estate and tourism.

This week, the CEO, Jerry Inzerillo, discussed with Syrian officials the possibility of helping to rebuild historic sites in Syria, such as Damascus and Aleppo, when they are ready. He mentioned that while they are currently busy, they would consider contributing in the future.

The years of conflict in Syria have harmed many ancient cities, leading to calls for international support for restoration efforts amidst challenges like funding and security.

Diriyah Gate Company could also develop additional cultural heritage sites in Saudi Arabia. This project aligns with Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 strategy, which seeks to diversify the economy and enhance tourism.

The project features luxury hotels, museums, and residential units near the UNESCO-listed At-Turaif district. The company is profitable and plans to go public after 2030, with significant foreign investment expected. The main project in Riyadh is on track to be completed by 2030.

With information from Reuters

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China Stocks Climb Ahead of Trump-Xi Trade Talks

Chinese shares rose on Wednesday as investors grew optimistic ahead of a key meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, where the two are expected to discuss a trade framework aimed at easing tariffs and tackling fentanyl exports. Hong Kong markets remained closed for a local holiday.

Market Overview:

The blue-chip CSI300 Index gained 0.5%, while the Shanghai Composite Index rose 0.4% by midday. The meeting, expected to take place in South Korea on Thursday, has fuelled hopes of progress toward a more stable U.S.-China trade relationship.

Policy Context:

Beijing on Tuesday unveiled a detailed proposal for its five-year development plan, signaling its intention to keep growth within a “reasonable range.” Economists at UBS interpreted that as a 4.5%-5% target for economic expansion. However, markets reacted mildly as the country had just wrapped up its high-level plenum, pledging to stimulate consumption and technological innovation.

Sector Highlights:

The CSI New Energy Index jumped over 3%, despite electric vehicles being excluded from China’s list of strategic industries for the first time in more than a decade. Semiconductor-related shares rallied, led by Guochuang Software, which surged 13%, tracking a strong overnight performance by Nvidia. Meanwhile, non-ferrous metal stocks rose 3%, supported by stronger commodity sentiment.

Why It Matters:

Investor optimism reflects renewed confidence in U.S.-China economic engagement and China’s efforts to stabilize growth amid slowing domestic demand. The Trump-Xi meeting could shape the next phase of tariff policy and tech trade relations, while China’s new economic blueprint signals a pivot toward steady, innovation-led growth.

What’s Next:

Markets will be watching Thursday’s Trump-Xi talks for signals on tariff reductions and potential agreements on fentanyl exports. Any positive outcome could further boost risk sentiment and extend the rally in Chinese equities, though investors remain cautious amid global economic uncertainty.

With information from Reuters.

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Japan and South Korea: Vital partners in the New Uzbekistan

Authors: Marin Ekstrom and Wilder Alejandro Sánchez

Uzbekistan has recently commenced construction of a new airport in Tashkent, valued at $2.5 billion, as a symbol of the country’s reinvention. The project, slated to begin operations in 2029, aims to serve as Central Asia’s key aviation hub by supporting more than 40 take-offs and landings per hour and serving 20 million passengers annually. Economists predict that increased air traffic at the airport could generate $27 billion in annual revenue and create thousands of new jobs.

To achieve this ambitious goal, Tokyo and Seoul will be critical partners: Japan’s Sojitz Corporation, which has extensive experience in the aviation sector, has agreed to invest millions of dollars and share technical expertise. As for South Korea, the Incheon International Airport Corporation (IIAC) signed a $24.5 million consulting contract to provide operational and service support for the development of the new Tashkent airport.

Investment Incoming

While the Tashkent airport is one of the most recent and buzzworthy examples of Uzbek cooperation with Japan and South Korea, it is hardly the only area of engagement. With a projected 6.2% economic growth rate for 2025, Uzbekistan is on track to become one of the five fast-growing economies in Europe and Central Asia, making it a highly attractive market for trade and investment. In July 2025, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) announced a three-year initiative to fund and implement $3.7 billion in projects across the energy, petrochemical, textile, and infrastructure sectors. Sojitz also agreed to expand its cooperation in the oil and gas sectors, including the Syrdarya II power generation facility. Mining is another lucrative sector, with the Japanese corporation Itochu investing heavily in Uzbek uranium mining operations.

Similarly, South Korea is playing a vital role in financing Uzbekistan’s infrastructure projects, including supplying high-speed trains for its electrified transport networks and providing over $12 million to promote sustainable resource extraction methods and supply equipment and training for Uzbek engineers. Another notable project is a South Korean-funded $150 million medical center in Tashkent.

High-Level Diplomacy

The two East Asian governments have also increased intergovernmental engagement with Uzbekistan in recent years. Visits and engagement between policymakers in Tashkent and Tokyo are relatively common: this year alone, then-Minister of Foreign Affairs Takeshi Iwaya visited Tashkent in June, while then-Minister of Justice Keisuke Suzuki visited in May. While the new Prime Minister, Sanae Takaichi, has yet to fully formulate her foreign policy strategy, it is hoped that she will continue Tokyo’s engagement with Uzbekistan.

Then-South Korean President Yun Suk Yeol visited Tashkent in June 2024, while President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and current President Lee Jae Myung spoke by phone in July. They pledged to strengthen the “special strategic partnership” and expand “multifaceted cooperation,” noting that Korean companies have invested over US$8 billion in the Uzbek economy.

Japan and South Korea have proven to be invaluable official development assistance (ODA) providers. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Tokyo’s primary international aid organ, along with other Japanese NGOs, have worked extensively on infrastructure and human capital development in Uzbekistan. While Japanese ODA to Central Asia is of lower priority compared to Southeast Asia, Tokyo has consistently remained a top donor to Uzbekistan and the rest of the region. South Korea- which famously transformed from a major aid recipient to a prominent aid donor – has currently designated Uzbekistan as a “priority partner country” in terms of its ODA allocation. South Korean development assistance increased tenfold from 2006 and 2019, concentrating on social infrastructure and public service projects. Given the current instability of the global humanitarian and international development sector, it is difficult to say with certainty which current and future projects involving Japan, South Korea, and Uzbekistan will be pursued.  Nevertheless, ODA from Japan and South Korea has clearly had, and will continue to have, a positive lasting impact in Uzbekistan. 

The Other Pillar: People-To-People Interactions

People-to-people relations, facilitated through tourism and educational opportunities, can serve as additional pillars to strengthen interstate relations. Tourism among the three countries is surging, as Uzbekistan has noted increased tourist traffic from Japan and South Korea and vice versa. Initiatives like “Cool Japan” and “the Korean Wave” have transformed the two East Asian nations into soft power titans, while Uzbekistan is emphasizing strategies such as its Silk Road mystique to boost its soft power and tourism potential. If construction of the new airport stays on track, by the end of the decade, Japanese and South Korean tourists will arrive at a state-of-the-art facility their governments helped build.

Studying abroad is a significant phenomenon in Uzbekistan, ranking fifth globally in 2021 in terms of the number of students studying abroad. Japan offers numerous scholarships, language programs, and exchange programs designed for Uzbek students to study there. South Korea is an even more popular destination, with an estimated 5,000 Uzbek students studying in Korean universities. While comparatively fewer Japanese and South Korean students study in Uzbekistan, exchanges among the three countries can only strengthen their long-term ties.

Finally, Uzbekistan contributes to South Korea’s academic community and workforce: nearly 100,000 Uzbek citizens were living in South Korea as of June 2025, comprising the fifth largest foreign-born population in the country.

The Big Picture

Japan and South Korea have also robustly engaged with Uzbekistan through regional forums. Japan spearheaded the “C5+1” framework, which organizes the five Central Asian republics into a regional unit interacting with an extra-regional actor, with its 2004 “Central Asia + Japan” dialogue. Global Powers like China, Russia, the United States, and the European Union adopted this model for their own engagements with the Central Asian states. The Japan-centered C5+1 has continued, with the most recent summit being held in Astana in 2025. South Korea has helped organize a series of Central Asia-Republic of Korea Cooperation Forums and was set to host the first Central Asia-Korea summit in Seoul in 2025. The arrest of deposed President Yoon Suk Yeol earlier this year, however, has delayed those plans. South Korea announced a “K-Silk Road” initiative in June 2024, an ambitious project encompassing such areas as natural resource extraction, development aid, and cultural exchanges- though the arrest of Yoon has also halted progress on these objectives.

As a corollary to this analysis, it is worth noting two recent developments involving Central Asian engagement with  the Global Powers of China and the US, which often overshadow Japan and South Korea’s efforts in the region. A Chinese company reportedly plans to invest as much as US$500 million in Uzbekistan’s Andijan region to construct a hydroelectric power plant and modernize existing energy infrastructure. Meanwhile, US Ambassador-at-Large for South and Central Asian Affairs Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary Christopher Landau visited Tashkent in late October as part of a regional tour. 2025 marks the 10th anniversary of the US-Central Asia C5+1 format, and US members of Congress have requested the Trump administration to organize a presidential summit to celebrate this achievement.

The point here is that the Global Powers will continue to engage Tashkent, and matching dollar-for-dollar  investment to compete with them is unrealistic. That being said, Tokyo and Seoul are not necessarily positioning themselves to act like Global Powers in the region. Japanese engagement with Uzbekistan and Central Asia has been characterized by a flexible, piecemeal approach that targets key issues while forgoing rigid diplomatic protocol like geopolitical alliances or treaty obligations. In addition, Japan values “quality over quantity” regarding its projects: while it may not be as flashy or large-scale compared to its Global Power counterparts, Japan aims for long-term sustainability and success. South Korea, for its part, appears to be adopting a similar mode of engagement with Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Being involved in strategic projects, like a significant involvement in Tashkent’s new airport, will help Tokyo and Seoul continue to have a high-profile and visible presence in Uzbekistan’s development projects.

Conclusions

Since President Mirziyoyev took power in 2016, he has sought to create a “New Uzbekistan” characterized by economic dynamism and global integration. Tashkent’s relations with Global Powers like China, Russia, the United States, and the European Union have been extensively analyzed. However, two other countries that have developed their own special and successful partnerships with Uzbekistan are Japan and South Korea.

As the New Uzbekistan gains momentum, Tashkent must rely on international partnerships to sustain development and enhance its international prestige. Given the country’s history of subjugation under empires and global powers, Uzbekistan’s involvement with nations like Japan and South Korea offers an intriguing alternative: robust engagement with less risk of domination. In turn, these East Asian nations can expand their regional influence to offset rival powers, most notably China, and gain access to new markets and resources. The collaboration between these three countries thus offers mutual benefits for all parties.

*Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is president of Second Floor Strategies, a consulting firm in Washington, D.C. He covers geopolitical, defense, and trade issues in Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Western Hemisphere. He has co-authored a report on water security issues in Central Asia, published by the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center and given presentations on environmental issues that affect the region.

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The Dark Fleet: How Cartels Took Hold of North America’s Energy Trade

When a Danish-flagged tanker named Torm Agnes quietly pulled into Mexico’s Port of Ensenada this spring, few took notice. The harbor, better known for cruise liners and pleasure yachts, seemed an unlikely setting for a large-scale energy delivery. But what followed was no ordinary unloading. Within hours, convoys of fuel-hauling trucks began siphoning off diesel from the tanker under the cover of night, an industrial cover that occurred so fast that witnesses said it operated “like clockwork.”

By morning, much of the shipment, worth roughly $12 million, had vanished into the Mexican black market. On paper, the cargo was listed as lubricants, exempt from Mexico’s high import taxes. In reality, it was a vast quantity of U.S.-sourced diesel smuggled by intermediaries working with one of Mexico’s most violent cartels; the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, or CJNG.

This was not a one-off operation. It was part of a sprawling, billion-dollar criminal enterprise linking Mexican cartels, U.S. traders, corrupt officials, and global shipping firms into what security analysts are now calling a “dark fleet.” And it underscores a deeper truth: the cartelization of Mexico’s energy market is no longer a localized issue, it’s a geopolitical problem touching the heart of North American trade, governance, and security.

A New Market Touched by Cartels:

For decades, Mexico’s cartels made their fortune in narcotics. Today, they are energy traders, exploiting systemic weaknesses in Mexico’s tax system and infrastructure to build empires rivaling legitimate fuel companies. According to Mexican officials, bootleg imports may now account for up to one-third of the country’s diesel and gasoline market, worth more than $20 billion a year.

The genius of the scheme lies in its simplicity. Mexico’s IEPS tax, a levy on imported fuels often exceeding 50% of a shipment’s value, creates a powerful incentive to cheat. Smugglers evade this tax by falsifying cargo documents, claiming their shipments contain lubricants or petrochemical additives, both of which are tax-exempt. The fake paperwork passes through customs with the help of bribes, while the actual diesel or gasoline floods Mexican markets at a discount.

Companies like Houston-based Ikon Midstream, which bought and shipped the Torm Agnes cargo, occupy the gray zone between legality and complicity. The firm purchased diesel in Canada, disguised it as lubricants in customs documents, and sent it to a Monterrey-based recipient called Intanza, a company authorities now suspect is a CJNG front.

It is the blending of formal and criminal economies that makes this phenomenon so dangerous. What once required violent pipeline theft now operates as a hybrid supply chain, complete with invoices, shipping manifests, and trade intermediaries. The same global infrastructure that powers legitimate energy commerce has been repurposed for organized crime.

The American connection:

The Ensenada case illustrates how deeply intertwined U.S. and Mexican energy systems have become. Nearly all the smuggled fuel originates in the United States or Canada. It passes through American ports, refineries, and shipping brokers, some unwitting, others complicit.

Texas, long a hub for legitimate fuel exports, has also become fertile ground for illicit operations. “The cartels have infiltrated many legitimate businesses along the border and further north,” warned Texas State Senator Juan Hinojosa, who has pushed for stricter licensing of fuel depots and transporters.

The U.S. Treasury Department and the Office of Foreign Assets Control  have since begun sanctioning dozens of Mexican nationals and companies tied to CJNG’s fuel operations. Yet the challenge lies in the complex nature of the trade; each shipment can involve multiple shell companies, international middlemen, and falsified documents. Even major firms like Torm, one of the world’s largest tanker operators, have been drawn into controversy. The company says it cut ties with Ikon Midstream after the Ensenada operation became public, citing contractual deception.

Meanwhile, the U.S. Department of Justice has already prosecuted American citizens for aiding cartel-linked fuel schemes. In May, a Utah father and son were charged with laundering money and supplying material support to CJNG by helping smuggle Mexican crude oil. Such cases highlight that America’s own regulatory and commercial systems are being leveraged to sustain the very criminal organizations Washington seeks to dismantle.

Mexico’s Shaky Governance:

For Mexico, the rise of cartel fuel empires is not just an economic issue, it’s an existential one. The Mexican Navy, once regarded as among the country’s least corrupt institutions, is now under internal investigation for its role in facilitating smuggling at ports. Senior naval and customs officials have been arrested in connection with illegal tanker operations, while President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration has made combating fuel theft a cornerstone of its early tenure.

But even high-profile seizures barely scratch the surface. Since Sheinbaum took office in late 2024, authorities have confiscated an estimated 500,000 barrels of illegal fuel, less than a fraction of the $20 billion trade. Prosecutors investigating the racket face mortal danger. In August, Tamaulipas’ federal prosecutor was assassinated after leading raids that uncovered more than 1.8 million liters of illicit fuel.

This combination of organized crime, corruption, and governance failure is a hallmark of what political scientists call “criminal capture”, the point at which state institutions become functionally co-opted by illicit economies. With cartels operating as false energy corporations, Mexico’s sovereignty over its own fuel sector is seemingly a facade.

The Global Shadow Market:

The implications stretch beyond Mexico. The term “dark fleet” was first used to describe tankers smuggling sanctioned Russian and Iranian oil. Now, it applies equally to the vessels carrying contraband fuel across the Gulf of Mexico and Pacific coastlines.

These ships exploit the same legal and logistical loopholes that sustain global energy markets; open registries, layered ownership, and limited oversight in maritime trade. Once a vessel’s cargo is reclassified or offloaded at an unsanctioned port, tracing its origins becomes almost impossible.

For Western energy giants, this black-market competition is tangible. Shell’s decision to sell its retail operations in Mexico earlier this year was due in part to its inability to compete with cheaper cartel-supplied fuel. Bootleg diesel sells at a 5–10% discount below legitimate imports, enough to distort prices across an entire sector.

Meanwhile, the illusion of “cheap” fuel comes at extraordinary cost. Mexico’s treasury loses billions in tax revenue annually, honest importers are squeezed out, and legitimate workers are drawn into dangerous informal economies. The trade also erodes trust in North America’s supply chains, just as Washington and Mexico City struggle to deepen cross-border economic integration under the USMCA framework.

Cartel Infiltration into Trade Routes:

The evolution of cartels from narcotics traffickers to fuel traders reflects a broader transformation in organized crime. Cartels have always been adaptive enterprises, but their pivot into energy reveals strategy: fuel is legal, high-margin, and logistically complex, making it perfect for laundering money under the guise of legitimate trade.

In this new landscape, the line between criminal and commercial actor has blurred beyond recognition. A U.S. trader signing a fuel invoice in Houston may be unknowingly financing a cartel warehouse in Jalisco. A Danish shipping company fulfilling a contract may inadvertently be enabling tax evasion worth millions. And a Mexican port official turning a blind eye may be advancing the interests of a criminal enterprise larger than the state itself.

The Torm Agnes episode is not merely a tale of smuggling; it is an example showcasing globalization’s vulnerabilities. As supply chains grow more complex and opaque, the ability of states to control what passes through their borders diminishes.

What’s Next?

Mexico’s “dark fleet” is more than a law enforcement issue, it’s a test of North America’s supply chain security. If cartels can operate international fuel logistics networks using legitimate Western infrastructure, the implications reach far beyond Ensenada. It raises fundamental questions about regulation, accountability, and the complicity embedded in global commerce.

President Sheinbaum’s crackdown, combined with U.S. sanctions, suggests the beginnings of a coordinated response. But the scale of the challenge is daunting. As one former OFAC official put it, “The cartels are not just criminals anymore, they’re businessmen with global reach.”

Whether Washington and Mexico City can curb this hybrid economy will define not just the future of bilateral relations, but the credibility and stability of the global energy system itself.

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Anchoring the Future of Regional Trade in the CPEC

In the southwestern corner of Pakistan, where the Arabian Sea meets the rugged Makran coast, Gwadar Port stands as one of the most ambitious and strategically important infrastructure projects in South Asia. Once a quiet fishing village, Gwadar is rapidly evolving into a global trade hub under the framework of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The port’s transformation is not just about maritime logistics; it represents a broader economic vision linking China, Pakistan, and a wider network of countries stretching across the Middle East, Africa, and Central Asia.

At the heart of this transformation lies China’s investment in Gwadar’s deep-water port facilities. Strategically located near the Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly 20% of the world’s oil passes, Gwadar gives China direct access to the Arabian Sea, bypassing the long and vulnerable sea route through the Malacca Strait. This geographic advantage is key to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), offering the country a shorter and more secure trade path to the Middle East and Africa. For Pakistan, Gwadar is both an economic lifeline and a symbol of modernization, promising to uplift the impoverished Balochistan province through new industries, employment opportunities, and infrastructure development.

The China-Gwadar-Africa trade corridor, projected to create around 25,000 jobs and contribute up to 30% of Gwadar’s district GDP by 2027, underscores the scale of ambition behind CPEC. The port’s free zone expansion is already attracting manufacturing, logistics, and technology firms that view Gwadar as a cost-effective alternative to congested Middle Eastern ports. Chinese companies, through 2025 agreements with the Gwadar Port Authority, are investing in industrial parks, real estate developments, and energy projects aimed at turning the port into a self-sustaining economic ecosystem. These projects extend far beyond shipping; they’re setting the stage for an integrated trade hub that could reshape the economic geography of the region.

Infrastructure connectivity remains the backbone of Gwadar’s development. The construction of new highways, railway links, and power plants ensures that the port is not an isolated enclave but a vital node in the global supply chain. The planned rail corridor connecting Gwadar to Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang province will cut transport time for goods significantly, allowing trade between western China and the Arabian Sea in under a week. Complementary projects, like the Gwadar International Airport, desalination plants, and solar energy stations, are also underway to support the city’s growing economic and population base. Together, these developments represent a holistic approach to urban and industrial planning that aligns with Pakistan’s long-term economic diversification goals.

The Gwadar Free Zone, now entering its second phase of expansion, is perhaps the clearest indicator of the port’s economic potential. Modeled after successful trade zones in Dubai and Singapore, the zone is expected to house over 400 companies from sectors ranging from petrochemicals and logistics to tourism and high-tech manufacturing. The fiscal incentives, tax exemptions, streamlined customs procedures, and energy subsidies are designed to attract both local and foreign investors. As Chinese and Pakistani firms collaborate on industrial and commercial ventures, the zone is emerging as a microcosm of regional economic integration.

Sustainability, often overlooked in large infrastructure projects, is also beginning to shape Gwadar’s future. One of the more innovative developments is the introduction of solar-powered fishing boats, designed to replace diesel-run vessels that pollute the coastline. Supported by Chinese firms and local cooperatives, these boats aim to improve the livelihoods of local fishermen while reducing carbon emissions. Such projects demonstrate how economic growth and environmental responsibility can coexist when supported by technology and policy alignment.

That said, Gwadar’s journey is not without challenges. Security concerns in Balochistan, bureaucratic delays, and local dissatisfaction over land use and employment distribution continue to shadow its progress. Critics argue that without more inclusive development, ensuring that the people of Gwadar directly benefit from the port’s success, the city risks becoming an enclave that serves external interests more than local ones. Transparency in agreements, fair labor practices, and reinvestment in local education and healthcare will be crucial to maintaining social stability and long-term sustainability.

From a broader geopolitical perspective, Gwadar’s rise introduces new dynamics into the Indian Ocean trade landscape. It competes indirectly with regional ports like Chabahar in Iran (developed with Indian support) and Dubai’s Jebel Ali, both seeking to maintain their relevance in global shipping routes. For China, Gwadar enhances its strategic footprint in the Arabian Sea, complementing its investments in East Africa’s ports like Mombasa and Djibouti. For Pakistan, it’s a chance to transform from a transit economy into a trading powerhouse, leveraging its geography rather than being constrained by it.

The real measure of Gwadar’s success will depend on how effectively it integrates with surrounding economies and global trade networks. If managed wisely, the port could help rebalance Pakistan’s trade profile, attract foreign investment, and serve as a catalyst for industrial modernization. But its development must remain inclusive, transparent, and environmentally responsible to ensure that the benefits of CPEC reach beyond the port’s fences and into the lives of ordinary Pakistanis.

In essence, Gwadar Port is not merely a logistical project; it’s a statement of intent. It reflects Pakistan’s aspirations to join the ranks of regional trade powers and China’s ambition to secure diversified trade routes. As CPEC matures, Gwadar’s success will likely be judged not only by the volume of goods passing through its docks but also by the depth of prosperity it generates across borders and communities.

Recommendations

  • Prioritize local employment and vocational training to ensure Baloch communities benefit directly.
  • Strengthen environmental management through renewable energy initiatives and waste control.
  • Enhance port security and digital surveillance for safe and efficient operations.
  • Encourage public-private partnerships to diversify investment beyond China.
  • Fast-track railway and power infrastructure to improve trade connectivity.
  • Implement transparent governance and community engagement programs.
  • Promote sustainable fisheries and ecotourism to complement trade growth.
  • Align Gwadar’s development with Pakistan’s national logistics policy for long-term coherence.
  • Foster maritime innovation through research centers and green port technologies.

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Argentina Decides Fate of Milei’s Austerity Agenda

Argentina is set to vote in legislative elections on Sunday, which will test support for President Javier Milei’s free-market reforms and austerity measures.

The president’s party, La Libertad Avanza, aims to boost its minority in Congress to maintain investor confidence and maintain support from U.S. President Donald Trump. The election will take place in half of Argentina’s lower Chamber of Deputies and a third of the Senate.

The Peronist opposition movement currently holds the largest minority in both houses, while Milei’s party has only 37 deputies and six senators. The White House and foreign investors have been impressed by the government’s ability to reduce monthly inflation, achieve a fiscal surplus, and enact sweeping deregulation measures.

However, Milei’s popularity has fallen due to public frustration with his cuts to public spending and a corruption scandal linked to his sister. Political experts predict that more than 35% of the vote would be a positive outcome for Milei’s government and could allow him to block opposition lawmakers’ efforts to overturn his vetoes against laws that threaten Argentina’s fiscal balance.

With information from Reuters

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Vietnam’s Rising Era: A Year in Review and Prospects

In the context of the US-China competition and the post-COVID-19 global economic recession reshaping the international order, Vietnam has emerged as a stable and dynamic bright spot in Southeast Asia. The concept of “the era of the Vietnamese nation’s rise,” first mentioned by General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam To Lam at the 10th Central Conference of the 13th tenure, reflects the aspiration to enter a new stage of development from “renovation” to “rise.” In fact, over the past year, Vietnam has achieved a growth rate of about 5.5-6%, higher than the average of many other countries in the region. Record FDI inflows, led by technology projects of technology companies Samsung, Apple, and Intel, as the expanding “China+1” trend helps Vietnam become an important link in the global supply chain. Inflation is maintained at 3-4%, and exports and domestic consumption recover strongly, while digital transformation, green development, and the semiconductor industry are considered new growth pillars.

One of the important milestones of the year is the program of reorganizing and merging administrative units, helping to streamline the apparatus and improve the efficiency of state administration. The reduction of nearly 30% of commune-level units and more than 10% of district-level units not only saves budget costs but is also considered a step forward in institutional quality towards a professional administration.

In foreign affairs, Vietnam has shown an increasingly confident role as a middle power expanding its strategic space. The upgrade of relations with the United States to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership puts Hanoi among the few countries that maintain special relations with both Washington and Beijing. Relations with Japan, South Korea, India, and Australia continue to be strengthened, while cooperation channels and mechanisms for controlling maritime disputes with China are maintained stably.

Multilaterally, Vietnam has shown a more proactive role in ASEAN and actively participated in global initiatives on climate and energy. Its image as a trustworthy, constructive, and balanced country has been reinforced, helping Vietnam to enhance its position in the reshaping regional structure.

However, despite many positive results, Vietnam’s growth still relies heavily on capital flows from the FDI sector, while domestic enterprises lack competitiveness. Labor productivity growth is slow, the efficiency of state-owned enterprises is still low, and institutional reforms have not created breakthroughs. These are barriers that put Vietnam at risk of being stuck in the “middle-income trap.”

On the social front, Vietnam faces challenges of climate change, development disparities, and rapid population aging. The Mekong Delta is being severely impacted by rising sea levels and saltwater intrusion. These pressures require more inclusive and sustainable development policies.

Politically, the anti-corruption campaign continues to strengthen the legitimacy of the regime and national leadership. However, fear of accountability and slow decision-making are hampering the effectiveness of administrative unit mergers. Vietnam still needs extensive institutional reforms to promote transparency, innovation, and accountability to the people as the foundation for modern state governance.

In the coming time, Vietnam’s “rising” prospects in the period 2025-2030 depend on the ability to take advantage of opportunities from the wave of global supply chain shifts. The shift of supply chains away from China, along with trade agreements such as CPTPP, EVFTA, and RCEP, significantly expands the economic space. The young population base and expanding middle class give Vietnam the potential to maintain strong growth momentum in the coming decade.

However, opportunities always come with risks. Over-reliance on FDI can lead to the situation of the “FDI dependency trap.” Therefore, strong investment priority should be given to supporting industries, education, and science and technology as key factors to enhance self-reliance and domestic value.

On the foreign front, Hanoi will need to continue to maintain a delicate balance between the great powers. Deepening ties with the US and the West in technology and energy must go hand in hand with maintaining stable relations with China, its largest trading partner and strategic challenge. The East Sea, maritime security, and strategic supply chains will continue to be a test of Vietnam’s diplomatic mettle of “multilateralization and diversification.”

In conclusion, Vietnam’s “Era of Rising Power” can only be realized if the country turns its current momentum into long-term competitiveness. This requires institutional reform, productivity enhancement, and a shift to an inclusive growth model. If successful, Vietnam can position itself as a dynamic middle-class economy and contribute to the formation of a more balanced regional order in the coming decade.

The past year has shown that Vietnam is at a pivotal moment with great potential but also full of challenges. The “era of rising up” is therefore not just a political slogan but a real test of Vietnam’s leadership, reform, and integration capacity in a turbulent world.

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Pressure Mounts to Tap Frozen Russian Assets for Ukraine’s War Effort

Ukraine’s European allies emphasized the need to quickly use frozen Russian assets to support Kyiv during discussions in London, hosted by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer with President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and other leaders. They addressed measures such as removing Russian oil and gas from the global market and providing Ukraine with more long-range missiles. NATO chief Rutte mentioned that U. S. President Trump is still considering sending Tomahawk missiles to Ukraine, while Dutch Prime Minister Schoof urged the EU to align with British and U. S. sanctions on Russian oil companies.

Starmer highlighted the urgency of utilizing frozen Russian assets to fund a loan for Ukraine, noting that the European Union has not yet approved this plan due to concerns from Belgium regarding Russian reserves. Zelenskiy requested long-range missiles and the use of frozen assets for more weapons from EU leaders during their meeting in Brussels. Danish Prime Minister Frederiksen stressed the importance of finding a solution before Christmas to ensure ongoing financial support for Ukraine.

Starmer welcomed the EU’s new sanctions against Russia but underscored the need for rapid progress on frozen assets. Zelenskiy also appreciated Trump’s recent sanctions on Russia’s top oil firms, despite Trump’s reluctance to provide long-range missiles. Moscow has threatened a “painful response” if assets are seized and dismissed U. S. sanctions as ineffective on the Russian economy. Zelenskiy met King Charles during his visit to Britain, receiving ongoing support for Ukraine.

With information from Reuters

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US Sanctions, Chinese Strategy: Business Collaboration with Russia Explained

The United States has imposed multiple sanctions on Chinese companies for assisting the Russian military-industrial complex in its war against Ukraine. The US Department of Commerce and the Treasury alleged that several Chinese companies evaded US sanctions by selling sensitive technology needed by Russia to manufacture military weapons. One of these Chinese companies subject to US sanctions and its military dealings with Russia is “Sino Electronics Chinese Company,” which is considered as a part of a network of companies that has allegedly sent shipments worth approximately $200 million to Russia since the Chinese company was placed on the US sanctions list in September 2022. The shipments sent by the “Chinese Sino Network” to Russia included several microchips, cameras, and navigation equipment, technologies critical to Russian weapons used in its war with Ukraine, according to US accusations against Beijing.

 These measures include broad US sanctions in 2024 and 2025 targeting entities in China and several other countries that support Russia’s war efforts. In October 2024, the US Treasury Department imposed sanctions on two Chinese drone companies, accusing them of participating in the production and supply of long-range attack drones to the Russian Air Force. Immediately following, in May 2024, US sanctions targeted Chinese companies and companies in several other countries for allegedly supplying electronic components and chemicals used in the manufacture of Russian weapons and missiles. US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen also warned that “the United States will take action against any Chinese companies that assist Russia in its efforts to obtain military supplies.” As a result of these US sanctions, Chinese banks have become more cautious in dealing with Russia, leading to a slowdown in trade between the two countries during 2024.

  Since July 2025, the United States has threatened to impose secondary sanctions on any entity that continues to cooperate with Russia in an attempt to isolate Moscow by striking its cross-border trade networks, particularly with China. Secondary sanctions target third parties that deal with the directly sanctioned country, Russia in particular.  The sanctions are not imposed because of the actions of the third party, but rather because of its economic ties to the sanctioned entity. Washington uses these sanctions to deter any entity that might indirectly contribute to supporting the sanctioned regime or helping it circumvent sanctions. In 2018, the United States imposed sanctions on a Chinese bank for allegedly conducting financial transactions with North Korea, even though the bank itself had not previously been subject to any sanctions.

 A series of US sanctions on China have been imposed, alleging its military cooperation with Russia in its war against Ukraine. In July 2025, US intelligence reports alleged that Chinese companies were shipping engines to the Russian arms company IEMZ Kupol by mislabeling them to evade sanctions.

The US Department of Commerce expanded its blacklist of Chinese companies and state-owned entities, alleging their cooperation with Russia and supporting it in its war against Ukraine. The US Department of Commerce added several Chinese companies to the US blacklist, including Shanghai Fudan Microelectronics, which was added to the US list of banned Chinese companies for supplying technology to the Russian military sector. Washington also imposed controls on the Chinese export sector, expanding export control restrictions to include Chinese companies that are 50% or more state-owned, as well as entities on the US blacklist. 

 Here, China has rejected all US accusations regarding its dealings with Russian military companies in its war against Ukraine. Beijing has repeatedly denied US accusations of providing military support to Russia. China has also taken several countermeasures, such as imposing sanctions on US companies, in a move to escalate trade tensions between the two countries. Regarding China’s response to US sanctions, China has publicly rejected all these accusations. At the same time, these US sanctions have raised concerns among Chinese banks and companies about secondary sanctions, which may indicate that these US measures are having an impact on trade relations between China and Russia.

 As for China’s official response to the US sanctions imposed on it for its dealings with Russia, the Chinese Foreign Ministry confirmed in an official statement that the United States, by demanding that countries stop purchasing Russian oil, is participating in threatening and undermining international trade.  In response to Trump’s threats regarding the purchase of Russian oil, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said in a statement that “China will take decisive countermeasures if its legitimate rights and interests are harmed, and that China opposes the United States using Beijing as a pretext to impose illegal unilateral sanctions on the Russian side.” The Chinese Foreign Ministry also stressed that “China has lodged a protest with Britain regarding the inclusion of Chinese companies on the sanctions list against Russia. Cooperation between Russian and Chinese companies should not be subject to interference or influence.” The Chinese Foreign Ministry also commented on the British sanctions imposed on it for allegedly dealing with Russian companies and entities, saying that “Beijing will take necessary measures to safeguard its legitimate rights and interests.”

 China has categorically rejected all unilateral US sanctions against it, and the punitive tariffs imposed by Trump have angered Beijing. However, unlike Europe or other countries, China has shown confidence, with official Chinese authorities declaring that “it will fight to the end.” An official statement issued by China on October 13, 2025, stated that “threatening to impose high tariffs is not the right way to negotiate with China. The United States must adjust its position.” Beijing has already responded by imposing counter-tariffs and restrictions on US exports, including rare earths.

 As for the nature of the sanctions directed against Russia in 2025, these new US sanctions focus on indirectly strangling the Russian economy by pressuring countries and companies that deal with Moscow in strategic sectors such as energy, metals, and technology. In July 2025, US President Donald Trump announced a 50-day deadline for reaching a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine; otherwise, tariffs of up to 100% would be imposed on countries importing Russian oil or gas. Meanwhile, the US Congress is discussing a bill that would impose tariffs of up to 500% on Russian exports, including secondary sanctions on financing or transporting entities.  Trump warned that all companies dealing with Russia, especially Chinese companies, entities, and institutions, particularly those operating in the technology and metals sectors, could be barred from entering the US market or using the international financial system.

  Finally, regarding the impact of these unilateral US sanctions on China and other countries for allegedly dealing with Russian companies, I believe these US threats will not go unchallenged, as they could undermine confidence in the global economic system and raise questions about who has the right to punish whom and under what international legitimacy? Applying this to Russia, we find that Moscow is linked to extensive trade networks with major economies in strategic sectors such as energy, minerals, and food. These Russian entanglements with global economies make attempts to isolate Moscow a test not only of Washington’s ability but also of the ability of the entire global system to bear the cost of confrontation.

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