Drones

South Korea plans to upgrade a key Army battle tank and an anti-ship missile program for the Navy in an effort to boost military capabilities against evolving enemy threats, the arms agency said Tuesday.

It will launch a 3.43 trillion-won (US$2.43 billion) project to upgrade the K2 main battle tank to be equipped with an active protection system (APS) to intercept anti-tank missiles and drones, a drone and improvised explosive device (IED) jammer and a remote-controlled weapons station (RCWS), the Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA) said.

The APS system is dubbed a smart shield system that uses radar to automatically spot incoming enemy missiles or drones and attack them.

The drone and IED jammer blocks enemy radio signals and the RCWS enables the crew to safely aim and fire from inside the armored vehicle.

The K2 upgrade program will run from 2028 through 2046, with the new tanks expected to enter into service in 2033, DAPA said.

The agency will launch another upgrade project for the new Haeseong-II long-range anti-ship missile, aiming to double its strike range, backed by a more powerful turbofan engine.

With a budget of around 1.63 trillion won, the military aims to complete the development by 2033 and start mass production in 2034.

The upgraded Haeseong-II missiles are expected to be mounted on South Korea’s next-generation KDDX destroyer, a source familiar with the matter said. The government recently signed a formal contract with Hanwha to build its lead ship.

The upgrade plans were approved during DAPA’s key decision-making meeting on Tuesday.

Copyright (c) Yonhap News Agency prohibits its content from being redistributed or reprinted without consent, and forbids the content from being learned and used by artificial intelligence systems.

Aug. 11 (UPI) — At least nine people were killed and 25 injured in Russian strikes targeting Zaporizhzhia, Dnipropetrovsk and Kyiv with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky saying that Zaporizhzhia, where six people were killed and 19 injured, was hit with North Korean-made missiles.

In a post on X on Tuesday morning, Zelensky said emergency response efforts were still in progress dealing with the aftermath of a “vicious” attack on the city of Zaporizhzhia that involved North Korean ballistic missiles, Zircon hypersonic missiles and guided aerial bombs.

“It was a vicious attack, calculated to inflict maximum damage specifically on civilian infrastructure. Unfortunately, as of now, six people have been reported killed and nineteen wounded in the city. First responders are continuing to extinguish a fire at one of the impact sites,” wrote Zelensky.

He said a missile strike also damaged an infectious diseases hospital building and businesses in Kyiv and the Dnipropetrovsk, Mykolaiv and Donetsk regions also came under attack.

The other fatalities were all in Dnipropetrovsk, where five districts were attacked with artillery and drones, with Gov. Oleksandr Ghanza reporting in an online update that a middle-aged man was killed in the Synelnyky area, east of Dnipro, a teenage boy was killed In Kryvyi Rih and one person was killed in Pavlohrad.

The Russian Defense Ministry said it launched strikes against hubs for transport and logistics in Kyiv and Zaporizhzhia, as well as “defense industry” targets. Officials in Russia’s southwest said a man was killed and two were injured in a Ukrainian drone attack on the Voronezh Region with two warehouses belonging to e-commerce giant Wildberries set ablaze.

Zelensky said more than 120 drones were sent into Ukraine as frontline regions continued to experience what he described as “drone terror” on an almost daily basis, with power outages in Kherson and Kharkiv after strikes overnight.

“Every step Russia takes — increasing ballistic missile production, bringing in North Korean equipment, preparing for mobilization — all of this shows that Moscow is preparing not for peace, but for escalation. And the world needs to respond now, not wait. More sanctions pressure specifically on enterprises that fuel Russia’s war, more air defense assistance for Ukraine — all of this is needed to give peace a chance,” said Zelensky.

Tuesday’s strikes came hours after Zelensky warned in a televised address Monday that North Korea was gaining battlefield experience and boosting its military capabilities through its support for Russia, posing a growing threat to U.S. allies and other countries in the Asia-Pacific region.

Zelensky said North Korea had supplied the Russian military with additional ballistic missiles and was preparing to deploy tens of thousands of troops to Russia.

On Sunday, Zelensky called for increased co-operation between Seoul and Kyiv, particularly on air defense systems, warning that North Korea was preparing to send an additional 30,000 to 50,000 personnel to Russia on top of the 15,000 it already provided.

Aug. 8 (UPI) — Overnight Russian attacks on Kyiv and the surrounding region killed at least 4 people, one of which was a 3-year-old child, officials said Saturday.

Two of boy’s grandparents were also killed in the strike from Russian drones in the Brovary district of the Kyiv region, northeast of the capital city. Four others — the boy’s 15-year-old brother, his parents and a neighbor — were injured as they tried to help the three. They were all hospitalized.

In Kyiv, the city’s military administration said one other person was killed and four others wounded.

Ukraine‘s air force reported that it had downed or intercepted 135 of 151 drones launched by Russia overnight. The attack also involved six ballistic missiles and other guided missiles, CBS News reported.

“Last night, Russia killed three people in Pukhivka, Kyiv region, with drone strikes — a grandfather, a grandmother and their grandson. The boy was only 3 years old,” Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky posted on X. “Four more people were hospitalized: the child’s parents, his 15-year-old brother and a neighbor who came to the family’s aid and was wounded in a double-tap strike. The victims suffered thermal burns and shrapnel wounds. My condolences. It was an ordinary residential building. The Russians could not have been unaware of this. There was also a strike involving six ballistic missiles against civilian infrastructure in Kyiv. As of now, one person has been reported dead. My condolences to the family and loved ones. The Donetsk, Kharkiv, Sumy, Dnipro, Zaporizhzhia, Odesa, Kherson, Mykolaiv, Chernihiv and Poltava regions also came under attack.”

Zelensky went on to reiterate that Ukraine needs more support, including stronger sanctions on Russia and anti-ballistic missile weapons.

The Ukrainian president is on an official visit to Serbia, a close ally of Russia. It’s a first for Zelensky, and the two countries agreed to work toward closer economic ties. Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić said his country will support Ukraine’s territorial integrity with “no buts” during a joint press conference, The Kyiv Post reported. Serbia is trying to join the European Union.

Zelensky has been trying to get the United States to license its Patriot interceptor missiles, but President Donald Trump has hesitated.

The U.S. Senate passed a bill Friday that imposes new sanctions on Russia and Iran. The bill was once championed by the late Sen. Lindsey Graham. On Friday, the Senate voted 86 to 11 in favor of passing The Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026.

A drone also entered Bulgarian airspace Saturday after crossing from Romania and exploded near an international gas pipeline, the BBC reported Bulgarian prime minister Rumen Radev said. He said there was a “significant” amount of explosives aboard the drone, but that there were no casualties or reports of damage. It’s not clear where the drone originated.

Kratos has built the first landing gear-equipped versions of its stealthy XQ-58 Valkyrie drone, with several additional examples now in various stages of construction. The company is also still producing XQ-58s designed for rocket-assisted takeoffs via static launchers, and Valkyrie production is ramping up overall. Both types offer certain advantages in different operational scenarios. Valkyrie flight test activities are currently paused following the crash of one of the drones on Tuesday, which TWZ was first to report and that readers can get caught up on first here.

In reporting on the crash, TWZ had a chance to speak yesterday with Steve Fendley, President of Kratos’ Unmanned Systems Division, who provided additional updates on the Valkyrie program. The U.S. Marine Corps notably previously announced that it is acquiring a fleet of Valkyries in the landing gear-equipped configuration under its Marine Air-Ground Task Force Uncrewed Expeditionary Tactical Aircraft (MUX TACAIR) Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) program. Fendley also discussed developments across other parts of the company’s tactical drone portfolio.

To provide some quick additional context, the rocket-assisted takeoff (RATO) and landing gear-equipped conventional takeoff and landing (CTOL) versions of the Valkyrie are the two main known configurations of the design. The RATO type, which first flew in 2019, also lands via parachute. Kratos has also developed a special launch trolley that allows RATO Valkyries to conduct runway takeoffs, though they still land using the parachute recovery system.

The CTOL version was first publicly announced in 2024. Drones in this configuration can also be launched via rocket, but then land conventionally. The addition of the landing gear does reduce the available internal payload space, as well, something we will come back to later on. In January, Kratos had told us it was targeting the early 2026 timeframe for a first flight, but we cannot confirm whether this has occurred. The Valkyrie crash on Tuesday did come after “takeoff from a test-range runway,” but Kratos would only say the drone in question was in “test configuration.” Whether or not this may have been the first flight of the CTOL variant is not clear.

More generally, Valkyrie is a highly modular design with an open mission systems architecture intended to be readily configurable to meet customer needs. Kratos has told TWZ in the past that it has developed at least five distinct versions of the drone. The company has also been steadily working to expand the performance envelope of the design.

“We have several CTOL aircrafts [sic] … we’ve been working on it for about a year and a half,” Kratos’ Fendley told TWZ. The CTOL configuration is now “in production. Started on those earlier this year, and again, those aircraft are – some are ready, and some still in the pipeline.”

Overall, work on the CTOL version is pressing ahead, he added, while noting that RATO versions are also still being actively produced. Kratos has customers now for both versions.

The U.S. Air Force was the first known XQ-58 operator, and continues to utilize RATO types in support of research and development and test and evaluation activities. The Marine Corps also has a handful of RATO Valkyries, which it has been using to help lay the groundwork for its future operational fleet of CTOL types, which are now sometimes also referred to as MQ-58Bs. The Marines are hoping to see the delivery of the first of these drones in 2029.

Kratos has also publicly announced a partnership with European aviation giant Airbus to develop a version of the Valkyrie aimed at meeting German requirements for a CCA-type drone. When asked about other Valkyrie sales opportunities yesterday, Fendley told TWZ that there are a “number of other international customers,” but could not elaborate.

“We have a set of customers for each configuration, and in many cases, we have customers that want both configurations,” he did note. “They’ll do test and training ops generally with the CTOL variant, but then for forward-deployed scenarios or for scenarios where they want to maximize the payload capacity, they’ll use the RATO configuration. which allows capacity inside the bomb bay.”

At the time of writing, Kratos’ website says RATO XQ-58s can carry up to 1,200 pounds of stores in their internal centerline bay, as well as payloads weighing up to 600 pounds on a single hardpoint under each wing. The bay itself is also said to be sized around a loadout consisting of four 250-pound-class GBU-39/B Small Diameter Bombs (SDB). The SDB is just under 71 inches long and has a body that is 7.5 inches in diameter. The CTOL has half the internal payload capacity, both in terms of weight and physical space, per Kratos’ factsheet. RATO and CTOL types can both also carry additional payloads weighing up to 600 pounds on two external hardpoints, one under each wing.

As TWZ has noted in the past, the ability to operate from traditional runways and conduct static RATO launches both offer certain advantages in different contexts. As Fendley reiterated yesterday, RATO types offer valuable runway independence for forward-deployed operations, and dramatically expand the total number of potential launch and recovery points. Previously, Kratos has shown a concept for an entirely containerized static launch system, which would offer further operational flexibility.

All of this, in turn, could help enable distributed concepts of operations that are also intended to reduce vulnerability and otherwise complicate an opponent’s decision-making cycles. The U.S. Marine Corps and U.S. Air Force, in particular, see distributed deployment concepts as critical to success in future conflicts, especially a potential high-end fight, such as one against China in the Pacific. The Air Force’s particular set of operational concepts, which it currently calls Aegis Combat Employment (ACE), were baked into the requirements for its CCA drone program from the start.

In general, static RATO launch does impose constraints on maximum takeoff weight and, by extension, on range and payload capacity. Kratos has previously told TWZ that just using the trolley launch method offers an increase “in the 10s of % for both fuel and payload capacity.” How exactly the CTOL’s payload and performance compare to the RATO version in either of these different launch modes is unclear. As already noted, the CTOL version does have less capacity available in its internal bay because of the landing gear.

Kratos Valkyrie Trolley Launch System

Still, as we have previously written:

“The CTOL version offers a single platform with the flexibility to take off from conventional runways, which could allow for heavier overall weights, or to use the existing rocket-boosted method from a much wider array of potential operating locations. In a real-world operational scenario, the drones could fly a rocket-boosted mission to start, recover on a runway at a tertiary site, and then continue to fly sorties from there, or be deployed elsewhere. This would combine the benefits of runway independence, including the difficulties imposed on enemies trying to target what could be widely distributed launch points, during an initial wave, and the advantages offered by normal runway-centric tactical air operations for follow-on sorties.

…

“An XQ-58 that can land like any other fixed-wing aircraft on a runway offers advantages for resetting the drones and getting them back into the fight. It takes far more time and effort to get runway-independent types ready for relaunch after they touch down via parachute. That method of landing also relies on airbags to cushion the impact, and a failure of that element of the system can lead to significant damage. There is, of course, always the potential for accidents while operating from traditional runways. Regardless, a Valkyrie that uses a runway should be able to achieve significantly higher sortie rates.”

“The CTOL variant’s flexibility could also have benefits outside of a tactical scenario. TWZ has previously noted that a landing gear-equipped version would be easier to integrate, overall, with other tactical air assets that rely on traditional runways, which would also be relevant for training and other day-to-day peacetime activities. That being said, a significant portion of the Marine Corps’ future CCA fleets, as well as those that the U.S. Air Force and the U.S. Navy plan to acquire and field, may not ever be daily fliers.”

As noted earlier, Fendley spoke directly to these latter points as important benefits of the CTOL configuration during his interview with us yesterday. There are still tradeoffs with the landing gear-equipped Valkyries, especially since they have to find a runway to touch down on even after a rocket-assisted launch. All of this, in turn, speaks to Fendley’s other comments about interest from customers in operating mixed fleets of RATO and CTOL types.

Kratos XQ-58A Valkyrie Test Flight

Beyond the core RATO and CTOL configurations, “we have many different configurations of Valkyrie for many different mission profiles and scenarios that our customers want to resolve, handle, address with unmanned, uncrewed systems,” Fendley also told us. “The ability for that system to couple with either a fourth-gen or a fifth-gen system and increase the survivability, increase the lethality of either of those systems is fantastic.”

This “has really served us with respect to our customers who want to be able to have a defensive capability like that without expending their entire annual budget,” he continued.

The current price point for Valkyries in either the RATO or CTOL configurations is unclear. Kratos has told TWZ in the past that RATO versions are in roughly the $4 and $6 million unit cost range. Years ago, the company also said it was hoping to eventually drive the purchase price down to around $2 million. Economy of scale benefits could be on the horizon as Kratos works to ramp up Valkyrie production. The company is hoping to see the annual production rate rise to 40 airframes by 2028.

“We have increased our full year 2026 organic revenue growth forecast up to approximately 18 percent to 23 percent as compared to full year 2025, which now also includes an expectation of approximately 10 percent organic growth for our Unmanned Systems business based upon recent contract awards, including Valkyrie,” Kratos’ President and CEO Eric DeMarco said just earlier this week around the comapny’s release of its second quarters earnings report.

Kratos is also seeing a surge in interest across its tactical portfolio more broadly, driven by demand both for reusable platforms and long-range one-way attack drones. In speaking to us yesterday, Fendley specifically highlighted the company’s Tactical Firejet design, also known as Airwolf, which has now been adapted into a kamikaze drone. That work has been done in partnership with Taiwan’s National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology (NCSIST). You can read more about this variant, which is also called the Chien Feng IV (Mighty Hornet IV), here.

“And then, of course, our Mako system, which was our original tactical system, that we have a couple of customers who have become very interested in that,” Fendley also noted. This “is interesting because we developed that system in about the 2015-2016 timeframe, and all was quiet for a long time, and it’s really heated up in the, I would just say, in this calendar year. And I think some of that is based on world events, and some of it is based on the increase in budgets, particularly.”

Mako, also known as the UTAP-22, is a tactical combat drone derived from the BQM-167A Skeeter target drone, which Kratos also produces. Mako was at the center of a number of important experimental U.S. military drone programs in the late 2010s and early 2020s, but had appeared to be overtaken by the XQ-58, as well as more advanced designs from other companies. The design does still offer a tier of loyal wingman-type capability that could also come at lower cost compared to other options on the open market now. Mako might be adaptable to the one-way-attack role like the Tactical Firejet/Airwolf, as well.

In addition, Fendley offered positive assessments of ongoing development of the secretive Apollo, Athena, and Thanatos drones, but said he could not offer additional details given the level of classification surrounding those programs. This also just represents work the company is doing in the classified realm that we know about.

The Valkyrie family does remain front and center in Kratos’ tactical drone portfolio. This only looks set to continue with CTOL versions now being built and production ramping up overall for a growing number of customers globally.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Aug. 6 (UPI) — The Leipzig/Halle Airport in Schkeuditz, Saxony, Germany, resumed flights on Thursday after a drone fitted with an explosive device was discovered there a day before.

German Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt said on Wednesday that the discovery of an explosive device points to a “new threat scenario” facing Germany.

“Drone sightings, drone threats including in a hybrid context, are something we know from the past,” Dobrindt said. “That a drone armed with explosives is at an airport is a new threat scenario. We are dealing with a competition here which may also include foreign powers.”

The drone was discovered near a Ukrainian cargo plane, causing several flights to divert to other airports. In a separate incident, a DHL cargo plane collided with a drone during, causing it to abort its landing.

There were no injuries reported from either incident. The plane that collided with a drone suffered mild damage to its nose.

Germany is the largest national supporter of Ukraine‘s military operations.

“Any speculation on these matters may not be heading in the right direction; could simply be completely wrong,” Dobrindt said. “The priority right now is to investigate in all directions.”

After the explosive device was discovered on the drone, its detonator was safely removed by a bomb disposal robot.

German newspaper Bild reports that a technical malfunction may have been the only thing that stopped the explosive device from detonating.

Boeing and Northrop Grumman are laying the groundwork to take teaming between the P-8A Poseidon maritime patrol plane and the MQ-4C Triton long-endurance maritime surveillance drone to a new level. A first-of-its-kind test has demonstrated common command and control architectures that will enable P-8A crews to issue orders to MQ-4Cs. The drones would then perform their assigned missions autonomously and report back. The Poseidon and Triton were designed to operate as a team from the start, but the ability to task the uncrewed aircraft directly in flight would offer new flexibility, especially to respond to sudden changes in the battlespace.

Press releases today from Boeing and Northrop Grumman shared details of the recent P-8/MQ-4 teaming test. The testing was conducted in a laboratory environment and no real aircraft were involved.

“A P-8A operator issued machine readable, machine actionable mission tasking to a simulated MQ-4C Triton using UCI [Universal Command & Control Interface] formatted messages,” according to Boeing’s release. “The P-8A cued the Triton transit to a specific area. After receiving the request, the Triton autonomously planned and executed a transit to the area, employed sensors per the tasking, processed findings onboard, and reported results back to the P-8A Poseidon.”

“In the exchange, Triton’s system used AI [artificial intelligence] algorithms to collect, process and share intelligence data with P-8A Poseidon in response to a request sent by the P-8A Poseidon system,” Northrop Grumman also said in its release.

“Data routes included satellite relay to reflect realistic operational communications. Mission management and autonomy layers communicated via OMS/UCI [Open Mission Systems/Universal Command & Control Interface] rather than custom point to point interfaces,” Boeing’s release adds. “Using UCI, the platforms can collaborate with any U.S. or allied asset sharing the same interface – reducing operator workload by distributing the mission tasks and accelerating commander decisions, making integration across platforms quicker and more cost effective.”

The P-8A was designed primarily as a maritime patrol platform, but has substantial additional intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities baked in. This includes a surface search radar that also has a synthetic aperture radar (SAR) mode, allowing it to capture still radar ‘images,’ even through cloud cover, smoke, and dust, and at night. It also has a sensor turret with electro-optical and infrared full-motion video cameras, as well as a robust signals intelligence suite, as you can read more about here. Its communications capabilities are also critical to making use of all the intelligence it gathers, as well as leveraging data gathered by other platforms. The U.S. Navy also operates more specialized versions of the Poseidon with very advanced add-on sensor systems.

The MQ-4C, which was derived from the RQ-4 Global Hawk drone, has a radar with a SAR mode, as well as electro-optical and infrared cameras, as well. In addition, the drones have electronic support measures systems that allow for the collection of electronic intelligence passively. Unlike Global Hawk, Triton also notably has the ability to descend to lower altitudes to more closely investigate targets of interest.

So far, the United States and Australia are the only countries to operate the MQ-4C, and both of them also have fleets of P-8s. Canada, Denmark, Germany, India, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, and the United Kingdom all fly P-8s or are in the process of acquiring them, as well. Last month, Denmark, Finland, Germany, and Norway announced a new joint plan to acquire and operate a fleet of Triton drones under the umbrella of the NATO alliance.

As already noted, the intention has always been for the P-8A and MQ-4C to work closely together, and the U.S. Navy actively teams the two platforms up today.

“Currently, the MQ-4C is being used as a long endurance, maritime ISR [intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance] asset, that often times feeds us updated posits [positions] on contacts of interest,” a P-8A pilot assigned to the Navy’s Patrol Squadron Five (VP-5), the “Mad Foxes,” explained to TWZ in an interview years ago. “They can fly significantly higher and longer than us and are able to provide a more constant feed of ISR.”

“The Triton will be flown and monitored out of NAS Jacksonville [Naval Air Station Jacksonville in Florida], and we have already seen some pilots and NFOs [naval flight officers] being selected to operate the aircraft,” the Navy P-8A pilot also noted at that time, and this is the crux of the matter.

What Boeing and Northrop Grumman have now demonstrated, at least in a test lab, is the ability of P-8A crews to dynamically task and retask MQ-4Cs without having to go through a command center on the ground that could be thousands of miles away. This, in turn, can only speed up the process of responding to sudden developments, which could include potential threats that pop up unexpectedly or targets of interest that appear to be fleeting.

As the pilot from VP-5 previously explained, the MQ-4C already offers a valuable broad-area maritime surveillance asset that can cover vastly more area, and do so more persistently, than a P-8A can by itself. This, in turn, can also help keep Poseidons further away from potential dangers.

Though treated as something of an aside in the press releases today, work to enable the MQ-4C to do at least some level of immediate autonomous processing of the data it collects using AI-driven systems is also an important development. The amount of data that drones like the Triton can collect can easily be overwhelming for sensor operators and intelligence analysts. A new electronic and signals intelligence (ELINT/SIGINT) suite is in development now for the MQ-4C that will only expand the breadth and volume of data the drones can collect. The U.S. Navy is also in the process of upgrading its P-8As with the explicit aim of improving their already substantial ISR, targeting, and networking capabilities.

With all this in mind, the ability to detect and classify potential items of interest and then highlight them for human personnel offers immense benefits for shrinking down the time it takes to go from data collection to appropriate action. Having a collection platform, crewed or uncrewed, do at least some of that work in an automated fashion upfront can only help further speed up the process. Not having to send as much data can help reduce bandwidth demands and, by extension, latency in the transfer, too.

The OMS/UCI architecture used to support the new P-8/MQ-4C teaming testing could further open the door to pairing the Poseidon with other uncrewed teammates, as well. General Atomics has already been pitching the SeaGuardian version of its MQ-9B drone as a new partner for the P-8A. In its standard configuration, the SeaGuardian is also primarily intended for maritime surveillance and reconnaissance. However, there has also been work to give the drone new capabilities to support anti-submarine warfare missions, including with underwing dispensers for sonobuoys and the ability to pass data they collect along to other nodes.

We could see more teaming opportunities emerge for the P-8A in the future on the smaller tactical side if the aircraft gain the ability to launch drones of their own. TWZ has laid out a detailed case for adding this capability to the Poseidon in the past. More broadly speaking, the U.S. military is investing heavily in crewed-uncrewed teaming capabilities in the air and in other domains, and this is also a growing trend globally.

Especially with the P-8 user base already large and continuing to expand, a new level of interoperability between the Poseidon and the Triton, specifically, could be valuable for the U.S. military and its allies and partners during future coalition operations. This could also create new interest in the MQ-4C among existing and future P-8 operators.

“MQ-4C Triton and P-8A are the backbone of the U.S. Navy’s maritime patrol and reconnaissance force, delivering complementary capabilities unmatched by any other platforms,” Jane Bishop, Vice President and General Manager of the Global Surveillance Division at Northrop Grumman, said in a statement today. “This demonstration underscores the flexibility of our systems, our unwavering industry investment and the strength of our industry relationships. Our commitment to pushing the boundaries of advanced technology ensures that the U.S. and allied nations operators maintain an unparalleled edge against evolving maritime threats.”

“This Poseidon-Triton teaming demonstration unlocks real-world capability and interoperability for the U.S. and allies,” Tory Peterson, Vice President of the P-8 program at Boeing, also said in a statement. “We’re investing so that current and future global P-8A operators can expand the scope and effectiveness of their missions with low risk, evolutionary enhancements on the most advanced maritime patrol and reconnaissance aircraft already in service.”

It remains to be seen when Boeing and Northrop Grumman might demonstrate the new P-8/MQ-4C teaming capabilities in a real-world flight test.

“Next steps and timing will depend on customer requirements and would follow established acquisition, testing and fielding paths,” a Boeing spokesperson told TWZ when asked about any potential flight testing plans. “This was a jointly funded technology collaboration between Boeing and Northrop Grumman, demonstrating a practical, low-risk approach for integrating standards-based capabilities into existing platforms.”

The recent laboratory test is still an important step toward a future in which P-8A crews are able to issue direct commands to their uncrewed MQ-4C partners.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Egypt has moved from rhetorical backing of Sudan’s army to active enabler of its war effort, with a covert drone hub on Egyptian soil symbolising how Cairo has tied its regional strategy to the survival of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Since fighting erupted between the SAF and RSF in April 2023, Egypt has framed its stance as defence of Sudan’s “unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity” and of its “national institutions, particularly the Sudanese Armed Forces.” Officially, President Abdel Fattah al‑Sisi repeats pledges of “non‑interference,” presenting Egypt’s role as limited to mediation, humanitarian aid and hosting Sudanese refugees.

In practice, that line has steadily eroded. Years of joint drills, intelligence sharing and arms ties since 2019 created deep interoperability between the two militaries, well before the civil war began. Egyptian troops captured by the RSF at Merowe airbase in April 2023 were explained away as being on pre‑scheduled exercises, a narrative few regional observers accepted.

The New York Times investigation into East Oweinat in Egypt’s Western Desert crystallises this shift from backstage support to direct operational involvement. Satellite imagery, flight records and videos show a once‑civil agricultural airstrip expanded since 2018 with a second runway, new hangars and satellite links, and by 2025 hosting Turkish Akinci combat drones.

According to U.S. and European officials cited in that reporting, those drones have for at least six months flown strike missions into Sudan, hitting RSF targets up to hundreds of miles inside the country, including convoys on supply routes from Libya and Chad. The drones and their munitions match Turkish systems, but are based on Egyptian territory and shield Sudan’s military assets from RSF retaliation, blurring whether Cairo is merely hosting or also directing the campaign.

For Cairo, East Oweinat offers plausible deniability: operations are embedded in a desert reclamation project far from public scrutiny, yet close enough to Sudan’s border to project sustained air power. For Sudan’s army, it is a lifeline in a war where the RSF has excelled at capturing bases and shooting down drones; at least several Akinci units have reportedly been lost to RSF fire in recent months.

RSF statements and battlefield evidence further illuminate the depth of Egyptian support. In January 2026 the RSF published what it called “irrefutable” proof of Egypt’s direct role, citing captured Egyptian‑made ammunition, armoured vehicles and testimonies from detained SAF‑aligned commanders who described arms, training and medical support routed from Egypt.

Egypt’s wager on the SAF is rooted in hard security and regime‑survival logic. Egyptian strategists see Sudan’s collapse as an existential threat, evoking fears of refugee flows and arms smuggling on a porous southern frontier. Control of the Nile is still more fundamental: since the 2019 fall of Omar al‑Bashir, Cairo has tightened security and military coordination with Khartoum to present a united front against Ethiopia’s GERD and protect its historic water share.

There is also an ideological affinity. General Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan is a career officer with long‑standing ties to Egyptian commanders, and his military rule mirrors Sisi’s own path from barracks to presidency. Backing the SAF fits a long‑standing Egyptian instinct to side with Sudan’s regular army “whoever is in charge of it,” and more broadly to prefer strong central militaries over unruly civilian transitions in the Arab world. The SAF’s reliance upon Muslim Brotherhood–aligned militias and ideologues, including the glorification of early militant figures such as Bara Bin Malik, against the backdrop of Washington’s formal designation of key Muslim Brotherhood chapters as terrorist organisations, should be unsettling to Cairo.

Yet by 2026, Egypt’s bet looks increasingly brittle. The war has killed tens of thousands, displaced more than 14 million and pushed parts of Sudan close to famine, while neither side has secured decisive control. Burhan’s legitimacy is deeply disputed: he led the 2021 coup that derailed a fragile civilian‑military transition, and many of the forces that drove the 2018–19 uprising see him as the continuation of military dominance, not a route to elections.

Cairo’s categorical rejection of “parallel entities” and alternative governments in exile is presented as a defence of Sudanese unity, but in effect delegitimises broad civilian coalitions trying to organise outside the SAF–RSF binary. By equating Sudan’s “national institutions” with the current military leadership, Egypt narrows the field of acceptable interlocutors to a junta whose territorial control and popular backing are both eroding.

At the same time, Egypt seeks recognition as a mediator, through formats like the Quad and by hosting conferences of Sudanese civil and political actors in Cairo. That posture sits uneasily with explicit promises not to be “lax or late in supporting the legitimate Sudanese government” under Burhan, and with mounting evidence of Egyptian‑based air operations in the conflict. The covert base in the desert, and the drones that rise from its runways toward Sudanese skies, have become emblematic of a policy that claims non‑interference while in practice helping to lock Sudan into a devastating, externalised war.

As a keen reminder of the threats Ukraine is facing, Fire Point CEO Iryna Terekh had to stop a recent interview with TWZ to scramble to a shelter as Russian ballistic missiles were approaching. A 35-year-old architect by training, Terekh helped turn Fire Point from a Ukrainian start-up making weapons in a garage into a leading producer of indigenously made long-range strike drones and missiles, and we talked to her about the company’s weapons and future plans. 

Fire Point’s FP-1 and FP-2 drones have been striking Russian targets to devastating effect and its heavy-hitting Flamingo cruise missiles are adding a new level of long-range threat. 

Beyond these, Fire Point is developing the FP-9 ballistic missile to hit targets up to about 500 miles away and the FP-7.x ballistic missile interceptor, intended to provide a more plentiful and cheaper alternative to Patriot munitions.

Among the many topics discussed, Terekh talked about the status of the FP-9 ballistic missile program, roadblocks to fielding an indigenous Patriot interceptor alternative, how her firm is using AI, why the FP-2 drones were so successful against Russian ships in the Sea of Azov and the challenges of building complex weapons systems while under constant Russian fire. Some of the questions and answers have been slightly edited for clarity.

Q: Tell me how Fire Point came to build drones and missiles.

A: Well, we started with the intention to win the war and destroy the Russian Empire, some knowledge in engineering, physics, mathematics, and industrial production, and we started with the FP-1 drone, which was basically the idea behind this. There were two ideas. First is to make an analog of the Shahed drone by technical characteristics, and the second was to utilize a huge stock of Fab 50 bombs. It’s an old Soviet aviation bomb. There was a rumor that there were dozens of thousands of these in Ukrainian stocks, so we decided to build a platform to carry this huge stock.

When we finished designing the aircraft, it turned out that this rumor was just a rumor about the huge stocks of Fab 50s. But anyway, this was a start for FP-1. And when we started to really scale up the production and design a model that would be fitting to be scaled at volume, then we were forced to build a lot of satellite productions around the main production because very soon we met all the possible bottlenecks. And while developing this huge satellite network of productions of the spare parts of different components, we understood that probably we now have enough missiles to go into missile design. That’s the short story.

Footage of the production and testing of the FP-1/2 attack UAVs and the FP-5 Flamingo cruise missile

Q: The Flamingo ground-launched cruise missile, which broke cover last fall, has a claimed range of about 1,800 miles. It uses Ivchenko AI-25 turbofan engines that are commonly found on the L-39 Albatros jet trainer. How many of these engines still exist and how long can you sustain production with those surplus powerplants without switching to something that can be produced en masse cheaply today?

A: First of all, the AI-25 TL was the initial engine with which we started to fly, but this is just one of five different engines that we use on Flamingo. So it’s not the only engine, and Flamingo was initially designed to be flexible and to be able to work with different types of engines. So we can really widen up the stock of used engines. 

But at the same time, we started to develop our own turbojet engine with the same design bureau that designed the 25 TL many years ago, and we built it specifically for the purpose of UAV, not for aviation. And it took quite some time, more than a year and a half. And now we are assembling our first 10 prototypes of the future turbojet fan engines of our production.

The AI-25 turbofan engine, part 1

Q: And when will that be ready?

A: As soon as possible. Obviously it is harder to make a turbojet engine than it is to make a missile.

Q: What’s the timeline?

A: The goal is to finish testing all the samples and making all the improvements by the end of this year, and next year go into mass production. 

Q: Fire Point has said that it aims to increase Flamingo production to a daily rate of at least seven missiles by October of this year. This would translate to 2,555 built annually. How can you make this happen?

A: We did not increase the production to these numbers. This is the maximum capacity of our production that we built. Unfortunately, since Ukraine was waiting for the funds coming from the European Union loan, the orders did not match the maximum capacity of the production, so the production was lowered to a lower percentage of what it could possibly provide. We expect to ramp it up to the named number. Probably by the end of this year or beginning next year. It depends on how the contracts will arrive. 

Q: How does the Flamingo do its job? Can you run us through what mission preparation, launch, navigation, impact and after action activities look like? 

A: I personally place Flamingo in the drone category, despite the fact that it’s a big missile, because the process looks almost the same. 

Of course, there are nuances that we need to count on during mission planning, but the mission planning is on the side of Ukrainian armed forces. In terms of our company, as a manufacturer, we do a very detailed after-action review. After each mission, we understand how it reacted to electronic warfare. We were able to do a very effective countermeasure against on-ground air defense systems like Pantsir and Tor. So basically, there is just one threat that is really left for Flamingo, and this is aviation. Against this, we cannot really fight. Otherwise, it’s half of the technical perfection of the missile and half of the art of mission planning. So, to fly as low as possible to plan the mission correctly, to understand the altitudes, we cannot afford the luxury of doing the ramp up before the final attack, because then we would be visible to radars. 

Therefore, when you plan the ramp up picket, it is much easier than to plan a very smooth, almost horizontal few degrees attack. 

Anyway, our armed forces already mastered this as well, and from our side, it is important that we provide a navigation solution that is completely resistant towards electronic warfare, jamming, spoofing, any sort of interference, and this we did. So we see the improvements after each mission on both sides, both on our software part and on the mission planning part.

Q: What navigation and target package suites are available for Flamingo at this time? What about in the future?

A: I don’t want to name exact systems for obvious reasons, but it’s a combination of a [Controlled Reception Pattern Antenna] antenna, inertial navigation system, of specific software, of additional data sources, and sometimes it’s visual navigation as well.

Q: Olena Kryzhanivska, a defense fellow at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, recently told the New York Times that the Flamingo missiles have shown “low effectiveness,” possibly because of accuracy problems and that the “results that we see are not the ones that Ukraine would like to have.” How do you respond?

A: Honestly, I don’t respond to such things at all because in the end, we are no magicians. If anybody could create a cruise missile in one year and then already pay back all of the money spent on this missile with the effect of the damage on the enemy’s territory, they can show better and more effective results.

Ukraine’s New FP-5 Missile Has Twice the Range of a Tomahawk | WSJ Equipped

Q: Let’s talk about the FP-9. Ukraine getting its own ballistic missile is a big deal. What went into developing it and what can you tell us about its design?

A: The FP-9 is a missile that we planned would be able to reach Moscow with a range of 850 kilometers. It required building the whole new infrastructure specifically for casting solid rocket propellants in such a huge amount. The engine itself is 4.6 tons of solid rocket fuel, compared to FP-7, where it’s just one ton of solid rocket fuel, so a whole set of factories of preparation infrastructure. 

Anyway, as we are speaking now, the engines are being cast. Therefore, we expect test launches soon, as soon as possible. The navigation solution, everything else on this missile is already ready. So basically, it’s the last touch on the engine, and we are ready to start. 

Ukrainian FP-9 ballistics ready to strike! 800 km range – MOSCOW is now within reach!

Q: So when will it be operational? It hasn’t been used yet, right?

A: No, we are preparing for the first flight.

Q: When do you think that will be?

A: I understand the curiosity behind the question on when exactly this would happen, but we have our specific dates in mind where we are aiming. But I don’t like naming them because a lot of things could go wrong on the way, so my expectation is that this would be autumn. I would not specify better at this moment.

Q: For the FP-9 ballistic missile, Ukraine had to build a new solid-fuel engine casting facility. How difficult was that and what is the status of it?

A: Obviously, it was quite a challenge because we do have such a factory. Ukraine had such a factory in Pavlograd, but Pavlograd is under constant attack, and also they’re using a little bit different technology for that. We understand if we do not build an alternative to Pavlograd, then we will have no future for the missile program. 

So we built multiple factories in Ukraine and one in Denmark for the sake of solving this task. Of course, it’s extremely challenging. It’s equipment. It’s mixers for casting. It’s a specific post-curing process, casting process. This is a dangerous production, and we had to reinvent in a way this whole technology almost from scratch. Therefore, it was quite a challenge, but I like how it went out. Since we are already casting a lot of solid rocket fuel for smaller rockets, I like how it’s developing and how it’s going. 

Q: How difficult is it to put all this together from so many dispersed locations?

A: Well, the logistics are hell, to be frank (chuckles). But we do not have the luxury to have the factory in a classic way, with the walls and roof, we if when I say factory and we have 90 of them in the moment, when I say factory I mean this whole ecosystem with logistics, with warehouses, everything is hidden and dissolved in a way that the critical components are always duplicated, triplicated, quadruplicated. It’s a lot of additional investments and, of course, a lot of risks and a lot of additional time for logistics specifically, but again, we do not have any other choice. Therefore, the factory in this matter is a whole ecosystem.

Q: Fire Point claims that Ukraine can build missiles faster than Russia by building cheaper, less complex missiles. How would that work?

A: I personally believe that if you want to build something in volume, you need to think of this from day one of future product development, and this is probably a critical thing that we changed in this culture at Fire Point. So understanding how the production works is a very important thought to be established as a fundament of the future development. So in practice, how it looks when we start the R&D process, our chief designer has a lot of ideas. But I have the power to interrupt and to block any idea that will not be possible to mass produce later. Therefore, we are rethinking and rethinking until we get the solution that is possible to mass produce. 

And when you think of this in the design stage, then of course it is easier to do it. In fact, and also technological sovereignty is very important for all the critical components and processes. We have our own capabilities inside Fire Point, all the critical, even the machine production. So we do cover lots of things. We rely at least on subcontractors and contractors, and we try to set up the maximum control over the supply chain. 

Author’s note: At this point Terekh stops talking and looks at her phone.

Terekh: I am looking to see if this is a ballistic missile attack or not. Yeah, it’s ballistics. So, I would be glad to maybe talk more with you on this point, but I have to evacuate now to the shelter. The flight time is like two minutes.

Author’s note: A week later, we continued the conversation.

Q: Can you talk about the arrangement with Diehl Defense to build Flamingos in Germany? How does this help Fire Point and Ukraine? Can you provide any details about the new seeker Diehl is working to outfit the weapon with and any other details about how Diehl will improve the munition?

A: I cannot provide many details yet because the negotiations are ongoing. But basically, in terms of Germany, we are in negotiations with Diehl Defense, they initiated this discussion. We, I’m sure, can be a mutually interested industrial partner for each other. There is something that Diehl can bring to the table in terms of technology. There is definitely something that we could bring to the table in terms of technology and industrial knowledge.

So I consider such types of negotiations and cooperations very useful. Because the way big primes rethink their future by learning from Ukrainian companies and at the same time using their legacy knowledge for future development – I think is very fruitful for both sides. And of course, it all started by an initiative of the German government because everybody wants to have long-range capabilities of domestic production. 

Q: Let’s talk about the FP-1 drone. Created in 2023, it has been widely used in Ukrainian attacks on targets deep inside Russia. How did you ramp up production of this system and improve it to keep it effective against always adapting Russian defenses?

A: At the beginning, I thought that just constantly analyzing the feedback in a correct way, and then adapting and making changes would be enough. But from today’s point of view, I would say that’s definitely not enough. You have to be so deep in the context of what’s happening on the front line, and in general of the development of enemy tactics of electronic warfare. So you have to be able to make some sort of forecast and try to predict what will happen in the future, find a solution for this future problem, test it, validate it, and when the problem actually comes, you have to have something on your shelf already ready for solving this solution. 

So we are trying to trick the timelines a little bit, even if in some cases, my forecasts are not correct. Eighty percent of the time, they are correct, and that’s definitely enough to always keep up in this technological race. 

You can see video of an FP-1 drone being used in an attack below:

Q: There are now two configurations of this drone, one for longer range and one for a larger warhead. Can you talk about them and how they were adapted to be useful over such a wide range of target sets?

A: You know, when we just made the FP-1, it was just 700 kilometers, and then we found a way to increase the distance and increase the accuracy as well. The same logic happened with FP-2. It started as a middle strike of 200 kilometers, and now it’s up to 500 kilometers. So these are gentle improvements, or as I call them, nuanceful improvements. You can work with an engine. You can work with engine consumption. You can work with reassembling some part of the aircraft in a way that is more aerodynamically effective. So when you make a product that you are satisfied with, there is always room for improvement, to be frank. 

In the case of the longer-ranged version of FP-1, it is a little bit more complicated in production. So it’s not possible, at the moment, to make 300 of them per day, but it allows us to go such long distances. It has a different wing. This wing contains additional fuel tanks, and there are also some minor improvements here and there that provide this result.

Q: And the FP-2?

A: The same logic. It could be different changes, but the same logic.

Q: Can you provide any insights into the ongoing Sea of Azov campaign against Russian shipping that relies heavily on the FP-2 drone? What makes this a good weapon for such attacks?

A: It is controlled manually. There is additional AI assistance on that control. So basically, that makes it the best option to fight dynamic moving targets. Especially, it has multiple options for content streamline. I would explain it like this. So, in case one type of connectivity does not work, there are other options for this as well, and it is very effective when you are controlling your aircraft in real time. Then the pilot can target the most vulnerable part of the ship, and unfortunately, as far as I can see, these are the only sanctions that our enemy really understands.

Q: What other options are there when one type of connectivity doesn’t work?

A: I don’t really want to share exactly what the setup we use is because the more detailed I will explain it, the faster the enemy will find the countermeasures for this.

The following video shows Fire Point drones being used to attack Russian ships in the Sea of Azov:

Q: News reports state that you look to arm this drone with rockets to take on multiple ground targets at standoff ranges. Can you talk about this concept and how you aim to see it be used on the battlefield? 

A: Actually, the FP-1 and FP-2 are pretty universal platforms. There are so many versions of this that we didn’t announce it publicly yet, however these airplanes can make a lot of different side quests, and one of these side quests is of course carrying uncontrolled short-range missiles. We do have a huge stockpile of this missile in the Ukrainian army that is not largely used, and it is the way to utilize them with the most possible sense. It helps to counterattack the mobile interceptor groups, and when the aircraft is done with letting the missiles out, it can go further for the initial mission. So it’s really like a side quest. 

Q: What kind of rockets are you talking about?

A: Old Soviet 57mm S-5 rockets.

Soviet 57mm S-5KO High Explosive Anti-Tank FRAG Aircraft Rocket #military #coldwar #airforce #rocket

Q: How many S-5 rockets can it carry?

A: But it could be any, to be frank. But that does not matter much.

Q: But how many can the drone carry?

A: Eight.

You can see an FP-1 drone launching rockets in this video:

Q: How do you use AI in these drones and other weapons? Where is this headed in the future? 

A: Since we are using quite a big platform, our user experience with AI is slightly different from smaller FPV or reconnaissance drones. We use it for visual map-matching for final target corrections. But I do not say that it’s largely changing the narrative of how we’re using drones because I still believe there should be a person behind making a final decision. So we do use AI a lot in our daily work in software development, in technical consultancy, but in terms of directing the flight, it is still in the end a human who makes the final decision.

Q: Do you use man-in-the-loop or man-on-the-loop?

A: Both.

Q: Can you provide more details about how you use AI in the terminal phase of an attack?

A: There are multiple versions for this type of terminal work. At the moment, we are mostly at the point of collecting more precise data for more inertial platforms like ours. At the same time, it helps to correct and lead the aircraft if the connectivity is lost for quite some time because it has the target recognition possibility and the final targeting as well. But it should still be human-in-the-loop at this moment. 

Q: Where is this headed in the future? 

A: You know, AI companies are now hiring philosophers to decide on where it’s heading in the future. My perfect scenario would be that we will use AI for finding alternative deterrence options. What I mean is, instead of just relying on nukes as a deterrent, it could be that we will build some sort of drone walls, or we will operate the kill zones where the decision-making would be solely on AI. 

There are pros and cons to this as well. For example, we all knew of cases where Russians were infiltrating their agents in the governments of different countries, and when it came to making a fair response to barbarian actions, somebody sabotaged this fair response. So probably AI could be an instrument to provide an immediate response for aggressive actions in the future of whoever this could be, the aggressor. I don’t have a clear answer. Obviously, we are all thinking about this: to what point we can delegate the responsibility, and it’s still an open question.

Q: Satellite communications are also key to long-range strikes against dynamic targets like ships. How has the miniaturization of this technology changed how your products are used? 

A: Miniaturization is crucial, but that is all the detail I can share at this stage.

Q: Let’s talk about Project Freya and the FP-7.x interceptor missile you are developing. Who is providing the seeker to make this work? What is the timeline and what are the expected costs per interceptor? And how will it compare to PAC-3 Patriot?

A: We are working with two European and one Ukrainian company on secret development, and I don’t know which of the options would be the fastest out of this. The final goal is to make the whole interceptor cheaper than 1 million euros. I think with the expected price range of the seekers that we discussed with our partners, this is doable. Probably not from the first iterations, but definitely in serial production. 

Q: What seekers are you using, and from which companies?

A: It is [imaging infrared] seekers. One deal is public, so one option is from Diehl Defense that we are currently integrating. The other is – I don’t know if they’re comfortable with public disclosure yet, so I have to talk with them first.

Q: What’s the timeline for this?

A: Nobody can answer at this point. So the deep technical integration is happening right now. We expect, of course, it to be in the nearest months, because the seekers aside, we are on a good level of readiness. But nobody can answer this point. 

Q: What’s the major issue that still has to be overcome?

A: On technical integration?

Q: On being able to produce the interceptor at scale.

A: If we look at everything but the seeker, our production is already ready, even for mass production, and we finished all the tests on this matter. But the amount in which we will have seekers and their accuracy and the results of technical integration – it’s still something that we are cooking at the moment. Of course, we will be doing our best to maximize both the accuracy, the energy consumption, and the mass production in the future. But we have to understand that even the seeker manufacturers are doing this for the first time in such an integration. So it requires a lot of talent, a lot.

Q: How will it compare to PAC-3 Patriot interceptor?

A: The PAC-3 is a different missile designed for different consumption levels. I think FP-7.x is more comparable in the first iteration to the Patriot PAC-2 because we do not expect immediate success with hit-to-kill, and the first interception we expect to do with the blast interception. Hit-to-kill is the next iteration. So at the beginning we will have more the analog of the PAC-2, but more mass-produced and cheaper.

Q: How many do you think you will be able to make?

A: From our side, we are ready to make almost an infinite amount. So we are targeting to do at least 2,000 a year as a starter, and then develop the production. Right now, we are solving the bottlenecks again, especially on the seeker part of this. But everything that is dependent on Fire Point, we can scale these numbers up.

Q: What do you think about the Patriot interceptor licensing deal Presidents Trump and Zelensky discussed before the American leader backed away from that? Would this affect anything you are doing?

A: No, it could be a good addition to what we are already doing.

Q: Why?

A: Because, in my opinion, every industrial corporation is like the greatest university of all. And the more you cooperate with different companies – there are not that many companies in the world who can produce anti-ballistic capabilities, and we have to kind of stay together on solving massive threats.

Q: On his last day as defense minister, Mykhalio Fedorov wrote that “a successful ballistics test was conducted, which was developed within the Ministry of Defense’s area of responsibility. We significantly changed the technical specifications and demonstrated maximum accuracy. We reduced the price by 30%. Ukraine will enter a new league.” Is this something you are working on or is it the government-run Sapsan program? What can you tell me about this?

A: I don’t know what exactly his words meant to be about because around the same time we were both testing our missiles and Pivdenne was testing theirs [the Sapsan], but from what I know, Sapsan also got a big improvement, and they had recently one of their first big successes with accuracy and technologically. So I think probably he meant both of us or just Sapsan. I don’t know.

🚀 Moscow has a new reason to worry. Ukraine has tested a new ballistic missile

In his farewell post, Mykhailo Fedorov revealed that successful tests of a Ukrainian ballistic missile took place on the very day the government stepped down. He did not specify which missile it was.… pic.twitter.com/PoprVjAUx8

— NEXTA (@nexta_tv) July 16, 2026

Q: A little more than six months after naming the tech-savvy Fedorov defense minister, Zelensky fired him, ultimately replacing him with Major General Yevhen Khmara, who now serves as acting defense minister. How has the change in command in the Ministry of Defense affected Fire Point and Ukrainian domestic weapons development in general?

A: I think in general, our president has a big vision on why he’s doing specific things. The team of Mykhailo Fedorov helped a lot to develop Ukrainian industry, specifically with removing a lot of bureaucracy from the process. I think this initiative alone was the reason why Ukrainian industry is looking like this today. It was back in 2023. But the new minister is a war person. He is deep in the knowledge of asymmetric actions. So we expect a positive future.

Q: Fire Point has talked about the need for a Medium-Altitude Long-Endurance (MALE) UAS armed with a 30mm cannon that can intercept glide bombs before they hit their targets. What details can you provide about that?

A: There is a version of this, like an interceptor. We have multiple versions for interceptors on the platform of FP-1. One is with a gun, the other with small interceptors, like the ones that are popular now, the [General Cherry] Bullet interceptors. And there are also a few other options. As I mentioned at the beginning, it’s a pretty universal platform that can do a side quest. 

Q: What kind of gun are you talking about?

A: Honestly, it was created to intercept Shaheds. I think for intercepting the glide bombs, it’s almost impossible to do so after the glide bomb has left the aircraft. It looks unrealistic to me, to be frank. Maybe, there would be a way, for example, to try and catch the aircraft before it launches. But the most effective way to fight glide bombs is to destroy Russian aviation, and I don’t know yet a more effective way to do this. 

⚡ Russia may have brought back UMPB-5R jet-powered glide bombs. Recent strikes suggest the weapons can reach targets about 150 km away.https://t.co/xiZ6Nf0H1X

— Militarnyi (@militarnyi) August 2, 2026

Q: What else is on the horizon for Fire Point? What new capabilities and platforms are you looking at developing and what battlefield realities are driving those developments?

A: Aside from everything that is well known, we are also focusing on creating our own satellite constellation, so we have an independent connectivity for the drones. So this is one of the focuses, and of course we are working on improving the autonomous flight for the drones, so there are many small and big developments, but the biggest one is probably satcom.

Q: Tell me about this. Are you actually going to launch your own satellites? Are you building satellites for someone else to launch?

A: We are working together with a company that produces satellites, and we are also starting to develop our future possibility to deliver satellites. We are far from that yet, but we already have the equipment, and we already are experimenting with the bigger rocket engines. So this development had already started. It’s not the main focus at the moment, of course, because at the moment we have to win the war first. But this is something we are preparing for the future. 

Q: What company are you working with?

A: Again, I have to talk with them whether or not they want to be public.

Q: Finally, what about Fire Point as a weapons exporter? Where do you see the company as a global arms provider in the near future and after the war hopefully ends?

A: We have a big interest from a majority of European countries to have Fire Point products in their armies, and we already started to work on that because they all saw the threat that may potentially come from Russia. Of course, we also have other negotiations, but now we have to be more careful how we ensure that our products do not wind up with the bad guys. So every export movement would be treated with the maximum cautiousness.

Q: How could your weapons land in the hands of the bad guys?

A: Ah, that’s a good question, how these deals could be possibly secured from being redirected to the wrong place? We have a huge level of trust with our partners, but those countries that are new to us, we do not yet have this relationship and this level of trust.

Q: Are you selling any weapons right now to either the U.S. or, say, some of the Gulf Arab nations, given what’s going on there? 

A: Not at the moment.

Q: Are you in negotiations with the U.S. and/or Gulf Arab nations?

A: Yeah, we have a lot of negotiations and discussions going on in parallel. I will comment once the negotiations are successful.

Q: Are there any weapons or products that you’re developing that I haven’t asked about?

A: I think it is important to understand that we will soon consider all the weapons more in terms of security subscription rather than actual hardware product.

Q: What do you mean?

A: I mean the amount of updates that we make, even on the software side, is huge and happens so often. It kinda reminds me of how you update your smartphone. This does not mean that you have to buy each new smartphone every month, but the software updates quite fast, and also could be that in a year or two you will need a new smartphone. So Ukraine is rethinking the weaponry more in the possibility of how the company can ensure that the army will always have a capability, and how this capability is provided is now a headache of the company. 

So in the old model, when a defense contractor delivers the contract, that’s it. Maybe after some time he will be called for maintenance. But our responsibility isn’t finished on the day that we deploy the weapon, but after I finally receive the post-flight analysis and I’m happy with this. So the whole logistic services, software updates, up-training, any changes that are happening on the way we do by ourselves. The end user can focus on launching and planning the missions, and of course we work shoulder to shoulder to ensure that we will use the battlefield data to a maximum level of usefulness.

The post-Cold War order was built on assumptions russia never shared.

Today’s queues at the Fire Point stand suggest Europe has understood the assignment.

Exceptional second day at Eurosatory. pic.twitter.com/hwMLEMcZXN

— terekh (@iraterekh) June 16, 2026

Q: What can the U.S. learn from Fire Point?

A: Make the market more transparent and attractive to younger startups. Remove bureaucracy as much as possible, share the risks with the contractors to make everybody more flexible, and probably that’s it. 

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

Aug. 3 (UPI) — A warehouse east of Moscow belonging to Russia’s largest online retailer, Wildberries, was set ablaze after being struck by Ukrainian drones overnight, the second such attack in two days.

The company confirmed via its Telegram press service early Monday that the logistics center in the town of Khryastovo in Vladimir province, 12 miles southwest of Vladimir, the regional capital, was on fire and had been evacuated.

“Fire crews are working at the scene. Preliminary reports indicate there are no casualties. Logistics operations have been rerouted; the acceptance of deliveries and the dispatch of orders are being handled at other facilities,” the company said.

However, around three hours later the state-run TASS news agency reported three people had been injured in the Wildberries attack, saying it was part of a wider, deadly, airborne assault targeting 10 Russian regions, Crimea and the Black Sea with hundreds of drones.

Sergey Aksyonov, the governor of occupied Crimea in an online update condemned what he called another “barbaric attack by the enemy” overnight that killed three people and injured two others, all civilians.

The Russian Defense Ministry said air defenses downed 131 Ukrainian fixed-wing unmanned aerial vehicles over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Voronezh, Kaluga, Kursk, Lipetsk, Oryol, Smolensk, Tula and Krasnodar Regions between 8:00 p.m. on Sunday and 7:00 a.m. on Monday, Moscow time.

The strike on the Wildberries facility came a day after a blaze at one of the company’s fulfilment centers in Novosemeykino in Samara province, 600 miles southeast of Moscow, after it was hit amid large-scale drone strikes the Ukraine General Staff claimed its forces carried out overnight Saturday and into Sunday.

The attacks caused fires at Engels air base, on the left bank of the Volga River in Saratov province, where Tu-95MS and Tu-160 strategic bombers are stationed, and an oil refinery in the Saratov city. The governor of the region said two people were killed.

The Lyudinovskaya oil depot in Kaluga province to the southwest of Moscow, was also struck, according to the general staff.

Over the past two weeks, Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Wildberries’ logistics operations across western and southern Russia.

On July 18, eight employees were killed and more than 60 were injured after warehouse complexes in the Tambov and Moscow regions were attacked.

At least 15 workers at two of the firm’s facilities in the southwest of the country were injured in drone strikes on July 22, according to the company’s CEO and regional officials, and a fulfilment center in Kolyedino was hit and warehouses in Belye Stolby near Moscow were destroyed on July 21.

Kyiv alleges the company forms part of the Russian military’s supply chain, providing it with dual-use products such as two-way radios, body armor and components for drones.

BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 30 (UPI) — The widespread destruction left behind by Israeli forces in Zawtar al-Gharbieh — the first U.S.-backed “pilot zone” in southern Lebanon — was beyond anything its returning displaced residents could have imagined, providing a glimpse of the devastation across the southern region and the extensive reconstruction needs ahead.

Situated in the central sector of southern Lebanon near the strategic Litani River, Zawtar al-Gharbieh represents the testing ground for the success of the pilot zones — the cornerstone of the U.S.-brokered framework agreement reached between Lebanon and Israel on June 26.

It was the first village designated by Israel to begin withdrawing its troops, allowing for the deployment of the Lebanese Army and return of displaced residents. Yet, it reveals the significant and complex challenges facing the process.

The residents rushed back to the village when the Lebanese Army moved in July 21, returning each morning and waiting at the entrance for five days before they were finally allowed to enter and inspect their homes and properties.

The army was carrying out security inspections of all homes and removing missiles and unexploded ordnance remaining from the Israeli military presence.

“We were shocked by the scale of the destruction. It was much, much more than we had expected,” Mayor Abed Ezzedine told UPI.

Ezzedine said Israeli forces “spared nothing,” destroying or damaging everything in their path — from homes and schools to places of worship, shops and the municipality building.

He said the water infrastructure was torn up, the electricity networks blown up and burned, and the village’s only water well destroyed.

“In this life, everything has limits. Even war should have limits,” he added. “They changed the face of the village beyond recognition.”

Some 250 housing units — representing up to 80% of the village’s homes — have been destroyed, while the remaining houses have suffered severe damage and are no longer habitable.

Several of Zawtar al-Gharbieh’s 4,500 to 5,000 residents were killed, including entire families, while others were injured as they fled Israeli attacks and advancing troops three months ago, according to Ezzedine, who said “they showed no mercy to anyone.”

Although Israel stopped targeting the village after the Lebanese Army deployment, he said its drones never left the sky, hoovering at very low altitude “over our heads.”

“What kind of cease-fire or arrangement this is?” Ezzedine asked rhetoically.

Very few residents were able to stay — those who were fortunate enough to still have one room in their homes standing and safe. However, they lacked the basic necessities to continue living, including water, electricity and even Internet access.

The vast majority, meanwhile, spent their days in the village and returned at night to their shelters.

Ezzedine struggled to locate his home among the rubble — one of 25 houses in his neighborhood that had been reduced to ruins.

The rapid reconstruction of Zawtar al-Gharbieh will be a key factor in determining the success of the pilot zones, easing residents’ suffering, restoring confidence in the Lebanese state and reducing the likelihood of them turning again to Hezbollah.

“We want to see action on the ground. This is a test of good faith,” Ezzedine said.

According to a Lebanese official source, the main obstacle is the lack of necessary funding.

The source emphasized that rebuilding the village is an important step in supporting Lebanon’s diplomatic approach and consolidating the success of the pilot zones.

He told UPI that the government faces two options: organizing a reconstruction conference for southern Lebanon, which would require considerable time, or quickly rallying support from friendly states such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar to rebuild the first pilot village.

However, success also largely depends on Israel, which has insisted that it will not withdraw from parts of southern Lebanon it is occupying — specifically its self-declared “yellow zone” — or from Gaza and Syria.

Lebanese and Israeli negotiating teams are scheduled to meet Aug. 4 to 5 to evaluate progress on the pilot zones, the U.S.-led verification mechanism and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from additional occupied Lebanese territories.

The official source told UPI that the United States, which does not want to have boots on the ground in southern Lebanon, would have to “find an acceptable formula for all parties” for the verification process, potentially involving countries such as Italy, France or Spain — proposals reportedly rejected by Israel — or others to carry out the mission.

The source confirmed Lebanon’s commitment to the framework deal, saying, “We will not back out of it,” despite knowing that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is not prepared to withdraw from southern Lebanon at this stage, ahead of the October 17 Israeli elections.

Netanyahu remained firm that the disarmament of Hezbollah is a precondition for Israel’s complete withdrawal from southern Lebanon.

A well-informed source expects “tough negotiations” at next week’s Rome talks over the establishment of additional pilot zones, as Israel continues “its aggressions, infiltrations and systematic house demolitions” in violation of the framework agreement.

The Lebanese Army warned this week that Israeli aggressions are hindering completion of its deployment, delaying the return of displaced residents to their villages and undermining efforts to consolidate stability in southern Lebanon.

The source told UPI that the U.S. is exerting pressure on Israel, but “not enough,” adding that Israel “is trying to find an excuse” to withdraw from the framework agreement, which aims to end the nearly three-year war between Israel and Hezbollah and pave the way for peaceful relations between Lebanon and Israel.

July 28 (UPI) — The United States and Saudi Arabia attacked Iran-backed proxies in Iraq on Wednesday after Saudi air defense systems intercepted days of attacks launched from Iraq against the kingdom’s petroleum facilities.

U.S. Central Command said in a statement that it struck logistics and weapons sites across eastern Iraq, describing the joint attack as a “strong response” to the more than 30 drone strikes directed at Saudi Arabia’s energy infrastructure over the last 72 hours.

The joint attack was the first U.S. military operation during a five-day pause in direct strikes on Iran intended to allow diplomacy to resume. The pause followed 13 consecutive nights of CENTCOM strikes on Iran.

Saudi Arabia’s Defense Ministry confirmed the joint strikes, describing them as “precise and targeted strikes.”

It was unclear if any of the Iraq-launched drones hit their intended targets, though Saudi Arabia said several drones targeting its petroleum facilities in the Eastern Province and Riyadh region had been intercepted and destroyed.

According to CENTCOM, more than 600 “attempted attacks” targeting U.S. assets in the region were launched by Iranian proxies in Iraq between the start of the war in late February and the announcement of the now-collapsed cease-fire in April.

“The unwarranted attacks against U.S. forces were not successful,” it said.

The United States and Iran have been at war since late February, though fighting halted under a fragile cease-fire reached in April. The cease-fire collapsed earlier this month, leading to nearly a fortnight of nightly U.S. attacks against Iran.

The U.S. Air Force is “threaded in tight” with the work Australians are doing with the MQ-28 Ghost Bat uncrewed aircraft, according to the service’s top officer in the Pacific. This was underscored by the MQ-28’s participation at a major exercise earlier this year, lessons from which are feeding into the Air Force’s evolving plans for its forthcoming Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) drone fleets. Deep integration between the U.S. Air Force and the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) opens the door to American personnel potentially ordering Australian MQ-28s around in the future, too.

Air Force Gen. Kevin Schneider, head of Pacific Air Forces (PACAF), discussed the importance of the inclusion of the MQ-28 in Exercise Valiant Shield 2026, as well as other topics, earlier today. Schneider’s remarks came during a talk the Air & Space Force Association’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies hosted online.

“Grateful that we were able to incorporate some of this in Valiant Shield or to be a part of it. I’d say most of the interaction in Valiant Shield was within our test community,” Schneider said when asked about the involvement of the MQ-28 in the exercise. “The experimental operations squadron that we have looking at U.S. Air Force CCA platforms was really threaded in tight with what the Australians were doing. So the cross flow of information within the test and development effort is really strong.”

MQ-28 Ghost Bat Makes Its Debut — F-2, F-35B & P-8 Join Valiant Shield 2026

The experimental squadron Schneider mentioned here is formally called the Experimental Operations Unit (EOU), and is headquartered at Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada. The EOU was first established in 2023 and expanded into a full squadron-sized formation last year. The unit is specifically tasked with supporting the development of new concepts of operations for fielding and employing CCAs, as well as tactics, techniques, and procedures to go with them. The Air Force’s initial CCA force is set to consist of a mixture of General Atomics FQ-42 Dark Merlin and Anduril FQ-44 Fury drones. These are the two types now in development as part of the initial phase, or Increment 1, of the program.

The MQ-28, which Boeing has been developing for the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) since the 2010s, is not formally part of the Air Force’s CCA program at present, at least as far as we know. The Air Force has said in the past that it has used at least one of these drones to support work on advanced autonomous capabilities and other related developments. To date, the RAAF has received eight Ghost Bats, all in pre-production Block 1 configuration. Boeing is now working on the first batch of Block 2 MQ-28s, an improved version that is seen as a direct stepping stone toward the now-in-development Block 3 type. The Block 3 will be substantially different from its predecessors, with a longer main wing, internal weapons bays, and other new design elements, as you can read more about here.

At Valiant Shield, the MQ-28 flew together with one of the U.S. Air Force’s new F-15EX Eagle II fighters, among a host of other American and allied aircraft. Whether any of those platforms issued any direct commands to the Ghost Bat during the exercise is unclear. Boeing and the RAAF have previously demonstrated airborne control of the drone via an E-7A Wedgetail airborne early warning and control plane.

“As that continues to play out and evolve, then we can start looking at operator-to-operator, between the RAAF and the PACAF and USAF, to look at command and control architectures, authorities, exactly how we would use this,” Gen. Schneider continued. “I’m really impressed with how that program, the Ghost Bat program, is going, and what it sets as an example for others that are going down this road with CCAs.”

Being able to pool CCA-like drone capacity, even during a heated and complex fight, based on common architectures, rather than necessarily common platforms, would be of major benefit to all involved. This would extend beyond the tactical realm to maintenance and logistics. TWZ previously laid out a detailed case for exactly this level of deep cooperation, particularly between the United States and Australia, as well as the United Kingdom, as part of the trilateral AUKUS defense cooperation agreement.

Schneider was also asked later in the talk to elaborate on the current state of the Air Force’s own CCA plans in light of his comments about the MQ-28.

“I’m going to give you an unsatisfactory answer. I would say that of my many flaws, one of them is I am somewhat trapped in the present and the here and now. So my sight picture is from today to about three to five years in the future,” the PACAF commander said. “Where CCAs are sitting right now in terms of their development, that’s kind of the edge of my radar scope.”

“Headquarters Air Force is thinking long and hard about this, and especially as they look at future [force] design,” he continued. “So there are others that are more certainly thinking the big thoughts, trying to understand what it is that we need going forward, especially as we look at what are the Increment 2, the second generation of CCAs, what those requirements are, and then how we would incorporate those.”

“I absolutely do see value and opportunity,” Schneider added. “There’s discussion about what are the specific use cases and and how we would employ them. But I would say the better people to pose those questions to are probably sitting in the Pentagon and sitting in Headquarters A5/7 [the office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Air Force Futures] right now.”

The Air Force has been working to refine the CCA Increment 2 requirements for some time. Officials have said in the past that the service is leaning toward lower-cost and less complex designs for this second tranche of drones. Novel capabilities, including the ability to be launched from other aircraft, could also be on the table.

“Platforms are important, the high-end exquisite platforms, but rails and munitions, and just in a broad sense, I owe the combatant commander options on how to deal with operational problems,” the head of PACAF also said, talking more generally. “I don’t want to be in a position to go, boss, [and say] ‘I can only offer you this one solution to a operational problem set.’”

“I do think our ability to mass fires and to do a lot of things at at once is also required,” he continued. “You know there is a mix, and we are having the conversation in the Air Force: is what’s the right mix of exquisite to to to exquisite capabilities and mass capabilities, and we’re taking a hard look at all of that.”

It’s also worth noting here that the Air Force already has a formal agreement with the U.S. Marine Corps and the U.S. Navy to develop common control architectures that will enable the seamless transfer of control of CCAs between the services during future operations. Gen. Schneider’s comments today point to the possibility of a similarly deep level of future interoperability with the RAAF, if that isn’t already on the official agenda. There is already direct foreign participation in the Air Force’s CCA program, with the service formalizing a partnership with the Netherlands earlier this year.

Australia is a major U.S. ally, and Gen. Schneider highlighted the especially deep level of integration that already exists between his service and the RAAF during today’s talk.

“Jumping back to [Exercise] Southern Cross in Australia, I am watching American F-35 pilots, not exchange pilots, but American F-35 pilots from an operational unit get into Australian F-35s,” Schneider said. “The Australian air chief [Australia’s Chief of Air Force Air Marshal Stephen Chappell] signed an interfly agreement allowing U.S. Air Force line pilots to fly his airplanes.”

“There’s a little bit of a risk associated with that, I’m sure. There’s a burden with that, but you know allies and partners are stepping up at all levels to share that burden. And I was tremendously impressed with Chaps [Air Marshal Chappell] and his team for their willingness to do that,” the PACAF commander continued. “We’re getting towards interchangeability where we can do each other’s jobs, and in this case, the Australians letting us fly their airplanes, which again is tremendous work.”

Gen. Schneider was also asked about the Air Force’s Agile Combat Employment (ACE) concepts of operations. At its core, ACE is centered on rapid and irregular deployments to far-flung operating locations, often with limited logistics support. The concept has been baked into the service’s CCA requirements from the start. This was underscored by an exercise involving both Increment 1 designs that the EOU ran out of Creech Air Force Base in Nevada just last week, which TWZ was first to report on. ACE is also seen as especially critical for future operations in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly during a high-end fight with China. The concept has been evolving now for more than a decade.

Visualizing ACE

“To see how much we had evolved from that initial conversation [about ACE] that I was aware of in 2015 to where we are today has been revolutionary, more than evolutionary,” Schneider said. “I give great credit to the units. When we task the units to go out to do exercises, they have really refined how they operate, what they need to operate, how they get down to the minimum amount of kit to do this.”

“There are lessons from existing conflicts, and I would say how Ukraine has been able to operate over the four -plus years of that fight, still to be able to generate air power, has been informative to us. How they collect information, how their I&W [indications warning] of incoming attacks, dispersal, moving around,” he added. There have also been “observations from how Israel over months and years has continued to generate air power in the wave [sic; face of waves] of high-intensity attacks.”

“Again, not going into details, but we do pay attention to that, and that has shaped us,” the PACAF commander explained. “There’s an indication and warning piece, there’s a dispersal piece, there’s camouflage, and concealment and deception, all of which we pay attention to. And we’re looking to continue to build out those capabilities within our formations.”

“And then there’s the active defense piece,” he continued. “You know, as the Air Force continues to look to field systems, sensors, and effectors, PACAF has a large voice in what that looks like, and is able to have influence in the Air Force as we pursue those capabilities.”

Schneider said that physical hardening is part of the equation, too, but did not offer more granular details in that regard. The optimal mix of active and passive defenses to best protect air bases and other critical installations from a growing array of aerial threats that range from ballistic missiles to drones continues to be a very hot topic of debate. This is something TWZ has been following very closely for years now. This discussion is set to become complex in new ways as the Air Force moves to take on additional base defense roles and responsibilities that have historically been assigned to the U.S. Army. The service is very much in the early stages of determining what that will entail and what force posture changes this will require.

New capabilities, including CCAs, and evolving concepts of operations, as well as the growing threat ecosystem, have also prompted questions about how the Air Force expects to perform its central mission of providing air superiority in the future.

“Air superiority is never going to go away. It is a core function of the United States Air Force. Those who seek to change it or redefine it, I would question their doctrinal foundation or their understanding of history,” Gen. Schneider said today. “Air superiority is absolutely essential, and the flexibility that air superiority allows for every other mission to happen is enduring. That is not going to go away.”

“While I certainly appreciate and desire long-range kill chains, there will be vulnerabilities with data paths in whatever we do. I think there’s organic capability that is always going to be important and required for us to have,” he added, speaking more generally. “It’s difficult to predict how a fight is going to go or what capabilities that we will have to face, but our ability to sense our environment organically and to be able to employ [capabilities] based off that information is, I think, a requirement – step one for anything that we do going forward.”

“The long-range kill chain, tremendously important, but if that goes away or is affected or impacted somehow, we have to be able to do what we do based on the information that we can generate ourselves,” he added.

Gen. Schneider noted in passing here in this context that he agreed with Chief of Staff of the Air Force Gen. Kenneth Wilsbach’s assessment that the MQ-9 Reaper has been a key asset in the current conflict with Iran, despite heavy combat losses. “I have desires and designs on that platform, as well, for use in the Pacific.”

It should be pointed out here that the Air Force is now pursuing yet another effort to acquire a direct MQ-9 replacement, with a heavy emphasis on lower costs and modular capabilities, as you can read more about here. This is distinctly separate from the CCA program.

Overall, during today’s talk, Gen. Schneider made clear that a mix of capabilities, and flexible concepts of operations, will be essential for success in future conflicts, especially across the broad expanses of the Pacific. In that context, CCAs and close cooperation with allies and partners, including drones they operate, like MQ-28, will be especially vital.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

July 27 (UPI) — New British Prime Minister Andy Burnham was scheduled Monday to host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at a Royal Navy base training Ukrainian forces.

Ahead of the visit, the first of any foreign leader since he got the keys to No. 10 Downing Street on July 20, Burnham told the BBC that he fully supported Ukraine and Britain’s “unwavering — 100%” backing for its ally would continue.

Burnham said the fact Zelensky was his first international visitor “illustrates the strength of the relationship between the two nations,” vowing to emulate the personal commitment to Zelensky shown by his predecessor, Keir Starmer.

“My support for Ukraine is unwavering — it is 100%. And I will do what, in Ukraine, people think is the right thing that they need,” said Burnham.

“Britain stands with Ukraine, shoulder to shoulder, and our support remains unwavering. Russia should be in no doubt of our resolve, and we will not back down until we achieve a long-lasting and just peace for Ukraine,” he added.

He will use the visit to the naval base to announce a deal permitting Ukraine to mass-manufacture Stone Cloak electronic warfare technology, which is fitted to drones to make them invisible to air defense radar.

Downing Street said that after Ukraine begins using Stone Cloak, it will be incorporated into Britain’s next generation of long-range weapons, including from Project Brakestop, which is developing low-cost cruise missiles.

Burnham said Stone Cloak was “the best of homegrown British innovation and proven on the frontline, and it will be vital to protecting our security in both our countries.”

Burnham and Zelensky will also meet with more than 200 Ukrainian service members taking part in Exercise Sea Breeze, a maritime training deployment involving Ukraine and 14 other countries aimed at boosting warfighting capabilities and tactics to deal with mines in the Black Sea.

In a post on X, Zelensky thanked Britain, saying that Ukraine valued that it could “always count on Britain’s principled decisions, leadership, and support.”

Total British support to Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022 is $33.3 billion, $21.3 billion of it military assistance, figures put out by Downing Street show, with bipartisan consensus across the previous administrations of Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer.

Starmer’s final act as prime minister was to visit with Zelensky in Kyiv on July 17, his last official day as leader of the Labour Party.

July 25 (UPI) — The Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen announced Saturday that they had attacked Saudi Arabia with missiles and drones in retaliation for Saudi attacks on Hodeida, Yemen.

Houthi Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree, the group’s spokesperson, posted on X that the Houthis launched two military operations “in response to this blatant and criminal aggression” from Saudi Arabia.

“The first targeted sensitive Aramco-affiliated facilities in Jizan with dozens of ballistic missiles and drones,” he said. “And the second operation targeted sensitive Aramco-affiliated facilities in Yanbu with a number of ballistic and cruise missiles and drones.”

Aramco is the Saudi Arabian state-owned oil company.

“Both operations successfully achieved their objectives thanks to Allah Almighty, with accurate and direct strikes,” Saree said.

But the Saudis claim that the attacks were intercepted by air defense systems operated by Greek military units.

It’s the latest escalation between the two countries. On Wednesday, the Houthis claimed responsibility for two attacks on Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea with missiles and drones. They have said they have blocked the Bab al-Mandab Strait. That strait is on the other side of the Arabian Peninsula from the Strait of Hormuz. It’s the gateway between the Arabian Sea and the Red Sea, and blockades of both straits would cut off Saudi Arabian ships entirely.

The Saudis and the Houthis have been in an effective cease-fire since 2022. But tensions recently flared when the Houthis accused the Saudis of striking the airport in Yemen’s capital Sanaa. The spat came from a dispute when an Iranian plane had tried to land at the airport.

Saudi Arabia on Friday hit the Houthi-held port city of Hodeida with strikes, the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen said. The attacks were in response to the Houthi hits on oil tankers.

“The Saudi enemy’s targeting of civilian facilities in Hodeida and Kamaran Island constitutes a dangerous escalation,” the Houthis’ Ansarollah media posted on Telegram.

“We affirm that these recent crimes will not go unanswered,” the post said.

Al Masirah television, which is run by the Houthis, said Saturday that the strikes from Saudi Arabia targeted facilities that belong to the state telecommunications corporation and Kamaran Island. It said one worker in Hodeida was injured, and a woman was injured on the island, Deutsche Welle reported.

The Saudis said they would do whatever is necessary to protect their ships. They warned the Houthis that if they continued “hostile acts, then there will be no hesitation in responding.”

On Thursday, President Donald Trump said his administration would “hold Iran responsible” for any Houthi attacks on ships, The Hill reported.

“Please let this TRUTH serve to represent that if they do this again, the U.S. will hold Iran responsible, in that the Houthis are a Surrogate and/or Proxy of Iran, and major military punishment will be inflicted upon Iran and, of course, the Houthis, themselves, who I am very disappointed with in that they have, until now, acted very professionally and smart,” Trump said in a Truth Social post.

Tuberculosis is a leading cause of death in the Philippines, killing an estimated 98 people each day.

The infectious disease is particularly grave in remote communities, where medical services are limited and delayed diagnosis and treatment can be fatal.

But a Filipino doctor is determined to change that with modern innovations.

Dr Heidi Sampang uses drones to fly samples and speed up testing.

The technology can help save lives by expediting the delivery of essential medical supplies in a country with thousands of mountainous islands.

101 East meets the medical teams using drones to fight tuberculosis in the Philippines.

July 24 (UPI) — Russian online retail giant Wildberries came under attack overnight by Ukrainian forces for the fifth time in six days after drone strikes on logistics facilities of the firm in and around St. Petersburg.

Wildberries warehouses at Utkina Zavod logistics park in Vsevolozhsk District, just beyond the St. Petersburg city limits, and Shushary, 9 miles south of downtown, were set ablaze after being hit, together with other “civilian infrastructure” along the main highway linking the city with Moscow.

Major fires were reported at both Wildberries facilities.

Leningrad provincial head, Gov. Alexander Drozdenko, said three people were hospitalized after being injured but provided no further details.

Wildberries said employees at both sites were evacuated safely and that preliminary information indicated no one had been hurt. The firm said it had suspended operations at the distribution centers.

A Wildberries logistics hub in Tver, 100 miles northwest of Moscow, was also hit and a sorting center in Simferopol in occupied Crimea was evacuated.

Footage circulating online of the Wildberries facility in Simferopol showed the moment of impact and a large fire erupting.

The Russian Defense Ministry said the strikes were part of a major airborne assault by Ukraine involving many hundreds of drones that targeted 14 other regions, as well as Crimea and the Black and Asov seas.

The ministry said air defenses downed or otherwise intercepted 571 of the drones. It said the attack was one of the largest this year.

Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Wildberries logistics hubs across western and southern Russia over recent days, beginning with deadly strikes on warehouse complexes in the Tambov and Moscow regions on Saturday that killed eight employees and injured more than 60.

Kyiv alleges the company forms part of the Russian military’s supply chain, providing it with dual-use products such as two-way radios, body armor and components for drones.

July 24 (UPI) — The United States and Iran traded attacks Thursday night and Friday morning, as President Donald Trump announced that damage inflicted by Iran on ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz would be paid with U.S.-held Iranian assets.

U.S. Central Command said its latest wave of attacks, which were completed at 9 p.m. EDT Thursday, lasted for about two hours, 15 minutes, during which its forces hit Iranian military command centers, drone storage facilities, communications networks, coastal surveillance sites and maritime capabilities.

State-run Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting reported explosions early Friday local time across the country, with strikes in Ahvaz, Bandar Abbas, Omidiyeh, Qeshm and Andimeshk. Officials in Bandar Abbas reported that two people were injured.

Explosions were also reported by the IRIB in southern Khorramabad.

The Iranian Army announced retaliatory drone strikes on U.S. bases in Jordan and Bahrain.

Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior said sirens were sounding. It urged residents to remain calm and seek shelter.

The United States has been hitting Iran for nearly a fortnight as it seeks to regain freedom of navigation of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital energy route that Iranian forces have tried to seize amid the war by attacking commercial tankers that try to transit it.

Maritime traffic freely flowed through the Hormuz until the United States and Israel attacked Iran in late February. Iran responded with its maritime blockade of the chokepoint, causing gas prices to spike and threatening nations with an energy crisis.

Mid-June, the United States and Iran signed a memorandum of understanding to lay foundations to end the war, but fighting resumed earlier this month over a dispute over what the agreement meant for control of the strait. Iran says the agreement recognizes its authority over Hormuz transit. Washington says Tehran committed to freedom of navigation.

CENTCOM said Thursday, as it has after the completion of each new wave of attacks, that it was seeking to further degrade Iran’s ability to attack vessels transiting the Hormuz.

“The international waterway remains open for transit despite recent attacks from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps,” the statement said.

“Commercial vessels continue to free navigate the strait with U.S. military support.”

Late Thursday, President Donald Trump announced online that damage ships incur while traveling the Strait of Hormuz would be paid by for with the hundreds of millions of dollars in Iranian assets that the United States has frozen via sanctions.

“These damages may be very substantial but, nevertheless, this is the fair and equitable thing to do,” he said in a statement.

Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi lashed out in response online, warning the international community that “Seizing another nation’s assets to pay for unrelated future claims is an incendiary precedent.”

“Those who celebrate or profit from such funds should remember: once governments normalize confiscation, no one’s assets are safe,” he said in a statement.

“Ensuing chaos will not be pretty or peaceful.”

July 23 (UPI) — The Houthis in Yemen claimed responsibility for two attacks on Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea with missiles and drones.

The Iran-backed Houthis, who have been fighting for control of Yemen, claimed on Wednesday that they had hit the Encelia and the Layla oil tankers, which they said were violating their blockade of Saudi ships. They had announced the blockade on Monday.

Saudi Arabia’s transportation authority confirmed the attack on the Encelia in a statement. It said there was a fire on board but the crew were all safe. It didn’t mention the Layla.

Houthi military spokesperson Yahya Saree said the group promised to continue naval operations and would continue “enforcing the ‘siege for a siege’ equation,” the BBC reported.

The Houthis claimed they had also forced “10 ships to retreat and return.” That claim could not be independently verified, The Times said, but at least six vessels reversed course in the Red Sea on Monday and Tuesday after the Houthis warned shipping companies to avoid Saudi ports, according to Kpler, a maritime data company. It was not clear if those ships were part of the Houthis’ claims.

The Saudis and the Houthis have been in an effective cease-fire since 2022. But last week, tensions flared when the Houthis accused the Saudis of striking the airport in Yemen’s capital Sanaa. The spat came from a dispute when an Iranian plane had tried to land at the airport.

The Houthis then attacked the Abha airport in Saudi Arabia.

When the Houthis announced the “maritime embargo,” they didn’t give many details. But a media official said they would close the Bab al-Mandab Strait. That strait is on the other side of the Arabian Peninsula from the Strait of Hormuz. It’s the gateway between the Arabian Sea and the Red Sea, and blockades of both straits would cut off Saudi Arabia ships entirely.

The United States and Iran continued to trade attacks for the 12th consecutive night after the cease-fire between the two countries ended.

July 22 (UPI) — Ukrainian drones hit logistics plants of Russian online retailer Wildberries for the third night in four days, injuring 15 workers at two facilities in the southwest of the country, the company’s CEO and regional heads said Wednesday.

Wildberries founder Tatyana Kim said in an online post that warehousing in Krasnodar and the city of Nevinnomyssk in the Stavropol region further to the east came under attack, causing injuries and forcing an emergency evacuation of employees.

“Our people are our priority. I want to thank our team — our heroes — who carried out a swift evacuation. Unfortunately, preliminary reports indicate there are injuries.

“There are no words to describe the emotions stirred by attacks on ordinary people — on our employees, on all of us — who are simply doing their jobs. Yet, these situations highlight the most important thing: we must continue doing what we do for the benefit of the people,” wrote Kim.

Krasnodar Krai regional Gov. Veniamin Kondratyev said 10 people were injured in a strike on a warehousing complex, three of them seriously, as part of what he called “a massive attack” on the region that killed at least one worker in a separate strike on a commercial enterprise in Armavir, 120 miles east of Krasnodar city.

Armavir authorities said an oil depot was also targeted in the attack, setting it on fire.

Two apartment blocks in Krasnodar and two houses in Dinskaya village were damaged by debris from downed drones, according to Kondratyev.

Stavropol Krai Gov. Vladimir Vladimirov said five people were hurt at a logistics facility on the outskirts of Nevinnomyssk, but only required treatment as outpatients.

Footage circulating online of the two Wildberries facilities that the BBC said it had verified shows explosions at the complex in Nevinnomyssk and major blazes raging at both sites.

Saying a tanker and four cargo ships from Russia’s shadow fleet were also hit in the Black and Asov seas, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky hailed the strikes on warehouse complexes, saying they were part of the Russian military’s supply chain.

“Ukraine‘s long-range sanctions successfully struck important targets in Russia’s Krasnodar and Stavropol regions, logistics hubs involved in supplying the Russian army with drone components, navigation equipment, and other gear,” he wrote on X.

“We are, quite justly, bringing the war back home — to Russia,” said Zelensky.

The attacks overnight follow attacks on Wildberries south of Moscow in the early hours of Monday in which drones struck a fulfilment center in Kolyedino and warehouses in Belye Stolby were destroyed and strikes early Saturday that killed at least eight people and injured more than 60 at a Wildberries distribution facility at Kotovsk in Tambov region and a second facility in Elektrostal in the Moscow region.

July 21 (UPI) — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky dismissed the commander of Ukraine‘s armed forces, Oleksandr Syrskyi, on Tuesday following days of protests.

The protests, which involved thousands of people in Kyiv and other cities, were in response to the dismissal of Mykhailo Fedorov, a popular defense minister, last week.

Fedorov, who has a reputation for innovation and whose policies — including an effective drone program — are seen as reasons for Ukraine’s recent success against Russia, was not popular with senior defense leaders, CNN reported.

Zelensky dismissed Fedorov, leading to protestors demanding Syrskyi’s removal and for the defense minister to be reinstated by Friday. In his address announcing the commander’s dismissal Tuesday, the president said he is appointing Mykhailo Drapati, a well-liked general, to Syrskyi’s role to oversee a reorganization of the army’s command structure.

Drapati is considered an ally of Fedorov, whose attempts to modernize and reform Ukraine’s military led to the clashes with old-school military leaders, such as Syrskyi, The Guardian reported.

Zelensky also said Tuesday that he has offered Fedorov a “prominent position” in the government, as the defense minister role has been filled by Yevhen Khmara. There was no word on if Fedorov accepted.

Zelensky thanked Syrskyi for his service and praised his role in Ukraine’s military operations against Russia.

“Oleksandr Syrskyi ensured Ukraine’s results in the defense of Kyiv, the Kharkiv counteroffensive and the Kursk operation,” he said, The Kyiv Independent reported. “A significant path has been traveled. The defense of Ukraine continues, and every warrior deserves dignified treatment. I am grateful to Oleksandr Syrskyi and to every one of our soldiers for Ukraine’s strong frontline positions.”

Fedorov said Tuesday that he welcomed Drapati’s appointment.

“This brings a breath of fresh air and new hope to the struggle of free people for freedom and justice,” he said. “It is a voice for change that could not be ignored.”

Fedorov continued to say, “The high expectations of the Ukrainian people must be met with a clear vision for ending the war for independence, a strong team and decisive actions aimed at saving the lives ofour soldiers, automating the front line, delivering asymmetric strikes and crippling the Russian economy.”

BAE Systems is exploring how the Eurofighter Typhoon could control uncrewed collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) as part of a broader effort to introduce new capabilities for the jet. The company is currently pursuing concepts to integrate CCAs with the Typhoon to expand ‘combat mass’ and better address emerging threat environments. Ultimately, however, the experience gained here will be ported over to the future Tempest combat jet — designed to work closely with drones from the outset.

At this point, BAE Systems is working on concepting how Typhoon/CCA could work and is also investing as a company in CCAs and crewed-uncrewed teaming more generally. The work involving the Typhoon and CCAs has accelerated over the previous 12 months. Officials from BAE Systems outlined the work so far in a briefing at the Farnborough Air Show today, just a week after the U.K. Royal Air Force launched a new CCA program, named Storm Fighter, which you can read more about here. That program should lead to a CCA that can fly into combat with the Typhoon, F-35, and Tempest.

Speaking at Farnborough, Chris Moon, Typhoon Future Capability Director, BAE Systems, explained:

“Unsurprisingly, what we’re finding is that in the enlarged battlespace of the future, we’re able have a Typhoon — some people use the phrase ‘quarterback,’ choose what you will — with its extensive radar capabilities at range, and speed and agility, processing, to be able to work alongside collaborative combat aircraft and increase the combat mass that is needed from our air forces into the future, and the persistence and the range at which they’re able to reach, and bring more missiles into the fight.”

The CCA capabilities are planned to be added to the Typhoon under a much wider effort known as the Long-Term Evolution (LTE) program. This is expected to roll out a number of other features that will ensure that the jet can get the most out of teaming with CCAs. These features include the large-area display (LAD) cockpit, European Common Radar System (ECRS) Mk 2, and the Striker II helmet-mounted display system.

In terms of technology, the ECRS Mk 2 is especially interesting here. As well as the various advantages of an active electronically scanned array (AESA), it has a swashplate repositioner, an articulated mounting that means the antenna can be swung to face at far greater angles off the centerline. This allows a much wider field of regard, with a significant boost in angular (azimuth) coverage. It allows the Typhoon to retain missile guidance even when beaming and hiding in the Doppler notch of the enemy’s radar, which functions much like a blind spot.

In the past, Eurofighter has claimed that the repositionable array provides a field of regard that is “some 50 percent wider than traditional fixed-plate systems.”

All of these components have been tested in a CCA environment in a specially equipped Typhoon simulator.

Moon highlighted one particular scenario, off the east coast of Scotland, in which a pair of Typhoons worked with a four-ship of CCAs to extend the range, coverage, and persistence of the crewed jets. The scenario can be expanded to include the entire east coast of the United Kingdom, adding more Typhoons and CCAs as well as F-35Bs.

More detail was provided by Andrew ‘Blyty’ Mallery-Blythe, Typhoon Operational Requirements Manager at BAE Systems.

A huge advantage here is the new LAD cockpit, replacing the Typhoon’s current three-multifunction display (MFD) configuration with a single unit.

Using the LAD means that “everything is available,” Blyty said. “You can see everything at the top level. You have to do very little manipulation to the display. The LAD provides a literal big picture of the combat scenario, including friendly assets, among them the various CCAs, with their heading, height, speed, and what they’re carrying in terms of sensors or stores.

“What we’re trying to take advantage of is combat mass,” Blyty added. “Obviously, combat mass I don’t really need to explain in any great detail. We’ve got four CCAs and two Typhoons. Clearly there’s an improvement and an increase in combat mass without having to have those additional very expensive, complex aircraft. We can bring more weapons to the fight through the use of the CCAs.”

In terms of attrition, the Typhoon is classed as a strategic asset in these concepts, while a CCA is more of a tactical asset.

“We certainly don’t want to put ourselves in a position where we’re going to lose one of those [CCAs], but it’s a tactical asset,” Blyty continued. “That means that we can position them far closer to the threat, potentially taking a little bit more risk with those assets. They’re also smaller, they have a lower observability, and that is also an advantage that our friendly Typhoons exploit.”

Having a better overview of the battlespace via the LAD cockpit, ECRS Mk 2 radar, Striker II helmet, and the CCAs themselves is only one part of the equation.

BAE Systems is also trying to minimize the workload on the pilots. This is especially important for the U.K. Royal Air Force, which has reduced the number of two-seat Typhoons in its fleet, scrapping all its Tranche 1 ‘T-birds.’ Other nations are meanwhile working on developing CCA concepts by relying heavily on two-seat combat aircraft, with the back-seater a ‘drone controller.’

Blyty: “We don’t want to be in a situation where the pilot is having to close-control each of those assets. There’d be far too much workload. So through our rapid prototyping, and the way that we’ve been doing this, we’ve been looking into how we minimize that workload and how we give simple commands through the extant HOTAS [‘hands on throttle and stick’ controls] to send those CCAs to carry out our task with the minimum workload that we can achieve.” It is meanwhile widely understood that drones require an advanced autonomy package to facilitate this level of ease of use by a single pilot.

Blyty went on to run through an engagement scenario, again aided by the LAD’s ‘god’s eye view’ of the battlespace. A kill box was drawn on the LAD before the hostile aircraft entered that area.

“Once that was activated — we do that through a button on the screen which is just off the top — we effectively give the CCAs the authorization or the command that they can engage anything that enters that kill box.”

With that command, the CCAs start employing weapons, including very long-range Meteor air-to-air missiles, the ramjet-powered weapon that the Typhoon also carries.

The aspiration to have CCAs armed with Meteor is a significant one, due to the very particular set of capabilities that the missile brings. The Meteor is among the longest-ranged of any Western air-to-air missile, generally considered to be able to engage certain types of targets out to around 130 miles. Critically, while CCAs are already a forward extension of the fighter, a missile of this kind would provide a major increase in engagement range when combined with the uncrewed jet, allowing the Typhoon to stay outside the engagement range of the enemy.

The missile also uses a two-way datalink, which feeds it with in-flight updates as it flies out to its target and provides the pilot in the launch aircraft with information on the Meteor’s fuel, energy, and tracking state. Adding CCAs into the mix, provided they have their own sensors, would allow them to pass data to the Typhoon and to the Meteor, regardless of which platform launched the missile.

Meteor

Ultimately, of course, the CCAs might end up with different missiles entirely, including a successor to the Meteor that is now being developed. Regardless, air-to-air combat at extended ranges is very much part of the U.K.’s CCA thinking. Meanwhile, we are already seeing CCA-type aircraft firing beyond-visual-range missiles in tests in the United States and elsewhere.

In this particular scenario, Blyty said the Typhoons were at a distance of roughly 114 miles from the enemy.

“Let’s say that’s outside the range of Meteor,” Blyty continued, downplaying the likely true range of the missile, which is a closely guarded secret. “The CCAs, less than half that. Let’s say that’s within the range of Meteor. So, we’ve got a clear tactical advantage that those CCAs have over the Typhoons. They’re on a little bit more risk out there than the Typhoons are. But that’s entirely appropriate to how we manage those Typhoons with the ECRS Mk 2 as a more strategic asset, and we quarterback the CCAs as a more tactical asset.”

Blyty said that BAE Systems is working on a lot more features to minimize pilot workload, without providing more details.

Meanwhile, BAE Systems has been working alongside QinetiQ on crewed-uncrewed teaming in the air, with a synthetic trial in which a Typhoon, a swarm of QinetiQ Banshee drones, and a Malloy Aeronautics T-150 small heavy-lift uncrewed aerial system (UAS) were flown using current operational military datalinks including Link 16.

Clearly, concept demonstrations of how crewed combat aircraft could operate alongside CCAs, highlighting the role of crewed-uncrewed teaming in future air operations, are a high priority as the Typhoon continues to evolve. The United Kingdom has not exactly been quick to adopt the CAA concept, at least compared to the United States and China, but with uncrewed platforms very much at the forefront of the recent Defense Investment Plan, that looks like it is set to change.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com