drones

Jan. 9 (UPI) — Six pilot whales are dead and 15 others are stranded on New Zealand’s South Island, and volunteers are furiously working to save them.

About 55 whales washed up on Farewell Spit Thursday. The spit is a long peninsula of sand that juts out of the north end of the island. It’s been labeled a whale trap because they easily get stranded there. Most of the whales were able to get free, but about 15 of them were re-stranded and are lying along about 0.6 miles of beach.

Volunteers have been pouring buckets of water over the whales to keep them cool until the tide comes in, when they hopefully will be able to swim away.

“When the tide comes in, we’re going to have to move really quickly to bring these whales together, then move them out to deeper waters,” said Louisa Hawkes of Project Jonah, a nonprofit that helps marine mammals.

Pilot whales are very social animals, and rescuers believe their strong group bonds can help their chances of survival. Conditions must be just right for re-floating success.

On Friday, Project Jonah said the whales were in the tidal zone and were showing signs of encouraging behaviour, according to New Zealand’s RNZ news.

The organization appealed for extra volunteers to help with the operation. The New Zealand Department of Conservation sent rangers, a boat and a drone to look for more strandings.

Russia is continuing to adapt and evolve its copies of the Shahed-136 long-range one-way attack drone, known locally as the Geran, now arming it with a man-portable air defense system (MANPADS). These are more often referred to as shoulder-fired heat-seeking missiles. The development follows a previous version of the drone carrying a single R-60 air-to-air missile, which you can read more about here. It also emerges as Russia makes additional alterations to the drone, including improved line-of-sight control capabilities and self-protection systems.

An example of a MANPADS-equipped Shahed/Geran is seen in recent imagery, including a video, that shows the drone lying in the snow, after it came down intact in Ukraine, reportedly in the Chernihiv region in the north of the country. According to Ukrainian accounts, as well as the rail-mounted missile on the top, the drone is equipped with a camera and a radio-frequency modem.

The missile itself has been widely reportedly as an Igla-S, among the latest models of this widespread MANPADS. Known in Russia as the 9K388, and to NATO as the SA-24 Grinch, the weapon has a maximum range of around 3.7 miles, and improvements over earlier Igla missiles include a more sensitive infrared seeker, a heavier warhead, and an improved fuze.

On the other hand, the inscription on the top of the launch tube appears to read 9K333, which would indicate it is the more modern Verba (SA-29 Gizmo), which was developed as a replacement for the Igla. Its primary advantage is its advanced multispectral seeker, operating in the ultraviolet, near infrared, and mid-infrared bands, for improved discrimination between targets and decoys.

Verba MANPADS

Adapting the MANPADS to the Shahed/Geran appears more straightforward than the R-60, with no need for the launch rail adapter; instead, the MANPADS is simply attached to the drone within its standard launch tube. The complete Igla, for example, is also much lighter: around 40 pounds in its tube, compared to close to 100 pounds for the R-60, minus the launch rail.

Russia started employing Shahed/Geran-type long-range UAVs equipped with air-to-air missiles for combating Ukrainian aviation assets, Ukrainian military radio technology expert Serhii Flash reports.

The remains of a Shahed/Geran-type drone with an R-60 short-range air-to-air… pic.twitter.com/NHBDQQqCK9

— Status-6 (War & Military News) (@Archer83Able) December 1, 2025

As for the drone, the original Shahed-136 is Iranian in origin. Multiple variants and derivatives of the Shahed-136, including a jet-powered type, are now produced in large numbers in Russian factories, where they are known locally by the name Geran, the Russian word for geranium. Steady improvements have been made to these drones, including a degree of dynamic targeting capability, as you can read about here.

As we have discussed in the past, adding a heat-seeking anti-aircraft missile to the Shahed/Geran in theory provides the drone with a means to engage Ukrainian fixed-wing aircraft and helicopters. At the very least, giving the drone the ability to hit back at these threats offers a deterrent capability. Overall, the effectiveness of this combination is questionable. Particular challenges include the need for a high degree of situational awareness, perhaps requiring cameras around the airframe, and the need to maneuver the drone to get it into a boresight location to achieve a lock-on. However, Russia clearly considers that the adaptation is worth exploring, even just as a deterrent strategy to keep drone hunting aircraft at bay.

For some time now, Russia has been working on a man-in-the-loop (MITL) control capability for the Shahed/Geran, a feature that was confirmed when they started to appear with cameras and cellular modems, something TWZ explored in detail at the time. These developments allow the drone to be connected to an operator. Standard Shaheds fly autonomous routes to pre-planned targets on autopilot with no man-in-the-loop control. They are ‘fire and forget’ weapons.

Meanwhile, the range at which MITL can be achieved has been steadily increased. At first, the drones were adapted to exploit patchy cellular networks to provide additional connectivity when available. More recently, Shaheds have been flying with antennas allowing for direct line-of-sight control close to the front lines. This allows them to hit targets dynamically like an FPV drone, while packing a much heavier punch and being able to loiter for long periods of time. You can read all about this development here. Now, the datalink range is being extended using airborne signal relays, possibly creating a mesh network with multiple line-of-sight links. We are also now seeing Russian drones will Starlink terminals, which could provide a vastly superior beyond-line-of-sight capability and could prove to be a big problem for Ukraine if Russia can produce such a configuration in large volumes. These developments are now blurring the classification of the Shahed/Geran from its original long-range one-way attack drone to a loitering munition, with an onboard imaging capability.

Potentially, a Shahed/Geran armed with a MANPADS or an R-60 could use beyond-line-of-sight capabilities to operate the missile. But bearing in mind we know Russia is using the drones closer to the front lines, this would need only a line-of-sight link with operators near the front, or at least by receivers/transmitters placed there. Drone controllers behind the lines could also ‘pick them up’ once in the area, but such an operation is far more complex and fraught with additional risks.

Nevertheless, target acquisition and engagement of a missile-armed drone is still far from straightforward. It’s likely that the modern seeker used by the Igla-S or Verba makes it easier to engage aerial targets, compared to the R-60, with a reduced need to ‘point’ the drone directly at the target. Still, the operator would have to trigger the launch of the missile after receiving the signal indicating a lock-on has been achieved.

At the same time, the Shahed/Geran remains a slow and not particularly agile launch platform, and certainly not one that was designed with air-to-air combat in mind. Adding a top-mounted missile likely also degrades its maneuverability and affects its stability, but less than would be the case with an R-60.

When it comes to finding aerial targets, the most likely scenario involves operating entirely reactively to what is seen visually on cameras around the drone or otherwise searching for targets of opportunity. Another option would involve the drone operator receiving target information from offboard assets, where applicable, but this seems less likely.

Bearing in mind the performance of the Shahed/Geran and the range of the MANPADS, the most likely targets would be the Mi-8/Mi-17 Hip series armed transport helicopters and the Mi-24 Hind series gunships that are routinely tasked with counter-drone missions. We have already seen that lower and slower-flying helicopters face a notable risk from relatively small kamikaze drones that simply fly into them. Ukrainian F-16s, MiG-29s, Su-27s and Mirage 2000s have also been tasked heavily as ‘Shahed hunters,’ but engaging fighters with these weapons would be even tougher. Still their very existence would add a credible threat to fighters approaching them.

Footage showing the door gunner on a Mil Mi-8 Multirole Helicopter with the Ukrainian Air Force using his M134 Minigun to shoot down a Russian Shahed-136 Attack Drone. pic.twitter.com/UWBd8QUXEf

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) November 12, 2025

While it remains to be seen just how effective the combination of Shahed/Geran with a MANPADS (or R-60) is, these developments reflect a previous precedent for arming drones with air-to-air missiles. The deterrent effect of this can be seen in at least one instance from 2002, when a U.S. Air Force MQ-1 Predator drone fired a Stinger heat-seeking anti-air missile at an Iraqi MiG-25 Foxbat fighter that was trying to shoot it down, which can be seen in the video below.

Dogfight between MQ-1 Predator drone and Mig-25 Foxbat.mp4

These measures are also indicative of efforts being made by Russia to better defend the Shahed/Geran drones. Another recent development involves the apparent addition of infrared countermeasures to defeat drone interceptors and possible missiles fired by fighters. Attached to the rear of the drone’s stabilizing endplates, these appear to employ electrically heated cylindrical blocks to generate blooming infrared energy, like the Hot Brick system.

Ukrainian military radio technology specialist and consultant Serhii “Flash” Beskrestnov reported that Russian Geran-2 drones are now capable of blinding interceptor drones and aircraft.

According to him, the Russians are equipping their strike UAVs with infrared searchlights.… pic.twitter.com/dtpnbKIklE

— OSINTWarfare (@OSINTWarfare) January 3, 2026

For now, we have no evidence of a missile-equipped Shahed/Geran attempting to engage a Ukrainian aircraft, let alone bringing one down. However, having long-range one-way attack drones fitted with air defense missiles provides another complicating factor for Ukraine and illustrates the continued modifications being made to these weapons.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Multiple video clips offer strong evidence that kamikaze drones were among the capabilities the U.S. military brought to bear during the operation to capture Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro over the weekend. This may have been the first real-world use of a new slate of U.S. long-range one-way attack drones and loitering munitions. After years of being outpaced by lower-end drone developments overseas, there is now a significant new push across America’s armed forces, and the special operations community in particular, to dramatically step up the acquisition and fielding of various tiers of uncrewed one-way strike aircraft.

Bystanders on the ground in Venezuela captured various videos of the U.S. assault on Saturday, which was officially dubbed Operation Absolute Resolve. In multiple clips, as seen in the social media post below, distinctly terrorizing high-pitched buzzing can be clearly heard, which are then followed immediately by explosions and/or other visual or auditory signs of munitions impacting the ground, all consistent with the use of one-way attack drones.

U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) declined to offer any comment when asked for additional details about the use of drones, in general, during Operation Absolute Resolve. TWZ has reached out to U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) and the White House for more information.

Similar high-pitched buzzing sounds, which were followed by impacts and detonations, are featured in a mountain of existing confirmed videos of various types of kamikaze drones powered by small piston engines driving single pusher propellers hitting their targets. The distinctive acoustic signature, in particular, has been consistently present in footage of attacks involving these kinds of uncrewed aerial systems that have emerged from multiple conflict zones globally in the past five years or so. Ukrainian forces have even established a network of acoustic sensors to help spot incoming Russian drone attacks across their country to capitalize on this acoustic signature.

This is the footage of the russian Shahed drone attacking an oil mill belonging to the American company Bunge.

As the result, more than 300 tons of oil was spilled, causing serious damage to the mill and environment. pic.twitter.com/JflSn2NkBd

— Oleksiy Goncharenko (@GoncharenkoUa) January 5, 2026

Footage released by Ukraine’s military show electronic warfare units disabling a Russian Shahed attack drone and forcing it to descend intact into the Black Sea, rather than detonating on impact. pic.twitter.com/PQfVscqBIM

— Open Source Intel (@Osint613) December 14, 2025

In 2021, Azerbaijan’s Border Guard even released a video, seen below, focused on the sounds produced by the Israeli-made Harop loitering munitions that it had actively employed in a conflict with Armenia the previous year. At that time, TWZ highlighted the knock-on psychological effect this would have. Direct comparisons have also been drawn to the iconic sound of World War II-era dive bombers, and Nazi Ju-87 Stukas, in particular, swooping down onto their targets.

Qarabağ Azərbaycandır!

As mentioned, the U.S. military finally launched a new, concerted effort to expand the use of various types of one-way attack drones last year. The special operations community, which was front and center in this weekend’s operation in Venezuela, has been heavily involved in executing this initiative and has already been at the forefront of fielding other kinds of kamikaze drones within America’s armed forces for years now.

Just last October, U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) disclosed the first known operational fielding of long-range one-way attack drones by a task force in the Middle East led by special operations forces. That unit, officially named Task Force Scorpion Strike (TFSS), is equipped with multiple versions of the Low-Cost Uncrewed Combat Attack System (LUCAS), a design notably reverse-engineered from the Iranian-designed Shahed-136. However, LUCAS drones can operate collaboratively in a fully networked swarm and beyond-line-of-sight links that enable them to attack targets, including ones that might suddenly pop up, in real time and far from their operators. This makes them far more capable than Iran’s original design, as well as variants and derivatives that Russia is now actively using against Ukraine.

In December, TFSS, together with the U.S. Navy, also demonstrated the ability to launch LUCAS drones from ships. Other elements of the U.S. military have at least been experimenting with LUCAS, and those drones and/or other similar designs may already be in wider service within America’s armed forces.

“Bravo Zulu. U.S. Navy forces in the Middle East are advancing warfighting capability in new ways, bringing more striking power from the sea and setting conditions for using innovation as a deterrent.” – Adm. Brad Cooper, CENTCOM Commander https://t.co/TgQ4WLbph3 pic.twitter.com/WUiAVojTht

— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) December 18, 2025

The extent to which other relevant developments are ongoing in the classified realm is unknown, but this is certainly something that has been occurring in recent years. This includes the Phoenix Ghost kamikaze drones that emerged publicly after examples were delivered to Ukraine, but which trace back to a classified project under the Air Force’s Big Safari special projects office.

It is worth noting that the Shahed-136 was itself directly influenced by Israeli kamikaze drones like the Harop, which were originally designed with an explicit focus on targeting enemy air defenses. Iran has shown Shaheds being employed in this role in exercises, as seen in the video below, though the drones have now proven themselves in real-world attacks on a much wider array of targets on land and at sea.

Баражуючий іранський боєприпас «Shahed 136»

In Venezuela this past weekend, U.S. forces could well have used long-range one-way attack drones, launched from ships off the coast or forward locations on land in the region, as part of the broader suppression and destruction of enemy air defenses (SEAD/DEAD) mission, which we know was central to the operation.

“As the force began to approach Caracas, the Joint Air Component began dismantling and disabling the air defense systems in Venezuela, employing weapons to ensure the safe passage of the helicopters into the target area,” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff U.S. Air Force Gen. Dan “Razin” Caine said during a press conference on Saturday. “The goal of our air component is, was, and always will be to protect the helicopters and the ground force and get them to the target and get them home.”

Caine also said that “numerous remotely piloted drones” were among the U.S. assets employed during Operation Absolute Resolve.

Long-range kamikaze drones would have also offered a way to stimulate enemy air defenses, helping to expose their exact locations and provide emissions to hone in on, after which they could then be struck by other platforms or avoided entirely. The U.S. spent months cataloging Venezuela’s electronic order of battle from standoff distances, but road mobile systems are something of a wild card. If they radiate, they could be rapidly geolocated and destroyed. Similar drones could have been employed purely as decoys or for stand-in (close proximity) jamming of key radars and communications systems, depending on their exact configuration.

Strikes on other targets in Venezuela during the operation that were clearly intended to prevent or disrupt the country’s security forces from responding effectively could also have involved the use of long-range kamikaze drones. Light armored vehicles and other assets on the ground at the sprawling Fuerte Tiuna base in Caracas were destroyed in the course of the mission. This is reportedly where Maduro and his wife were captured. Key communications nodes in the country were also unsurprisingly targeted.

Damaged Venezuelan Dragoon 300 APC at Fort Tiuna following US airstrikes, January 3, 2026.

Note that the vehicle has been modified into similar configuration to Cadillac Gage V-100 Commandos.

2026 United States strikes in Venezuela pic.twitter.com/ThfPnqdC5m

— Buschlaid (@BuschModelar) January 3, 2026

The 312th “Ayala” Armored Cavalry Battalion of the Venezuelan Army appears to have had all of its equipment and most of its armored vehicles entirely destroyed in last night’s strike operation by the United States, which heavily targeting the Fuerte Tiuna Military Complex in the… pic.twitter.com/VXmVHRK4ha

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) January 3, 2026

Parte de los sistemas de telecomunicaciones destruídos en la zona del Cerro El Volcan a las afueras de Caracas, en la vía Oripoto de Los Guayabitos, Sector El Volcán, Baruta –Edo. Miranda 🇻🇪
Coordenadas 10.416374,-66.849306 pic.twitter.com/Iyo8UObH42

— 𝘼𝙧𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙝𝙤 (@Arr3ch0) January 3, 2026

There is the additional possibility that what is seen and heard in the videos are smaller loitering munitions, which U.S. forces could have utilized more dynamically in response to threats as they approached their objectives. The U.S. military now commonly uses the term “launched effect” to refer to these munitions, as well as other uncrewed aerial systems configured for other tasks, all of which are designed to be fired from aircraft, as well as ground and maritime platforms.

The U.S. Army’s elite 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (SOAR), better known as the Night Stalkers, elements of which were at the very core of the operation to capture Maduro, have at least been experimenting with employing launched effects from their MH-60 Black Hawk helicopters for years now, though this is not an operational capability, at least that we know of at present. This is a capability also planned for the Army’s conventional Black Hawk fleet, but it would not be surprising for the Night Stalkers to receive it first. With launched effects, MH-60s, or other platforms the 160th operates, would have a new way to react to air defenses, either striking them if they pop up along the way or jamming them. They could also strike small mobile targets if need be.

The video below, which the Army released in 2021, includes footage at around the 0:34 mark in the runtime of one of 160th SOAR’s MH-60 Black Hawk helicopters carrying a tube for a ‘launched effect’ under its right stub wing.

The U.S. Army Futures Command’s Future Vertical Lift Cross-Functional Team (FVL-CFT)

At the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual conference last October, the current head of the 160th SOAR, Col. Stephen Smith, also talked explicitly about the current and future use of uncrewed systems, including launched effects, to lead the way for crewed helicopters, especially in higher-threat environments.

Other elements of SOCOM have been touting the expected importance of air and surface-launched effects in future operations in recent years. These are capabilities that conventional forces across the U.S. military have been working to field, as well.

All this being said, the sounds and subsequent impacts heard and seen in the videos from Venezuela do seem to point more to the use of kamikaze drones that are larger than the ones that typically fall into the category of launched effects, especially air-launched types.

Regardless, the video clips do offer clear evidence of a possible first-of-its-kind use of U.S. kamikaze drones during Operation Absolute Resolve, and more details about their employment may emerge as more becomes known about the mission overall.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

A U.S. Army squadron tasked with a reconnaissance mission in South Korea was deactivated last month, a congressional report showed Thursday, amid speculation that Washington could consider a troop drawdown in the allied country in a force posture adjustment.

The 5th Air Cavalry Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment (5-17 ACS) at Camp Humphreys, a key U.S. base in Pyeongtaek, some 60 kilometers south of Seoul, ceased its operation on Dec. 15, a recent Congressional Research Service (CRS) report said, citing information from the U.S. Army. It had served in Korea to support the 2nd Infantry Division since May 2022.

Its deactivation as part of an Army transformation initiative came amid lingering concerns that U.S. President Donald Trump‘s administration could seek a ground troop reduction of the 28,500-strong U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) as part of an adjustment to better counter threats from an assertive China.

5-17 ACS is known to have had hundreds of personnel, as well as aviation and reconnaissance assets, including AH-64E Apache helicopters and RQ-7B Shadow drones. It is unclear whether the deactivation means the pullout of the unit’s personnel and assets or whether there will be a replacement unit.

Comment from the U.S. Army on the deactivation was not immediately available.

A day after the 5-17 ACS deactivation, the Army restructured the 2nd Infantry Division’s Combat Aviation Brigade Medical Evacuation (CAB MEDEVAC) unit, the CRS report said without elaboration.

5-17 ACS was activated in 2022, taking over the role of what had been rotational air cavalry squadrons to provide more stability to U.S. defense operations and enhance defense readiness in South Korea.

Speculation about a potential U.S. troop cut in Korea has persisted as Washington calls for Seoul to take greater responsibility for its own defense while seeking to bolster U.S. capabilities to better address potential China-related contingencies, including those related to Taiwan.

That speculation was reinforced as last year’s key security document between Seoul and Washington omitted language committing the U.S. to maintaining the “current” USFK troop level, with U.S. officials emphasizing the importance of “capabilities” rather than the troop numbers.

Last May, The Wall Street Journal reported that the U.S. was weighing the idea of pulling out roughly 4,500 troops from South Korea and moving them to other locations in the Indo-Pacific, including Guam. The Pentagon dismissed it as “not true,” reaffirming that America remains “fully” committed to the defense of South Korea.

Copyright (c) Yonhap News Agency prohibits its content from being redistributed or reprinted without consent, and forbids the content from being learned and used by artificial intelligence systems.

In a major follow-up to three of our recent stories on China’s weapons developments, we can now report that what appeared to be a modular, road-mobile, electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS) catapult capable of flinging advanced fixed-wing combat drones into the air is now set up on a ship. And not just any ship, but the same medium cargo vessel that was recently configured as an improvised surface combatant, with roughly 60 containerized missile launch cells, radars, and close-in defenses. The ship was rapidly reconfigured over a few days to go from an arsenal ship of sorts to a multi-role advanced combat drone carrier.

This is the latest news to come out of the Shanghai-based Hudong-Zhonghua shipyard, where the converted cargo ship first appeared a week ago. Just down the dock from this vessel, the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLAN) giant amphibious assault ship, the Type 076 Sichuan, sits in dry dock. That vessel features a built-in EMALS catapult for launching all types of drones.

Not long after the converted cargo ship was spotted, the stealthy collaborative combat aircraft (CCA)-like drones (which may very well be mockups) were spotted on the dock next to the ship. Then the modular, vehicle-based EMALS system appeared, with each truck locking into the next, creating what seemed like a scalable catapult track. You can read our full report and analysis on it here.

Such a capability would be a boon for land-based launch operations, but at the time of writing, we also stated:

“It is also worth noting that a modular electromagnetic catapult system might be usable on ships that do not have this capability built into their design. As mentioned, the drones and trucks seen at Hudong-Zhonghua shipyard were spotted near a cargo ship loaded with various containerized weapons and other systems. A drone launch capability of some kind would be a logical addition to a vessel with that configuration. At the same time, whether or not any catapult system made up of multiple segmented components would be stable enough for use on a ship rocking back and forth at sea is unclear.”

Now that the catapult system is indeed on the ship, there have been major configuration changes to the vessel to accommodate it. Just 24 of the 60 vertical launch cells remain, with six missile containers still on the ship, providing room for the catapult system and possibly other drones. The Type 1130 30mm close-in weapon system (CIWS), large phased array radar and other sensor and communications systems mounted on containers are also retained. The container on the starboard side of the 30mm CIWS that had decoy launchers and life rafts mounted on it is gone. It isn’t clear if the one on the port side remains. Regardless, when taken at face value, in this drone launching configuration, the ship would still be able to defend itself well (at least conceptually).

As for the catapult setup, we see four vehicles connected in a ‘train’ to create the catapult track, with a ‘ready to launch’ drone mounted atop the rear one and another sitting on the deck behind it. This is exactly the same configuration we saw on the dock in previous pictures, aside from the addition of the fourth catapult vehicle, although satellite images showed the fourth sitting nearby but not connected to the catapult train while pier-side. As we discussed in our previous piece, the length of the catapult could be presumably tailored to the aircraft types being launched and dimensional constraints of the launch area, creating a highly adaptable and mobile catapult launch system.

What isn’t perfectly clear is how much room remains on the deck with so many containers removed and the catapult train installed. If the remaining missile launcher containers are situated on the edge of the opposite side of the ship, there should be some room in between. As you can see in satellite imagery, the swept-wing, stealthy, advanced combat drone designs seen at the dock are quite large with a considerable wingspan.

Now we get into clearances needed for launch. It’s hard to tell the margin that exists vertically between the bow of the ship and an aircraft that would be careening off the catapult. It certainly doesn’t look like much, depending on the speed of the aircraft and where it would ‘liftoff’ from the catapult track. The clearance between the CIWS canister and the wing of the aircraft is also in question, although the container could be scooted over, presumably. With the catapult train on the opposite edge of the deck, clearing the wingtip should not be a problem.

The question of how this system would work on a rolling, heaving ship and how it would hold up to the harsh maritime environment while exposed on the ship’s deck is a major question that is totally unanswered at this time. In addition, such a system would require a lot of power to launch a relatively heavy swept wing drone over such a short distance. The drone would have to be engineered to deal with such a violent catapult stroke as well. So how feasible that is also isn’t clear.

There are no provisions for recovering the drones once they have finished their missions. This is a launch-only concept. Unless they can land with parachutes and air bags and be fished out of the water, refurbished and reused, and this would be tough to do all on this one ship, they would be going on one-way missions from this vessel. This kind of split operational concept is relevant in many scenarios though.

And that brings us to the biggest question of all: what are we really seeing here? What is real and what is aspirational? From the drones to the catapult train to the improvised surface combatant configuration for the cargo ship, this all could be a proof of concept or something more mature. There are indications toward the latter, as we have discussed in our previous posts, but this could still be exploratory and even somewhat performative — meant just as much for foreign consumption as it is for testing real systems.

From the start, this arsenal ship of sorts appeared configured for our viewing pleasure, and China knows full well what will ‘leak’ out in terms of most of its major military technological developments, if the government doesn’t have a direct hand in it itself. Now we are seeing another configuration change for this vessel in a very short period of time with some very impressive technology (mobile modular EMALS and advanced drones) needed to underpin it. All this screams “we can rapidly turn our vast commercial fleet into surface combatants and advanced drone carriers.” That is a powerful message and a troubling one for the U.S. and its allies that are already struggling to confront China’s massive naval expansion. The timing is also worth highlighting. A year ago to the week, a crescendo of major Chinese military technological developments also ‘leaked,’ ushering in a new year of highly impressive developments for the PLA. So this would fit that pattern.

While it does appear there is real technology and developmental thought put into all this, just how mature the mobile EMALS catapult system for use on such a ship is isn’t clear. But considering how fast China has been moving on pushing forward its defense technology repertoire, especially over the last year, it would be unwise to disregard the possible existence of such a capability.

Contact the author: Tyler@twz.com

A picture has emerged that looks to show Iran’s Mohajer-6 drone has entered service, at least on a limited level, with the Venezuelan military. The Mohajer-6 can perform surveillance and reconnaissance missions and be armed with small guided munitions. The appearance of the image followed the announcement of new U.S. sanctions on Iran and Venezuela, directly related, in part, to the local assembly of Mohajer-6s in the latter country.

The image in question, seen below, began circulating on social media late yesterday, and is said to have been taken at the Venezuelan Air Force’s El Libertador Air Base (Base Aerea El Libertador in Spanish and often abbreviated as BAEL) in the context of an exercise. TWZ has not been immediately able to independently confirm where or when the picture was taken. El Libertador is situated relatively close to Venezuela’s Caribbean coastline, as well as the capital, Caracas. It is also notably home to the country’s remaining fleet of U.S.-made F-16 fighters, which you can read more about here.

However, as mentioned, the U.S. government offered a separate confirmation of at least the presence of Mohajer-6s in Venezuela in its sanctions announcement yesterday.

“Venezuela-based Empresa Aeronautica Nacional SA (EANSA) maintains and oversees the assembly of QAI’s [Iran’s Qods Aviation Industries] Mohajer-series UAVs in Venezuela and has directly negotiated with QAI, contributing to QAI’s sale of millions of dollars’ worth of Mohajer-6 UAVs to Venezuela,” according to a press release from the U.S. Treasury Department. “The Mohajer-6, a combat UAV with intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities, is manufactured by QAI. EANSA was also involved in the assembly of aircraft that QAI sold to Venezuela.”

It is also well documented that Venezuela has been working to acquire Mohajer-6s since at least 2020, though there has not previously been any evidence of the drones actually being in the country. Venezuelan authorities have shown models of Mohajer-6s at official events in the past, including at EANSA’s facilities. Iran has also exported Mohajer-6s to several other countries, including Russia, which has employed them in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

A small mockup of a #Iran|ian UCAV Mohajer-6 was spotted during a speech by the #Venezuela|n President Maduro. The speech was about the future production of multiple-purpose drones. There is thoughts and now speculation that the #IRGC affiliated EP-FAB and EP-FAA flights took… pic.twitter.com/JOhIqK9YJy

— Aurora Intel (@AuroraIntel) November 20, 2020

Iran first unveiled the Mohajer-6 in 2016, and serial production is said to have begun in 2018. The drone has a high-mounted main wing, with a span of nearly 33 feet (10 meters), and a twin-boom tail configuration. The drone is just over 18 and a half feet (5.67 meters) long overall and is powered by a small internal combustion engine driving a single pusher propeller. It has fixed tricycle landing gear and takes off and lands like a traditional aircraft. It has a maximum takeoff weight of around 1,320 pounds (600 kilograms) and an endurance of 12 hours, according to the U.S. Army’s Operational Environment Data Integration Network (ODIN) training portal.

Mohajer-6s can be controlled by operators on the ground via line-of-sight links or fly along a preset route using a built-in autopilot. The drones are understood to carry a mix of electro-optical and infrared cameras to perform their surveillance and reconnaissance and strike missions, as well as to help with basic navigation. Small guided munitions can be carried on up to four pylons under each wing. Iranian media reports have also raised the possibility of the drones being capable of carrying electronic warfare packages.

Exactly how Venezuela’s Mohajer-6 might be configured is unknown. However, circa 2022, pictures also emerged that were said to show Iranian Qaem munitions, which are small guided glide bombs, on display in Venezuela. Qaem is one of the munitions that Iran has integrated onto the Mohajer-6.

Venezuela’s pursuit of the Mohajer-6 is also just one part of a larger push on the country’s part to bolster its drone arsenal, which traces back to the early 2010s and has been carried out with significant assistance from Iran. The Venezuelan armed forces have previously shown examples of another drone, referred to variously as the Arpia or ANSU-100, which was also referenced in the U.S. government’s newly announced sanctions yesterday. This design is a locally-produced derivative of the smaller Iranian Mohajer-2, which is primarily intended for surveillance and reconnaissance missions. Venezuelan authorities have shown examples with underwing munitions, or mockups thereof, but whether this reflects a real capability is unclear. Venezuela has also acquired other weapon systems from Iran, including anti-ship cruise missiles and fast attack boats.

In general, the Mohajer-6 offers the Venezuelan military a new means for conducting aerial surveillance and reconnaissance, and likely armed attacks, with an appreciable endurance. The drones could help patrol the country’s Caribbean coast and inland borders, and potentially offer a way to immediately strike targets of opportunity. In an actual conflict, they could also help bolster the country’s limited traditional tactical aviation capabilities.

“Between 2009-16, Venezuelan drones were used mainly for surveillance and patrol. Since 2022, with the development of the ANSU-100, the focus has shifted: the drones not only observe, they can attack,” according to a detailed report earlier this year from the Miami Herald on Venezuelan drone developments, in general. “Analysts describe this as an ‘Iranization’ of Venezuela’s military doctrine, seeking to compensate for conventional shortcomings through armed drones and what are called ‘loitering’ munitions, or suicide drones. These are expendable unmanned aerial weapons with a built-in warhead that can hover over a target area before crashing and exploding on a target.”

It is possible Mohajer-6s, as well as ANSU-100s, could be employed as longer-range kamikaze drones, and in significant volumes where they could be particularly effective in overwhelming defenders. At the same time, doing so on any real level would require a steady pipeline of new drones, and come at a commensurate cost. Venezuela is also known to be pursuing a purpose-built long-range kamikaze drone, the Zamora V-1. The V-1’s design is at least heavily inspired by Iran’s delta-winged Shahed series, if it is not just a direct clone or derivative. This reflects a global trend in the fielding of Shahed-type drones, with and without Iranian assistance, including now in the United States. Shahed has become something of a household name, in no small part because of Russia’s extensive use of a growing number of variants and derivatives of them in the conflict in Ukraine.

When it comes to Mohajer-6s, how many Venezuela currently has is unknown, and the capability of that force to perform any mission set at present is unclear.

In general, the Venezuelan government is certainly in a position now where having any kind of increased aerial surveillance coverage, both internally and offshore, and more flexibility to respond to threats kinetically, would be a major boon. Last Friday, U.S. President Donald Trump disclosed a first-of-its-kind covert attack on a target inside Venezuela, which was later reported to have been carried out somewhere along that country’s coast by a CIA drone, as you can read more about here.

There also continues to be the prospect of more overt U.S. military action against Venezuela amid a massive ongoing buildup in the region, ostensibly tied to expanded counter-drug operations, which TWZ has been tracking very closely. Especially with their ability to operate across longer distances via autopilot, armed Venezuelan Mohajer-6s (or ones turned into kamikaze drones) would present a potential threat to American forces in and around the Caribbean. Even if the danger they pose is very limited, it is still one that U.S. commanders would have to take into account, along with other threats that TWZ has highlighted previously.

The Venezuelan military’s efforts to acquire Mohajer-6s also underscore its general interest in expanding its drone capabilities, which could further grow into a more complex deterrent as time goes on. The delivery of large numbers of Shahed-type drones, in particular, would create major complications for American forces at sea and on land. The Shahed-136’s range is at least around 1,000 miles, more than enough to get to Puerto Rico, as well as other U.S. operating locations around the Caribbean. Iran has also claimed that the drones can fly out to 1,500 miles, which would put areas of southern Florida in reach. Large numbers of U.S. aircraft and other assets are currently sitting largely out in the open in sites in the region. For years now, TWZ has been highlighting the risks that kind of posture creates, especially to drone attacks. Uncrewed aerial systems also present very real and still growing threats to ships.

The video below includes a montage of clips from Iranian state media showing Shahed-136s being employed during an exercise.

Баражуючий іранський боєприпас «Shahed 136»

Otherwise, American authorities make no secret of the fact that they are engaged in a steadily escalating pressure campaign targeting the country’s dictatorial President Nicolas Maduro and his regime. Earlier this month, this effort expanded to include a maritime blockade targeting the Venezuelan oil sector, which has included seizing oil tankers.

All of this may well have provided new impetus in Venezuela to get even a limited number of Mohajer-6s in actual service. With the appearance of the picture said to show one of the drones at El Libertador, more details may now begin to emerge.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Dec. 31 (UPI) — At least six people, three of them children, were injured in the southern Ukrainian port of Odessa in a Russian drone strike overnight that blacked out parts of the city, cutting off electricity, water and heat, said local officials.

The victims, including a 7-month-old infant, an 8-year-old girl and a 14-year-old boy, belonged to two families in the same apartment building after Shahed-type drones targeted residential areas, causing structural damage and setting apartments ablaze.

Four buildings were hit in all, with firefighters rescuing at least eight people from one burning high-rise.

Private energy provider DTEK said two of its facilities in the region had been badly damaged, bringing to 10 the number of its plants attacked since the beginning of December.

Across the province, more than 170,000 people were without power, Deputy Energy Minister Oleksandr Vyazovchenko said.

Elsewhere in Odessa Oblast, logistics warehouses were set on fire in a separate strike.

The attacks came amid a sustained aerial campaign targeting port, energy and civilian infrastructure in the strategically key coastal province, which sits on the Black Sea.

The drones menacing Odessa overnight were among 127 that injured at least five other people across Kyiv, Chernihiv, Dnipropetrovsk and Kherson provinces. The Ukrainian Air Force said it downed or disabled all but 26 of the UAVs.

Over the past day, at least three people were killed by Russian artillery fire in the frontline regions of Sumy, Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv.

Another three civilians were killed and four were injured in the eastern Donetsk province, where Ukrainian forces are engaged in intense battles with Russian forces to hold onto the remaining territory they control.

The attacks follow claims by the Kremlin of an attempted strike by Ukrainian drones on the state residence of President Vladimir Putin, northwest of Moscow, on Monday.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov vowed the attack, which he described as terrorism, would not go unanswered and warned it would affect the current peace talks.

Kyiv categorically rejected the claim, with President Volodymyr Zelensky calling it a “complete fabrication intended to justify additional attacks against Ukraine” and cover for Moscow’s refusal to take steps to end the war.

Dec. 30 (UPI) — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky accused Russia of lying over a large-scale drone attack on President Vladimir Putin’s state residence 300 miles northwest of Moscow, which it claims was carried out by Kyiv.

Monday’s alleged attack shortly after high-level U.S.-Ukraine talks at Mar-a-Lago ended was an excuse to attack Ukraine, most likely Kyiv and government buildings there, and keep the war going, Zelensky told reporters.

Zelensky said it was no accident that Moscow announced the attack after he and U.S. President Donald Trump said they had made good progress toward finalizing a peace agreement framework, as well as lengthy security guarantees, in talks Sunday at Trump’s resort in Palm Beach.

“It’s obvious that yesterday we had a meeting with President Trump, and it’s clear that when there is no scandal for the Russians, when there is progress, it is a failure for them. They do not want to end this war and are only capable of doing so under pressure. So they are looking for a pretext,” said Zelensky.

“Russia is at it again, using dangerous statements to undermine all achievements of our shared diplomatic efforts with President Trump’s team. We keep working together to bring peace closer. This alleged ‘residence strike’ story is a complete fabrication intended to justify additional attacks against Ukraine, including Kyiv, as well as Russia’s own refusal to take necessary steps to end the war. Typical Russian lies,” Zelensky wrote on X.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Monday that Moscow had already decided on when and which targets it would hit in retaliation for Kyiv’s targeting of Putin’s residence in the Novgorod region with 91 drones, which he described as a terrorist attack.

All the drones were downed by air defenses or electronic means and neither Putin or anyone else was hurt in the incident, according to Lavrov.

However, he warned Russia would revise its stance on the peace negotiations accordingly, “taking into account the Kyiv regime’s final transition to a policy of state terrorism,” but said Moscow would not be sharing details of its new tougher policy.

Speaking at a briefing on Tuesday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov ruled out Moscow pulling the plug on the peace talks.

“Russia is not withdrawing from the negotiation process, and will certainly continue talks and dialogue, primarily with the Americans,” he said.

Speaking to journalists at Mar-a-Lago on Monday night, Trump said he was very angry about the attack, which he said he learned about directly from Putin, saying it was not the right time for offense when peace negotiations were in such a “delicate phase.”

“I don’t like it. It’s not good. I learned about it from President Putin today. I was very angry about it. It’s a delicate period of time. This is not the right time. It’s one thing to be offensive, because they’re offensive. It’s another thing to attack his house. It’s not the right time to do any of that.”

However, he acknowledged the attack may never have taken place and vowed that U.S. intelligence would get to the bottom of it.

According to the Kremlin, the attack in the early hours of Monday local time came “almost immediately” after the American and Ukrainian teams’ talks ended on Sunday evening.

Zelensky and Trump emerged from the talks to say they were at least 95% agreed on extendable 15-year security guarantees for Ukraine, but that the issues of territory and the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant remained sticking points.

Dec. 29 (UPI) — President Donald Trump on Monday confirmed that the United States struck a “dock area” that officials believe is used to transfer drugs to boats for international distribution.

The U.S. military has struck dozens of ships in the Caribbean near Venezuela, as well as in the Pacific, that are allegedly shipping drugs from South America to the United States and other countries, but the dock would be the first time that an onshore target has been struck.

Trump said Friday in a radio interview that a “big facility” had been “knocked out” in Venezuela that was not widely publicized until Monday when reporters at Mar-a-Lago asked him about it, ABC News and The New York Times reported.

According to CNN, the dock was targeted by the CIA in a drone strike based on intelligence from the U.S. Special Forces that it was being used by the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua as a shipping facility for drugs.

A spokesperson for U.S. Special Operations Command told CNN that “Special Operations did not support this operation to include intel support,” the network noted, adding that the Special Operations Forces continue to be involved in Venezuela.

Despite officials offering few details about the strike, Trump, on Monday, appeared to confirm that U.S. forces struck a dock in Venezuela and why it was targeted.

“There was a major explosion in the dock area where they load up the boats with drugs,” Trump told reporters. “They load the boats up with drugs. So we hit all the boats, and now we hit the area, it’s the implementation area, that’s where they implement, and that is no longer around.”

The U.S. military for months has built up a military presence in the Caribbean in international waters offshore of Venezuela, culminating in the arrival of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier and its carrier strike group in November.

A month before that, in mid-October, Trump told reporters that he had authorized the CIA to conduct operations in Venezuela, and noted that they had been doing so for months at that point.

He said at the time that the military had been striking ships because “a lot of Venezuelan drugs come in through the sea, so you see it,” but that the United States would “stop them by land, also” — acknowledging that the administration was considering strikes inside Venezuela.

The Ford’s presence, in addition to more than a dozen other warships, has built up a 15,000 troop presence in the Caribbean that the Pentagon has dubbed Operation Southern Spear.

In addition to striking alleged drug boats in the Caribbean and Pacific, Trump also has ordered a naval blockade to prevent Venezuela from shipping its sanctioned oil to Iran and China.

The administration so far has apprehended three oil tankers leaving Venezuela.

Trump has said he is aiming to depose Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro based on accusations that Maduro runs the Tren de Aragua gang, has emptied the country’s prisons and sent criminals to the United States to wreak havoc in the country, and is pumping drugs into the United States.

Dec. 26 (UPI) — The Japanese government on Friday approved a record $58 billion defense budget for the 2026 fiscal year amid worsening diplomatic tensions with China.

The allocation is 9.4% more than budgeted for defense in 2025 and is a new record for defense spending when the new fiscal year starts in April.

The funds will help pay for cruise missiles and unmanned defense systems as Japan enters the fourth year of its five-year plan to bolster its military, Newsweek reported.

During that time span, Japan is investing about 2% of its annual gross domestic product to modernize its military with state-of-the-art equipment, including drones.

It also demonstrates a significant shift in Japan’s defensive priorities after spending relatively little on national defense for several decades.

The new spending will bolster Japan’s land, sea and air coastal defenses with unmanned assets and a greater ability to attack enemies from beyond their respective ranges, according to The Japan Times.

Japan is building up its Synchronized, Hybrid, Integrated and Enhanced Littoral Defense drone system that commonly is referred to as SHIELD.

“This system will enable Japan to adopt new warfare methods, firmly protect the lives of personnel and halt enemy invasions of islands at the coastline,” Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi told media.

The system is slated to go into service in 2027 and will provide Japan with an ample supply of “inexpensive unmanned aerial, surface and underwater vehicles” that can be used to attack enemy targets and conduct reconnaissance.

A large quantity of relatively affordable drones is available from the United States, Australia, Turkey and other nations.

Japan also is improving its counterstrike capabilities with better anti-ship missiles and intends to acquire hypersonic missiles that can fly five or more times faster than the speed of sound.

Such improvements would improve Japan’s ability to strike enemy targets from a long distance and more effectively deter potential aggression against the island nation.

Dec. 27 (UPI) — Russian attacks on Kyiv killed at least one and injured 27 early Saturday morning as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky prepares to meet with President Donald Trump on Sunday.

The Russian aerial assault started at 1:30 a.m. local time in Kyiv with missiles and attack drones dispatched in waves, causing Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko to warn residents to stay in air raid shelters, The New York Times reported.

An estimated 40 missiles and 500 drones knocked out power in much of the city during the aerial assault.

Zelensky said the attack is the latest example of why Ukraine needs its international partners to help guarantee the nation’s security before agreeing to end the war that started when Russia invaded on Feb. 24, 2022.

Zelensky and Trump are scheduled to meet in Florida on Sunday, and the Ukrainian president is hopeful of securing a legally binding security guarantee.

“This depends primarily on President Trump,” Zelensky told media. “The question is what security guarantees President Trump is ready to give Ukraine.”

The Ukrainian president has drafted a 20-point peace plan that includes the creation of a demilitarized zone between Russia and Ukraine.

He told Axios that he hopes it will lead to a framework for a cease-fire and a lasting peace that the Ukrainian people would support.

That framework might include a 60-day cease-fire to give Ukraine time to schedule and hold a national referendum, which may include territorial concessions to end the war.

Russian officials have said they understand the need for a referendum, but they want a shorter timeframe to get it done.

Before Sunday’s meeting, Zelensky is stopping in Canada on Saturday to meet with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney and hold virtual discussions with European leaders.

Carney and Zelensky will meet in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and have scheduled joint calls with leaders from the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany, according to Sky News.

The U.S. Marine Corps is looking for companies that can provide 10,000 first-person view drones by Jan. 1, 2027, according to a Request for Information (RFI) posted Thursday on a government procurement website. While just a minute fraction of the number of FPV drones being used by both sides of the war in Ukraine monthly, the RFI is the latest move by the Marines to put these swift and maneuverable weapons into the hands of its troops. It was issued as the Pentagon seeks to dramatically increase drone supplies across the services.

The USMC, as we have previously noted, wants strike weapons at the squad level with far greater reach than rifles and mortars. The Corps has created “attack drone teams” to integrate the lessons in Ukraine about the effectiveness of these weapons against personnel and equipment into their formations. We’ll talk more about those teams later in this story.

The use of FPV drones by both Russia and Ukraine has changed the face of war. They have enabled small units to strike targets in some cases as far away as 40 kilometers, though more typically less than half that distance, greatly extending the depth of the front lines.

The Marines want the same capabilities.

“FPV drones offer squad-level lethality up to 20 kilometers for under $5,000, compared to more expensive weapons systems with less capability,” the Marines explained in March. “This provides a cost-effective and scalable solution for modern combat.”

The RFI, published on Thursday, is one step toward meeting that goal. It calls for FPV drones costing less than $4,000 per unit for the aircraft, with the understanding that ground-control stations, communications equipment, goggles, batteries and charging stations for swarming will add to the price tag.

These can be controlled by radio frequencies as well as fiber optic cables. First employed by Russia last year, these cable-controlled drones are now widely used by both sides because they are immune to jamming and many other forms of electronic warfare. They also help mitigate interference from geography and structures that can impede radio signals.

The use of these types of FPV drones has become so ubiquitous that some Ukrainian cities are covered in cables, which you can see in the following video.

The Marines are also seeking designs that can be easily converted from non-kinetic to multiple different kinetic payloads by troops on the front lines. In addition, the RFI calls for drones giving Marines the ability to “modify, within reason, the system with a variety of third-party payloads, armaments, and munitions without vendor involvement.” The Corps also wants the ability to repair these drones by itself, without vendor involvement, a critical need in any swiftly evolving fight.

There are no requirements listed for speed, range, altitude, or payload weights; however, the RFI asks that interested companies provide those specifications. Regardless, the Corps is looking to move out quickly — at least in terms of notoriously sluggish U.S. military procurement norms — on this effort. The RFI calls for the delivery of an initial tranche of these weapons by Jan. 1, 2027, “with the ability to quickly ramp production and deliver larger quantities up to 5,000 air vehicles within 6 months and 10,000 units within 12 months.”

The RFI comes as the Marines are testing FPV drones to see how they function in simulated combat and to certify troops on their use. There have been at least two examples of that since November alone.

Earlier this month, the 3rd Marine Division, III Marine Expeditionary Force, participated in the Marine Corps Attack Drone Competition at Camps Hansen and Schwab, Okinawa, Japan.

“The competition put Neros Archer, first-person view attack drones into the hands of the Division’s capable warfighters,” the Marines said in a release. The Neros Archer is “capable of carrying a 2 kg/4.5 lb payload over 20 kilometers,” the company asserts on its LinkedIn page. In November, the company was awarded a $17 million contract to provide about 8,000 drones, including kinetic-strike capable FPVs, to the Corps. It was previously awarded a contract under the U.S. Army’s Purpose-Built Attritable Systems (PBAS) program and had produced 6,000 of these drones for Ukraine.

The attack drone competition on Okinawa allowed Marines “to test and improve their drone skills alongside the top operators in the Marine Corps, enhancing their confidence and capabilities on the battlefield,” said U.S. Marine Corps Sgt. Grant Doran, an attack drone instructor with the Marine Corps Attack Drone Team in Quantico. “It also lets us train the people who will be taking over our positions in the future. Other branches were also able to bring their top operators in, so we can share our tips and tricks to increase lethality across all services.”

The certification “increased 3rd Marine Division’s tactical drone use in both offensive and defensive scenarios,” the division explained.  “The Neros Archer drone extends the Marines’ understanding of the battlespace by 20 kilometers, and this capability increases the Marines’ lethal reach and ability to attack using precision weapons.”

“I believe that with [any potential] crisis, small Unmanned Aerial Systems development and integration within small unit formations is going to be super relevant given its longer reach,” Doran posited.

In November, the Marine Corps Battalion Landing Team 3/6, 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit (Special Operations Capable) conducted FPV attack drone training on Camp Santiago, Puerto Rico.

“The 2d Marine Division and the Marine Corps Attack Drone Team are training and certifying 22nd MEU(SOC) Marines on the Neros Archer first-person view drone system, demonstrating the 22nd MEU(SOC)’s commitment to innovation, adaptability, and enhanced combat readiness,” a release explains. That training came as the U.S. was ramping up its Operation Southern Spear campaign against drug traffickers and Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro, which you can read more about here.

22nd MEU FPV Drone Training

The RFI and the recent competition and training come after the Corps announced the establishment of its experimental Marine Corps Attack Drone Team (MCADT) at the service’s base in Quantico, Virginia, earlier this year.

MCADT’s creation was a direct response to “the rapid proliferation of armed first-person-view drone technology and tactics observed in modern conflicts, particularly in Eastern Europe,” the Marines said in a press release issued back in March. “As emerging threats continue to evolve, the Marine Corps is prioritizing the integration of FPV drone capabilities to enhance lethality and operational effectiveness across the Fleet Marine Force.”

The Marine Corps’ growing interest in FPV drones is unfolding as their use, popularized by the war in Ukraine, has spread to conflicts across the globe by states and non-state actors. Still, it is important to note, as TWZ regularly does, that the threats posed by weaponized uncrewed aerial systems, including small modified commercial designs, far predate the all-out war in Ukraine. The following image shows a drone used by a Mexican cartel in 2020.

The U.S. is increasingly heeding the wake-up call emanating from the battlefields of Ukraine. In July, War Secretary Pete Hegseth unveiled an ambitious Pentagon-wide effort to dramatically boost the number of troops armed with small drones. Earlier this month, the Pentagon unveiled its $1 billion “Drone Dominance” program to purchase hundreds of thousands of kamikaze drones of all types. Last month, the Army announced its own plans to purchase a million kamikaze drones over the next two to three years and recently signed a $1 billion agreement to purchase Switchblade-series loitering munitions. These Trump administration efforts, among several others, have subsumed the Biden administration’s $1 billion Replicator program, created to buy small drones.

The Marines, meanwhile, have a separate program to spend hundreds of millions of dollars on small drones. In April 2024, the Marine Corps Systems Command (MARCORSYSCOM) awarded three companies – Teledyne FLIR Defense, AeroVironment and Anduril Industries  – an Indefinite Delivery/Indefinite Quantity contract worth up to $249 million under its Organic Precision Fires-Light (OPF-L) program. The most recent order came earlier this month, when the Corps agreed to purchase 600 Rogue-1 loitering munitions from Teledyne FLIR Defense for $42.5 million, or about $71,000 a piece. That follows an initial $12 million order for 127 Rogue-1s, which had a price tag of about $90,000 per unit.

As the Marines eye a potential future peer conflict where drones will play a huge role, there is another lesson from the Ukraine war to consider. Magazine depth for these weapons is critical, which is why the Corps is also looking for a mix of short-range, troop-controlled drones, including ones far cheaper, albeit less capable in some ways, than the Rogue-1.

Still, the procurement of 10,000 FPV drones, as we noted earlier in this story, pales in comparison to what is seen in Ukraine, a nation in an existential fight. Kyiv, for instance, plans to produce 4.5 million FPV drones by the end of this year. Russia, for its part, plans to produce 2.5 million of these weapons. Still, Ukraine is a unique, well-established conflict with largely static lines, and is not what the U.S. would likely face in the Pacific, for instance, where FPV drones won’t be needed in such massive quantities. Still, FPV drones will be a staple of land warfare going forward.

Though its goals are comparatively small in number, the RFI is a small step toward closing the Pentagon’s yawning drone development and procurement gap that TWZ has frequently highlighted. 

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

Four years after seizing power in a coup, Myanmar’s military junta is adapting to survive a grinding civil war that once appeared to be slipping beyond its control. In October, rebel fighters in central Myanmar described facing a level of intensity they had not seen before: sustained artillery fire, coordinated drone strikes, and repeated infantry assaults that came in relentless waves. After days of fighting near the village of Pazun Myaung, resistance forces were forced to withdraw, marking a rare tactical success for a military that had suffered major setbacks since 2023.

This shift follows Operation 1027, a coordinated rebel offensive that overran around 150 military outposts and handed resistance groups control of large swathes of borderland territory. Shaken by those defeats, the junta began reshaping its strategy. According to rebel fighters and security analysts interviewed by Reuters, the military has leaned on three pillars to stabilise its position: mass conscription, expanded use of drones and air power, and growing diplomatic and coercive support from China.

How the Junta Is Fighting Back

On the ground, resistance fighters report that the military is deploying “human-wave” tactics, sending repeated infantry units forward even as casualties mount. Rebels say some soldiers appear to be coerced into advancing, a stark contrast to earlier phases of the war when troops often retreated quickly after losses. These assaults are now closely integrated with artillery and drone strikes, creating pressure that smaller, lightly equipped resistance units struggle to withstand over time.

At the same time, the junta has rebuilt manpower through mandatory conscription introduced in February 2024. Despite widespread public fear and evasion, tens of thousands of recruits have reportedly entered the armed forces, stabilising a military that had shrunk dramatically since the coup. The command structure has also been reshuffled, with more experienced officers replacing those promoted through patronage, addressing one of the army’s long-standing weaknesses.

Air power has become more lethal as well. While conventional airstrikes remain central, they are now increasingly guided by reconnaissance drones, improving accuracy. Analysts say the military operates a diverse fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles sourced from China, Russia and Iran, giving it a technological edge over resistance groups that lack jamming equipment or air-defence systems. Lower-level commanders are also reportedly being granted faster access to air support, tightening coordination between ground assaults and aerial attacks.

China’s Quiet but Crucial Role

Beyond the battlefield, China has emerged as a decisive external factor in the junta’s partial resurgence. While Beijing maintains ties with certain ethnic armed groups, it continues to see Myanmar’s generals as the most reliable guarantors of stability along its border. Chinese officials have brokered ceasefires that have directly benefited the junta, including arrangements that returned strategically important towns to military control.

Pressure from Beijing has also constrained resistance groups’ access to weapons and financing. International researchers say China has leaned on allied militias to restrict arms flows and imposed financial and border measures to enforce compliance. In some areas, this has effectively frozen resistance operations, forcing groups into ceasefires due to shortages of ammunition and funds. For fighters on the ground, this external squeeze has compounded the military’s renewed offensive momentum.

Why It Matters

The junta’s evolving tactics do not signal outright victory, but they do mark a dangerous shift in a conflict that had increasingly favoured resistance forces. Myanmar’s frontlines remain fragmented, with no single actor dominating nationwide, yet the military’s ability to retake territory in parts of the country suggests the war is entering a new, more brutal phase. Civilians are likely to bear the cost, as intensified airstrikes, mass infantry assaults and prolonged clashes deepen humanitarian suffering and displacement.

This military push also coincides with a planned general election that international observers and rights groups have already dismissed as neither free nor fair. By reclaiming territory and projecting strength, the junta appears intent on manufacturing a sense of control and legitimacy, even as key opposition figures remain jailed and major political forces boycott the vote.

What Comes Next

Analysts expect fighting to intensify rather than subside. With conscription feeding new troops into the ranks, drones sharpening air power, and China discouraging resistance advances near its interests, the military is likely to continue probing for opportunities to retake ground. Resistance forces, meanwhile, face internal disparities in strength and growing external pressure, making coordinated nationwide offensives harder to sustain.

Over the next few years, Myanmar is likely to see a protracted stalemate punctuated by brutal offensives rather than a decisive resolution. The junta’s comeback is limited and uneven, but it is enough to prolong the conflict and raise the stakes for all sides involved.

Analysis

Myanmar’s war is no longer defined solely by a collapsing army versus a rising resistance. Instead, it is evolving into a grim contest of endurance. The junta’s use of human-wave assaults reflects both renewed confidence and underlying fragility: manpower is being substituted for legitimacy, and coercion for morale. Drones and foreign backing provide tactical advantages, but they do not resolve the political roots of the conflict. China’s role underscores how regional power politics can shape internal wars, often prioritising stability over justice. In this context, the junta’s battlefield adaptation may extend its survival, but it also deepens a cycle of violence that makes a negotiated political settlement ever more elusive.

With information from Reuters.

Dec. 15 (UPI) — Incoming spy chief Blaise Metreweli will use her first speech as head of MI6, Britain’s foreign intelligence service, to warn of the grave threat from Russia, particularly from its use of hybrid warfare.

The agency’s first woman head was set to warn of what she called “an acute threat posed by an aggressive, expansionist and revisionist Russia” and that its use of cyberattacks and drones meant “the frontline was everywhere.”

Metreweli, who took over from the outgoing “C,” Sir Richard Moore, on Oct. 1, will detail incidents of hacking and flying of drones near vital infrastructure by Russian proxies as examples of its use of hybrid tactics.

Russia has been waging this type of low-grade war on Ukraine‘s Western allies since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, according to analysts, flying drones into NATO airspace neighboring Ukraine, disrupting flights by allegedly flying drones near European airports and cutting undersea cables.

In Britain, this has included recruiting Britons to spy for it, allegedly paying individuals to carry out an arson attack on a factory in London owned by Ukrainians and pointing lasers at RAF jets tracking Russian spy ships.

Speaking at MI6 HQ in central London, Metreweli was expected to vow Britain would not let up its campaign to impede Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression against Ukraine, noting recent sanctions imposed on Russian organizations and individuals the government believes were involved in information warfare.

“The export of chaos is a feature not a bug in the Russian approach to international engagement; and we should be ready for this to continue until Putin is forced to change his calculus,” she is expected to say.

As expected, Metreweli, who previously served as MI6’s technology and innovation lead, made famous by the character “Q” in the James Bond movie franchise, will stress the key role technology must play going forward.

She will urge intelligence officers to become technology experts “not just in our labs, but in the field, in our tradecraft.”

“We must be as comfortable with lines of code as we are with human sources, as fluent in Python [the computer progamming language] as we are in multiple languages.”

In September, MI6 launched Silent Courier, a secure messaging platform on the dark web, enabling spies to anonymously upload information useful to British intelligence from anywhere in the world. A YouTube video tutorial accompanied the launch.

Britain was, Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said “bolstering their efforts with cutting-edge tech so MI6 can recruit new spies for the United Kingdom — in Russia and around the world.”

The service also carried the following disclaimer from the Foreign Office.

“MI6 advises individuals accessing its portal to use trustworthy VPNs and devices not linked to themselves, to mitigate risks which exist in some countries.

“Do not use a name, phone number or other data linked to your real identity when creating this account,” it added.