door

U.S. President Donald Trump has threatened a strike on a very hardened Iranian facility known as Pickaxe Mountain, saying it is ripe for a “nice big fat shot right in the front door.” Trump’s comments underscore the challenges involved in holding this extremely deeply-buried site, which is tied to Iran’s nuclear program, at risk. The installation notably went untouched during the Operation Midnight Hammer strikes on Iran in June 2025, and was not struck in the course of Operation Epic Fury this year, either. So, here is what Pickaxe Mountain is, why it matters, and why it would be so hard to destroy.

Trump spoke about Pickaxe Mountain, also known as Kuh-e Kolang Gaz La, during a phone interview yesterday with Hugh Hewitt on the Salem News Channel network. This came amid renewed fighting between the United States and Iran, which broke out last week and has continued to escalate. The regime in Tehran has now declared the highly strategic Strait of Hormuz closed again to all maritime traffic, while the U.S. military is moving to reimpose a blockade of Iranian ports. This is all despite the signing of a 14-point Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) last month that included the extension of an already fragile ceasefire. Readers can get caught up on the broader situation in the Middle East with our recent reporting here.

“Before you enter into another deal, will you insist that IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency] inspectors get down into that deep, deep, deep tunnel and find out if they got a doomsday machine down there?” Hewitt asked Trump during their conversation yesterday.

“They don’t have it because we have eyes with Space Force, and everything else. We have a lot of eyes on it [Pickaxe Mountain],” Trump said in response. “But Pickaxe is a possible target for a nice big fat shot right near the front door, and I think that maybe you’ll see that.”

“We see no activity there. They’re not doing well with their nuclear situation. Every time we hear about it, we blow it up. So they don’t like talking about it,” Trump added. “But we’ll probably give Pickaxe a shot relatively soon.”

What is Pickaxe Mountain?

It should be noted here up front that there are actually assessed to be two independent tunnel networks under Pickaxe Mountain. One was built circa 2007, and the construction of the other began around 2020. The entire complex, which is contained within a single large security perimeter, is situated immediately to the southwest of Iran’s nuclear facility at Natanz, as seen in the satellite image we obtained from Vantor below. As an aside, Natanz was one of the facilities that U.S. forces struck during Operation Midnight Hammer. Natanz and Pickaxe Mountain are roughly in the center of Iran.

In the past, Iran has openly discussed plans to produce centrifuges to support its nuclear enrichment efforts at the newer facility at Pickaxe Mountain. It is also estimated to be large enough to house an actual enrichment plant, as well as other nuclear infrastructure, but exactly what is inside remains unconfirmed. Hewitt’s question yesterday reflected the fact that international inspectors have not been given any access to the overall site to date.

In light of strikes on other Iranian nuclear sites since last year, there is also the possibility that Iran may have relocated nuclear assets from other facilities to the more extensively hardened ones under Pickaxe Mountain.

In terms of activity, satellite imagery TWZ has obtained from Vantor, seen below, does show dump trucks and other vehicles moving in and out of one of two entrances to the newer tunnel network on the western side of Pickaxe Mountain on June 21. There are also two other entrances on the eastern side.

Previous satellite imagery had shown Iran taking steps to at least partially block access to the newer facility after the start of U.S. and Israeli strikes on February 28, according to the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) think tank. Before the conflict erupted, Iran was also observed to have buried and hardened the entrances to the tunnel network built in 2007, again per ISIS’ assessments.

Last year, TWZ had called attention to efforts to at least partially seal up Iran’s nuclear facility at Fordow before Operation Midnight Hammer. Similar activity has been observed in the past year at Natanz, Isfahan (also written Esfahan), and other hardened nuclear sites in Iran. As we have explored in detail in the past, sealing tunnel entrances and other access points creates an important deterrent to ground raids, as well as potentially offering additional hardening against standoff strikes. We will come back to this later on.

“Unlike the situation at both the Fordow and Esfahan tunnel entrances, this material [at the eastern entrances to the newer facility at Pickaxe Mountain] does not provide complete tunnel entrance obscuration at either portal,” ISIS noted in an assessment back in May. “Nonetheless, this material would appear to be sufficient to significantly hinder rapid ingress/egress by vehicles and would require the use of heavy earth moving equipment to gain such access and clear an unobstructed path inside. At present, we do not yet see evidence of such blockage having been undertaken at the two western tunnel portals of the larger complex.”

A shot in the door and not from above?

All of this brings us back to Trump’s comment about the possibility of a “nice big fat shot right in the front door” at Pickaxe Mountain. For years, experts have talked about the likelihood that the main caverns under the mountain are beyond the reach of even the largest known conventional bunker buster bomb in U.S. inventory, the 30,000-pound-class GBU-57/B Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP). The MOP was developed, at least in part, specifically to hold underground facilities in Iran at risk. Construction at Pickaxe Mountain, especially in the past five years, is a clear response to U.S. threats.

GBU-57 MOP test

MOPs were the centerpiece during the Operation Midnight Hammer strikes, with 12 being dropped on Fordow and another two on Natanz. To get at the actual targets at Fordow, six MOPs were dropped on two specific ventilation shafts, with each successive bomb burrowing deeper down into the complex below. This underscores the challenges that would be involved in attempting a similar operation against Pickaxe Mountain.

The available stockpile of MOPs was also understood to be relatively limited even before Operation Midnight Hammer, and it is unknown how many are currently in inventory. The U.S. Air Force is now in the process of acquiring a successor to MOP, called the GBU-76/B Next Generation Penetrator (NGP), but that is not expected to enter service for some time.

The United States does also have Earth-penetrating B61-11 gravity bombs in its nuclear stockpile, specifically to prosecute extremely deeply buried strategic targets. However, there is next to no chance the U.S. government would initiate the use of nuclear weapons against Iran absent anything approaching a proportionate, imminent threat or attack. Doing so would be a beyond massive escalation with serious worldwide ramifications, and there is no indication that American authorities are at all considering taking that step.

As with the strikes on Fordow, multiple bombs could be dropped on the same impact point to try to penetrate further down into Pickaxe Mountain. Whether there might be similar ventilation shafts or other weak points that could be exploited at Pickaxe Mountain is unknown. Trump’s remarks to Hugh Hewitt would certainly seem to suggest otherwise.

A strike “right in the front door” on the tunnel entrances at Pickaxe Mountain would be another option to at least hamper access to the facility inside for a time. This could be combined with strikes aimed at sections of the tunnel networks that run deeper inside the facility, but that are still close enough to the surface to be reachable by available conventional munitions. For instance, MOPs may not be able to hit the main cavern areas, but they could possibly hit certain tunnels that might lead to them.

Even a combined strike on entrances and shallow tunnels at Pickaxe Mountain could still present certain challenges. Firm intelligence on exactly where the tunnels snake under the mountain could be limited, making it difficult to select the best impact points. This is exactly why the U.S. military has been investing heavily in advanced, void-sensing fuzes for MOP and other bunker buster bombs for decades now. These fuzes detect when a munition has penetrated into a sufficiently large space, such as a room or tunnel in an underground facility, to help maximize damage. Fuzes that can effectively ‘count’ floors also help to ensure the munition has burrowed sufficiently deep before detonating.

It is possible that additional tactics, techniques, and procedures could be brought to bear to increase the effectiveness of any strikes on Pickaxe Mountain and further complicate any efforts to dig out the site afterward. Just last month, TWZ explored in detail the benefits of near-horizontal strikes on fortified targets, as well as of ‘skipping’ munitions into tunnel and cave entrances. The Pentagon’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget proposal had revealed interest in enhancing the capabilities of 2,000-pound-class Joint Direct Attack Munition-Extended Range (JDAM-ER) precision-guided glide bombs in the bunker-busting role, which could further enable these kinds of lateral strikes. If appropriate funding is allocated, the Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) would be responsible for leading this work. DTRA is a multi-faceted organization focused on responding to Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) threats, and notably played a critical role in the development of the MOP.

As noted earlier, the U.S. military could conduct follow-on strikes on the entry points at Pickaxe Mountain to disrupt any attempt to regain access, as well. Trump’s conversation with Hugh Hewitt yesterday indicates that the site is, unsurprisingly, already under heavy surveillance, including by regular spy satellite passes. Currently, this is the tactic being employed at other critical sites, like the similar mountain bunker facility in Isfahan, where it’s thought that much of Iran’s enriched uranium is buried. By striking any equipment or personnel attempting to access the collapsed tunnels, the problem could theoretically be ‘maintenanced’ indefinitely.

Limited access to underground sites for a protracted period of time might have second-order impacts, too. This would depend on whether the equipment or anything else contained therein requires regular maintenance or other attention to remain usable or otherwise prevent degradation.

Other considerations

Mounting a major operation against Pickaxe Mountain of any kind could entail additional complexities and risks. A total of 125 aircraft, including seven B-2 bombers, as well as fighters, tankers, and other supporting platforms, took part in Operation Midnight Hammer. U.S. Navy vessels in the Arabian Sea also conducted Tomahawk cruise missile strikes and otherwise supported the operation. At the same time, Iranian forces, including the country’s air defense capabilities, have been significantly degraded by U.S. and Israeli strikes since then.

Even so, there is still always the possibility of an aircraft going down due to a technical fault or some other issue. Combat search and rescue (CSAR) assets need to be in position, whether they are used or not. CSAR operations are risky and require immense resources themselves. This was put on full display during the race to rescue the crew of an F-15E Strike Eagle that went down in Iran in April, which resulted in the loss of several additional aircraft and helicopters.

On several occasions in the past, TWZ has highlighted the overall limits of conventional standoff strikes against especially deeply buried facilities, including in Iran. This has been a key driver in discussions about the potential for the United States or Israel to conduct ground raids on Iranian nuclear facilities, either to cause more definitive damage inside or to try to extract key assets, like enriched uranium. Any ground operation would pose its own immense challenges and risks, as we have also explored in detail previously.

“Going after the fissile material, I think, is a bigger operation. Again, I think we have the capabilities to do this. Within our Special Operations community, we have people that are trained to do this and have the right relationships and connections and other things to allow us to get in and do that,” retired U.S. Gen. Joseph Votel, who previously served as head of U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), told TWZ‘s Howard Altman when asked about this in an interview in March. “So you’d have to be able to project that force onto the ground. This would be going to a place like Natanz or Isfahan – probably one of those locations. Those are well inland – several hundred miles into Iran, a country of the same size as the state of Alaska. So it’s big and it’s diverse. It’s largely in an open plain, so you don’t have a lot of natural terrain protection there. That would have to be taken into consideration.”

Getting into sites where Iran has deliberately sealed entry points would require heavy machinery and skilled operators, as well as time to do that work. That, in turn, has impacts on the force protection requirements for an operation that could be expected to last days, if not weeks. These forces would be well within the reach of Iranian artillery, drones and other weapons, as well as ground forces and direct fires. It is also interesting to consider here that if at least some of the entrances to the facilities underneath Pickaxe Mountain are not currently completely sealed off, the raid package could be lighter and the operation faster. In September 2024, Israeli ground forces were notably able to destroy an underground missile factory in Syria after gathering significant amounts of intelligence in an overnight operation. That being said, one would expect a site as sensitive as Pickaxe Mountain to be better defended on the ground, even if the ‘doors are open.’

100 Shaldag soldiers raid and dismantle Syrian missile factory in secret operation

There is a question here of the relative value of strikes on Pickaxe Mountain, especially depending on what U.S. planners think they could reasonably achieve. As noted earlier, exactly what is under the mountain at this point is not clear.

“It remains unclear when it could be operational, based on assessing satellite imagery,” David Albright, President and Founder of the ISIS think tank, wrote in a post on X just yesterday. “Recently, we were told that the site was not attacked in the two previous wars [the 12-Day War in 2025 and operations this year] because nothing of sufficient value was inside it.”

“Perhaps that assessment has changed,” Albright continued. “But just as likely, Trump does not want to leave Iran with a deeply buried nuclear-related site as the regime appears to be sending signals it is starting to rebuild its nuclear weapons capabilities aimed at making nuclear weapons.”

President Trump’s response yesterday to Hugh Hewitt’s specific mention of Pickaxe Mountain does point to there being some degree of concern about this target within the current administration. Trump being so familiar with the site and its weaponeering challenges is particularly notable.

Still, how soon a U.S. strike on Pickaxe Mountain might actually come, if at all, and what that might entail, remains to be seen. Though destroying the facility would be an extremely tall order, there are still other options to make it hard for Iran to make use of it, at least in the near term.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

July 14 (Asia Today) — The U.S. Navy has asked major South Korean shipbuilders for information about their ability to design and build destroyers and fleet support vessels, potentially opening the world’s largest naval market to South Korea’s shipbuilding industry.

The requests for information mark a significant step in Washington’s effort to address shipyard capacity constraints and strengthen its maritime industrial base with help from key allies.

The development comes as South Korea and the United States expand cooperation under MASGA, short for Make American Shipbuilding Great Again, a bilateral initiative intended to revitalize U.S. shipbuilding through investment, workforce development, technology cooperation and naval vessel maintenance.

The prospective U.S. market could dwarf South Korea’s recent efforts to win Canada’s next-generation submarine program, estimated by the industry at about 60 trillion won, or approximately $43 billion. Long-term U.S. naval construction and modernization spending could reach about 1.6 quadrillion won, or roughly $1.2 trillion, according to industry estimates cited in South Korea.

U.S. Navy examines Korean shipbuilding capacity

Naval News reported Friday that the U.S. government had issued two requests for information involving destroyer-class surface combatants and medium-sized fleet tankers.

HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and Hanwha Ocean responded to requests covering both destroyers and support vessels. Samsung Heavy Industries submitted information concerning fleet replenishment ships, an area in which it has extensive commercial tanker-building experience.

A request for information is an early market-research procedure rather than a formal order or bidding process. It allows a U.S. government agency to assess potential suppliers, technical capabilities, prices and delivery schedules before deciding whether to proceed with a procurement program.

The inquiries are nevertheless notable because U.S. law and defense procurement rules generally require Navy vessels and major hull components to be built in American shipyards.

Changes to existing law or a congressionally approved national security exemption would probably be required before a U.S. warship could be constructed at a South Korean yard.

The outreach reflects growing concern about delays, workforce shortages and limited production capacity within the U.S. shipbuilding industry. The U.S. Government Accountability Office has repeatedly reported that Navy shipbuilding programs are running years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget.

U.S. policymakers are also seeking ways to respond to China’s rapidly expanding naval and commercial shipbuilding capacity.

Korean companies highlight destroyer experience

HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and Hanwha Ocean have experience designing and constructing some of the South Korean Navy’s most advanced surface combatants.

South Korea’s Sejong the Great-class and Jeongjo the Great-class destroyers use the U.S.-developed Aegis combat system, which is also installed aboard the U.S. Navy’s Arleigh Burke-class destroyers.

That experience could make South Korean shipbuilders attractive partners in vessel design, component manufacturing or joint production, although U.S. technical, security and domestic-content requirements would remain major obstacles.

South Korea’s latest Aegis destroyers displace more than 8,000 tons and incorporate advanced radar, missile defense and stealth-related technologies.

HD Hyundai Heavy Industries has also been developing export-oriented destroyer designs and has pursued partnerships with U.S. defense contractors and shipbuilders.

Hanwha Ocean has established a direct foothold in the United States through its acquisition of Philly Shipyard in Pennsylvania. The company has announced plans to expand the yard’s capacity and introduce South Korean production technology.

The company has also completed maintenance work on U.S. Military Sealift Command support ships at its Geoje shipyard in South Korea.

The USNS Wally Schirra, a Lewis and Clark-class dry cargo and ammunition ship, entered the Geoje facility in September 2024 for maintenance, repair and overhaul work. The ship departed after approximately six months of repairs.

Such projects allow South Korean yards to demonstrate their ability to meet U.S. Navy technical standards and delivery requirements, while helping Washington reduce maintenance backlogs.

MASGA moves from proposal to implementation

The Navy inquiries come as the two governments seek to turn MASGA into a broader industrial partnership.

South Korea proposed the initiative as part of trade and security negotiations with the Trump administration. The package includes investment in American shipyards, training for U.S. workers, supply-chain development and maintenance services for U.S. naval vessels.

South Korea and the United States signed a memorandum in May establishing a bilateral shipbuilding partnership initiative and plans for a Korea-U.S. Shipbuilding Partnership Center in Washington.

The program is expected to support cooperation among government agencies, shipbuilders, research institutions and equipment suppliers in both countries.

U.S. officials have increasingly acknowledged South Korea’s mass-production capabilities. U.S. Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll praised South Korean defense manufacturing during a congressional hearing in April, citing Hanwha as an example of an effective industrial production model.

The U.S. administration has also pushed for faster construction of commercial and naval vessels as part of its effort to restore the country’s maritime industrial capacity.

Legal and political barriers remain

Despite the growing cooperation, an RFI does not guarantee that South Korean shipyards will receive orders for U.S. Navy vessels.

Congress would have to address laws that restrict foreign construction of naval vessels. U.S. labor unions and domestic shipbuilders could also resist proposals they believe would transfer American jobs or defense production overseas.

A possible compromise could involve South Korean companies investing in U.S. yards, supplying ship components or jointly constructing vessels in both countries rather than building complete American warships in South Korea.

South Korean shipbuilders could also provide designs and production management systems while final assembly takes place at an American facility.

Industry specialists said the South Korean government will need a coordinated strategy involving the presidential office, defense and industry ministries and diplomatic officials if Korean companies are to secure a meaningful role.

They said technical competitiveness alone may not be sufficient because major defense contracts are also shaped by alliance politics, domestic employment considerations and long-term security relationships.

South Korean companies recently faced difficulties in European and Canadian defense competitions despite offering competitive prices, technology and local production plans.

The prospective U.S. programs therefore represent both a major commercial opportunity and a test of Seoul’s ability to coordinate industrial policy with security diplomacy.

For South Korean shipbuilders, the immediate goal is not necessarily the full construction of U.S. destroyers at Korean yards. Securing design work, component orders, maintenance contracts or joint-production projects would still mark an important expansion of the country’s naval defense industry.

The Navy’s decision to formally examine South Korean capabilities indicates that cooperation once considered politically difficult is now under active consideration.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260714010005100

BREAKINGBREAKING,

Appeals court rules the far-right leader ineligible to hold public office for 45 months.

A French appeals court has opened the door for far right leader Marine Le Pen to potentially run in the 2027 presidential election but said she must wear an electronic tag.

A Paris appeals court on Tuesday ruled Le Pen guilty of misusing public funds but reduced the ban on her holding elected office to 45 months, with 30 suspended.

She must now decide whether campaigning in 2027 with a monitoring bracelet as part of her sentence to be served at home is possible.

A lower court last year sentenced Le Pen, 57, to a five-year ban from public office and two years in prison over a fake jobs scam at the European Parliament.

The three-time presidential candidate hopes to run in the race to replace outgoing centrist President Emmanuel Macron in 2027.

Le Pen has said that if the sentence prevented her from campaigning, she would hand the reins over to her 30-year-old lieutenant, Jordan Bardella, leader of their National Rally (RN) party.

More to come…

With ₦2.759 million standing between Pious Umokoro* and graduation, his dream of building a better life for himself hangs in the balance. The chance to attend a private university felt like a blessing, but four years of relentless effort, sleepless nights, and hope are at risk if he cannot secure the funds.

Given his family’s financial struggles, Pious’s best chance at higher education was through the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) scholarship at Novena University in Delta State, South South Nigeria. Trapped in a deceitful slot system that promised him the PAP scholarship, he is now unable to pay the outstanding fees demanded by the university.

PAP was established in 2009 by the Nigerian federal government to address militancy in the Niger Delta region, offering scholarships, vocational training, and peacebuilding schemes. One of PAP’s initiatives is a fully funded scholarship programme that covers tuition, monthly stipends, books, and accommodation for both undergraduate and postgraduate beneficiaries. The scholarship scheme is meant to be life-changing for those lucky enough to receive it, but a confusing selection process and sharp practices have put the chances of many hopeful participants at risk. 

According to the Foundation for Partnership Initiatives in the Niger Delta (PIND), militancy in the region arises from communal conflicts, gang clashes related to cults, armed confrontations with security forces, separatist agitations, and natural disasters. However, the PAP initiative provides opportunities for young people – ex-agitators and individuals from impacted communities – to eradicate militancy and armed violence in the region.

A dream deferred 

Pious is the youngest of his parents’ four children. After losing his father at the age of two, his family moved from South West Nigeria to North Central. His mother, a retired nurse, became the family’s breadwinner, taking over her late husband’s frozen-food business to support her children. Unfortunately, the business began to decline, making things more difficult for them.  

In 2012, pressure from their extended family in Delta State prompted his mother to relocate, driven by fears of the insurgency in the northern region. His mother registered him in a private school, but did not have the financial means to support his education there for long, which eventually led to his transfer to a government school.

The extended family promised to set up a chemist shop for his mother after she returned, but they could only pay her rent for a few months for a one-bedroom apartment. “The support stopped coming from family members, and my mother started to look for another job. Her salary was not enough to support us. So she eventually started farming, mostly cassava for our own consumption and occasional pepper farming, which she does to date,” he told HumAngle. 

She raised money for her son to take the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE) by working on people’s farms. “The good thing is that the secondary school I attended was free. You just handle things like books and uniforms,” he recalled. 

Despite the presence of many oil companies, the community in Delta State remained underdeveloped, and it took time for Pious’ family to adjust. After finishing secondary school in 2017, a church member introduced him to a teaching job paying ₦8,000 per month. Eventually, he took another job at a depot where he was paid ₦10,000. He would later find yet another job, which he held until 2021.

“I started working to raise money to do a computer training. I ended up saving nothing for the computer I wanted to learn,” he said. 

Over the years, he had taken the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) exam twice. On his first attempt, he applied to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in the country’s northwestern region, but was not admitted. When he took the second exam, he encountered a technical problem due to a mistake by the person in charge of his registration. He went to a JAMB centre in Asaba, but couldn’t rectify the error. It was around that time that the Novena University opportunity came through a church member who worked in the school. The church member noticed that he had been at home since finishing secondary school and decided to get him the scholarship slot so he could reach his full potential. His excitement at the time seemed to have stopped him from spotting the red flag early enough, as he never received any formal letter indicating that he had secured the PAP scholarship, nor did he apply for it through any formal process. 

“The church member who introduced me worked in the school. I was taken to the Dean of Student Affairs’ office, where I collected my admission letter,” he recounted. 

Applications for this programme are submitted online through the official PAP portal, where successful candidates undergo a written aptitude test and an oral interview. Pious only became aware of the PAP scholarship through the church member. He was aware that companies, especially oil companies, and sometimes government organisations, offer scholarships, but he never had the chance to apply for any. He said he was clueless and had assumed the procedure he followed was the norm, meaning he didn’t explore the right application channel.

“Novena rarely did anything online. There was no student portal. When you resume, you will buy seven files, photocopy your documents into them, and then submit them to six offices. The system was fully manual, and we did that process for two years,” he noted, adding that he never received an email or any kind of digital message from PAP, and there was no direct interaction between the students and the scholarship scheme.

Schooling in fear

Pious and several other students in his shoes claimed the only evidence they had for being beneficiaries of the PAP scholarship was a mention of the programme on their admission form, specifically the student records update form, where PAP was listed as their sponsor. They received a temporary clearance each year, which granted them access to school facilities. 

But the so-called scholarship came with so many uncertainties. Although they were not paying school fees, there were many other expenses, and the accommodation they were provided was not very good. “The hostels they put us in were not good, but we did not have to pay for them,” he said. 

The school also prohibited activities such as cooking, making it compulsory for students like Pious, who were already struggling, to buy food. He said he persisted because he knew that he could not support himself in any other school. Even when he was starving, he poured everything he could into the school and eventually finished with a very good result. 

“I didn’t want to let down the church member who helped me, or my family. So I put in everything, and my efforts paid off. This is why it is so painful that I am not allowed to graduate,” he told HumAngle. 

Due to a lack of direct communication with the school, students like Pious must rely on rumours or seek confirmation from those who secured their scholarship slots for them, albeit through the back door. 

After graduating in 2025, he was trying to gather the ₦200,000 required for his final clearance when the news officially came from the students who had started the clearance process. “A little before graduation, we started hearing stories of what could happen from previous amnesty students [PAP scholarship beneficiaries], who said that at one point they were told that amnesty [PAP] did not pay their dues,” he said. 

Pious refused to name the church member who had “given him the scholarship opportunity” at the university. In 2022, some of the supposed scholarship recipients staged a protest, stopping staff from entering the university premises. The protest also stalled lectures and other activities until the university management intervened.

“I don’t understand why they didn’t inform us when they weren’t receiving any money from amnesty,” Pious complained. 

Scholarship for sale?

During separate interviews with HumAngle, several students who claimed to be recipients of the PAP scholarship, such as Favour David*, admitted they had to pay large sums to “buy” the opportunity, despite warnings on PAP’s website that the scholarship requires no payment from beneficiaries. Now, they find themselves in a muddle.

“My mum got information from where she works that someone was selling [PAP scholarship] slot for ₦200,000. He promised her a monthly stipend of ₦70,000, along with full tuition payment. So she didn’t hesitate to buy it for me,” Favour confessed. He had gotten his provisional admission letter at the university premises, where he also signed “many forms”. Like other students, he had gotten a temporary clearance slip instead of school fees receipts. 

“We were made to sign lots of forms, among them was a clause stating that if amnesty does not pay our tuition, we are paying it ourselves later,” Favour noted. 

It appears that some other students, like Pious, failed to pay attention to that clause, as noted in one of the documents they had signed. While speaking to HumAngle, Pious said he had only just noticed that such a clause existed in one of his signed documents. 

“We filled out countless forms, and many of them contained those kinds of clauses, including the hostel forms. I only filled in the form once, and my attention didn’t go there,” he claimed. “I remembered I was called by the man who brought me to fill in the form, which we returned to him immediately, told us to pay attention to the name of the clan we were registered under, and that was the only name where that clan name appeared.”

The clan names refer to leaders of militant groups who worked with the PAP to represent their communities and were given slots to distribute to their followers.

For Favour, the red flags were obvious from the beginning. Some past beneficiaries of the scholarship also left midway after spotting what they described as “red flags”, but many just kept moving because they had invested too much to stop.

“Some people paid over ₦500,000 for their slot. Personally, I would have dropped out as well, but my mom disagreed, having lots of hope in our pitiful government. Now we have debts in millions on our heads, no promised stipend, no school fees paid, nothing but insults and humiliation,” he said. 

The students complained that the school offered no direct communication with them and that they relied on the annual temporary clearance they were given, hoping for a better outcome. 

“Even after everything, if you come for clearance, there are only two options – pay your outstanding fees or write a letter to the school board affirming your willingness to formally owe them. Even if you choose option one to pay your fees if you have the money, you still need to write a letter to the school board telling them that you are willingly converting from an amnesty student to a private, self-sponsored student before they allow you to pay the money,” he noted. 

Favour, like other students, says he feels trapped and unable to move towards the better future they were promised. He is not the only person left to pick up the pieces after paying bribes to get “the alleged life-changing opportunity”. 

Felicia John*, another student of the university, said she had never heard of PAP or Novena University before her parents allegedly raised ₦500,000 to secure her a slot through someone who worked at the university. The opportunity came two years after her secondary school graduation.

Due to late resumptions at the time, the university ran semesters concurrently, which affected many people, Felicia said. Before she got a PAP slot, her parents could not afford to send her to university, so she focused on learning a trade until she had the chance to continue her education. 

When she arrived at the school, she discovered a list of all the amnesty students. This list came from a lecturer in a very important position at the institution. During her second year, as a 200-level student, there were numerous issues with the verification of the amnesty scholarship. In 2022, when students protested to learn their standing in the scholarship scheme, the school ultimately paused their exams.

“Even with all these, the school was still accepting students who came through amnesty to the extent that their nursing department was overpopulated,” she said. 

Felicia considered dropping out in her third year due to unresolved issues, but the promise of a resolution kept her in school. Now, she feels stuck with little hope of graduating. Her spirits were lifted when the King of the Itsekiri ethnic group pledged to address their outstanding fees in 2025. However, not all students received an email inviting them to verify their information after completing the online form sent to members of the ethnic group.

“But my friends who went said if you’re not from Itsekiri, you have to change your origin to Itsekiri and also pay an amount of money for it, which they didn’t do, but those from the tribe were given a consent form to fill out. That’s more like a form that says you permit them to sort out everything for you,” she said. 

The students are still waiting for a solution to this problem. 

In September 2025, a group of 5,000 Itsekiri graduates from Novena University woke up to the news that they had been excluded from the official PAP scholarship scheme. This issue came to light when a representative for the Olu of Warri, Collins Oritsetimeyin, claimed that the government owed the university money for these students, noting that the palace would step in to help pay their fees and clearance costs.

However, the amnesty officials insisted that they had no obligation to pay the students’ school fees, as the students had failed to secure the scholarship through the proper channel. In 2017, a group called the Itsekiri National Youth Council (INYC) sent a list of 5,000 names directly to Novena University as candidates for the PAP scholarship, without obtaining approval from the authorities, according to a statement by the amnesty office.

The statement, signed by Igoniko Oduma, the special assistant on media to PAP’s administrator, Dennis Otuaro, reiterated that during meetings with the university and the youth council, no one could find any letters or papers proving the government had ever agreed to pay for these students. Igboniko noted that paying for them now would encourage dishonest behaviour and “sharp practices”.

Dennis also said he has upheld this decision. While he is working to expand access to higher education in the Niger Delta, he says beneficiaries of the scholarship programme must follow the proper channels. The agency noted that, for the 5,000 Itsekiri graduates, the official stance remains that they were never part of the scholarship scheme.

Following the due process 

Not all stories had a tragic ending. Kuru Blaq was a successful beneficiary of the PAP scholarship at Novena University. During his time in school, he held various positions in several campus associations. Admitted into the institution in 2019, Kuru received a scholarship letter following a verification exercise involving many other beneficiaries.

“The programme covered our tuition fee, stipend, and we were also given laptops, though some people didn’t get them, and some people also were not getting stipends, but many of those issues eventually got resolved,” he said. The legitimate PAP scholarship recipients received a monthly stipend of ₦70,000 and a book allowance of ₦20,000 every three months. 

Kuru was still in school when some other sources HumAngle interviewed came in, but the admissions process was different. “Some of them said they got their admission letters while they were still at home. I am sure that if PAP sent people to the school, they sent deployment letters to the school,“ he said.

When Kuru was in school, their departmental dues, including examination fees, were also covered by PAP. They only had to pay dues occasionally. However, the other students, like Felicia, paid all dues and did not receive stipends. 

“We started suspecting that those student sponsorships were not true. But students started to complain. Some students started withdrawing. I remembered that the then-coordinator of PAP came to Novena University for clarification,” he said. 

Nothing changed for the students involved, leading to the protest at the university entrance in 2022. Kuru said he did not participate in the protest, but was in school when it occurred. He also said that the organiser of the protest was arrested, even though it was not violent. 

“Later on, the university added a clause which many of the students did not read properly. But the students were not told directly that they were not bona fide scholarship students. People keep reaching out to me on a daily basis, asking for solutions,” he added. 

Peter John*, another student who properly secured the PAP scholarship, said he served on a committee that oversaw complaints from beneficiaries of the programme. Peter’s role in the committee gave him access to top officials in the Abuja headquarters. He had urged the officials to conduct a thorough investigation into allegations that students bought their way into the programme. 

He recalled speaking directly with some parents during which he realised that some students had paid certain people who claimed to be lecturers and officials of the amnesty programme. PAP would later issue two circulars to release the list of those who entered the amnesty scheme through the back door. For unclear reasons, he said, the circular was not pasted on the school’s notice board.

Peter also experienced a delay in payments for a few months after his admission, but it was resolved following another verification round, after which the arrears were paid. Some other students, however, noted that while their school fees were paid, their monthly allowances were delayed.

The PAP committee asked Peter for a list of students with controversial scholarship claims, but the school failed to provide it. Some affected students affiliated with the Itsekiri ethnic group approached him for intervention, but he was reluctant to help due to fear of being labelled tribalistic. The students were urged to visit the Itsekiri palace in Warri to resolve the issue.  

“The list the school refused to give was later presented by the Dean of Student Affairs in my presence, claiming that they had already informed the affected students to leave the school. I could not say anything openly as I had not gotten my result then, and I had to be careful,” he said. 

The PAP leadership subsequently made a public statement, advising delegates, traditional rulers, and parents to be cautious about paying individuals to secure the scholarship. They emphasised that the programme does not require any payment. 

As a committee member of the PAP scholarship students’ association, Peter had also presented the matter to the then head of reintegration. “They send instructions saying that students can still apply by writing and passing the JAMB and applying directly to PAP, and they can send them to other schools. Some students got the information, and I am personally aware of some who were sent to other schools. Because of that issue, Amnesty stopped sending students to Novena University,” he said.

Reluctant response 

HumAngle tried to reach Novena University via three different email addresses listed on its website, but received no response. A representative of the university who answered the call when we contacted the official phone number asked HumAngle to visit the school in person for identity verification. 

When contacted, Linus Ilogho, the university registrar, initially claimed he needed to consult certain documents to answer questions posed by HumAngle, but later attempted to explain the complexities of the scholarship funding. 

“The law of contract says every contract must be signed and delivered, must include an acceptance, and must be based on records. That is it, even if you are in an amnesty programme and amnesty says they are not paying for you, we cannot use our fee to pay for the person after we have given training to the person,” Linus declared.

“For example, if you spend four years and the scholarship you told us you were given does not work, and they don’t pay us for five years, four years, six years, everything we are doing in a private university is run on funds. There is no other thing I can tell you, unless you come to the university to ask these questions,” he added.

When asked if PAP had an arrangement with the university, he did not provide a clear answer. “Why are you talking to me in this manner?” he asked before hanging up the phone.

On June 1, HumAngle submitted a freedom of information (FOI) letter to PAP, seeking answers to pressing questions. As days turned into weeks, the silence from the government institution grew deafening, heightening the frustration and urgency of the situation. The affected students continued to chart their course, relentlessly pursuing any glimmer of hope that could reignite their dreams of a brighter future.

Editor’s Note: Students quoted in this story asked that their names be changed to protect them from possible retribution.

Stokes’ future as Test captain is uncertain with England head coach Brendon McCullum not offering any guarantees when he faced the media on Monday.

But Stokes has the full backing of Australian Campbell, who has been unimpressed at how his player has been treated since news of the incident in a London nightclub emerged last week.

“Ben knows he made a mistake and broke the curfew, but some of the reaction has been a little over,” Campbell added.

“I’m a bit old school, I like a beer after a game of cricket if you’ve got 10 days off but I’m not the coach, I don’t run that system.”

Stokes played two county games for Durham in the run-up to the New Zealand series and Campbell has already suggested he has a “75% chance” of featuring against Northants.

With his availability for the third Test at Trent Bridge, starting on 25 June, uncertain, the four-day Championship game could be Stokes’ last red-ball cricket before the Test series with Pakistan in mid-August.

“Ben is a competitor and he loves to play and he wants to play,” Campbell said. “He put his hand up and said he made a mistake.

“From what I’ve seen, he’s in good spirits, he’s back in training, working hard and the rest will take care of itself.”

Cabü by the Sea in St Margarets, Kent, is a luxury coastal cabin staycation for city dwellers seeking coastal charm without a long journey – and it’s less than two hours’ drive away

At Cabü by the Sea, baby rabbits hop playfully across the grass. “They’re quite used to us,” our host explains as she guides us towards our cabin.

“But they dig everywhere, so do watch out for burrows.”

It’s a fitting welcome to our time at this wonderfully wholesome retreat. Cabü consists of a grassy expanse dotted with luxurious one, two and three-bedroom cabins, nestled against the sea wall in St Margarets, one of those tranquil coastal villages in Kent’s overlooked corner, where Dungeness extends a languid arm into the English Channel.

Uncomplicated and serene, the atmosphere washes over you the moment you arrive, reports OK!.

Discovering the ideal seaside cabin

This spot is defined by thoughtful touches. The log burner is already stacked and primed to ignite with just one match.

Plush, generously soft towels hang in the bathroom, with striped versions on the upper shelf – designated for beach and pool. In the kitchen, there’s a picnic hamper ready should you wish to prepare something for the shore.

If you’d rather not have to do it yourself, simply order from the onsite shop.

Each designer lodge resembles something plucked straight from the pages of a cabin lifestyle book (I know, because they’ve left a copy beside the kingsize bed). It’s difficult not to instantly embrace the notion that owning a modest cabin of your own could be the solution to life’s pressures. It certainly seems that way while you’re here.

Making the most of your time at Cabü

Cabü is a spot where simple pleasures take centre stage, with a handful of added treats thrown in. There’s a pool (fenced off, so you needn’t fret about little ones wandering), and alongside it sits the sitooerie – a space blending indoors and out, where families can bond over the pizza oven and toast marshmallows side by side.

Without children in tow, we hired our own barbecue, grilled burgers on the decking, and gazed at the stars instead.

There’s also the spa facilities you can reserve by the hour – generous wooden hot tubs, a sauna and an icy plunge pool complete with a bracing bucket shower. Steel yourself and give them all a go – it’s absolutely brilliant.

What to explore in the surrounding area

We left the car untouched throughout our visit, opting instead to borrow bikes for the seven-mile ride to Dungeness (the Fish Roll at the Dungeness Snack Shack is essential), where the 21st Century seems to dissolve amid the stark, post-apocalyptic stretch of shingle and weathered boat hulls. Head the opposite way and Dymchurch (3 miles) offers classic seaside charm with fairground rides, fish and chips and ice cream, plus superb meals at Coffee Lounge.

Can’t manage the distance? Fear not, because there’s an authentic miniature steam railway covering the entire route, with a station just a 10-minute stroll away.

How to book your own cabin getaway

Prices start at £375 for a 2-night break in a studio cabin. Studio, 1, 2 and 3 bedroom cabins are on offer, including dog-friendly choices and one featuring a private hot tub.

Visit cabu.co.uk or ring 01303 669033.

Tournament director Amelie Mauresmo, herself a former women’s world number one, had regularly pointed to the possibility of short two-set matches as the reason for often overlooking the women.

“The match-ups are always interesting for both men and women, but there are multiple factors for us to make the choice,” Mauresmo said earlier on Monday.

“As you know, the potential length of the matches is something that we are also looking at.”

On picking Sabalenka against Osaka, she added: “It was obvious that it should be a night match tonight.”

There was a school of thought that Mauresmo might have looked elsewhere, though, had men’s world number one Jannik Sinner still been in the tournament.

Sinner would have been scheduled to play on the same day, but without him the men’s matches taking place on Monday lacked star power.

If Sabalenka against Osaka did not take place under the lights, then which women’s match would conceivably ever be picked?

With that came a sense of expectation.

If the match ended up being a dud, then it could have been used by critics as a stick to beat the women’s game with.

That, others argue, was a situation created by the French Open’s reluctance to showcase its female stars in the first place.

Was the burden which it placed on Sabalenka and Osaka to represent the women’s game fair?

“I don’t really care. There are so many different things to put pressure on myself – that was the last thing on my mind,” said Osaka.

“Shout out to the tournament for trusting us – I hope it was entertaining for people.”

INVESTIGATORS think Towie star Jake Hall died from a horror chest injury caused by broken glass.

Jake, 35, suffered head wounds after allegedly turning aggressive and trying to harm himself during a party at the £200-a-night Majorcan villa he was renting.

Sources close to the investigation said the worst injury the reality star suffered was a chest wound from a shard of glass after smashing into a door.

The insider said: “The thorax injury was the one emergency responders at the scene felt was the most traumatic one and most likely to have been fatal.”

Jake’s autopsy is expected to take place today in the Majorcan capital Palma, but the results will not be publicly released.

Home Bargains is selling a £5 travel organiser for ‘hassle-free holidays’

Travel fans can keep their holiday essentials organised with a £5 Home Bargains storage item. Most high street stores are stocking new lines in time for summer, and Home Bargains could have just the thing for holidaymakers.

The discount retailer has updated its travel range ahead of the summer holidays – and there’s a ‘compact’ travel organiser that could impress jet-setters. Whether customers are travelling solo or with family, the product could help shoppers to ‘stay organised on the go’.

Home Bargains says the £4.99 Travel Hanging Organiser is ‘compact and practical’ for holidays. The product description explains: “Stay organised on the go with the Travel Hanging Organiser from the Simple family, featuring 24 mesh pockets and four hooks for versatile, compact storage wherever your holiday takes you.” The description says the design is “compact and practical for hassle-free holidays.”

Alternatively, travel lovers could shop the store’s selection of travel pouches and laundry bags if they prefer a different way to keep their items organised. For shoppers looking for bags, the retailer sells a set of three Travel Mesh Pouch Organisers for £1.99.

There are several colour options available. The product description for the blue pack says: “Keep your travel essentials neat with this lightweight three-pack of blue mesh pouches in small, medium, and large sizes—ideal for effortless packing on the go.”

For shoppers looking to simplify their packing for the return trip, there’s also a £1.99 Travel Laundry Bag, which could be ideal for separating clean and dirty clothing. Home Bargains says: “Keep your dirty laundry organised on the go with this simple, roomy Travel Laundry Bag featuring a handy drawstring design for easy packing and unpacking. Perfect for stress-free travel.”

Elsewhere, Dunelm also offers a travel range, including items that could be considered rivals to Home Bargains products. For £10, Dunelm shoppers can get a set of seven Travel Storage Packing Cubes to keep their belongings organised.

The product description says: “Organise your travels with our Seven Piece Travel Storage Bag – its stylish grey colourway and sleek design make packing a breeze. Lightweight and easy to carry, this set is water repellent and boasts a large capacity to accommodate all your essentials. Plus, for your convenience, it’s machine washable, ensuring a hassle-free journey from start to finish.”

Rating their purchase, a Dunelm shopper wrote: “I have just got back from a trip where I used these travel bags for the first time and am really happy with them. There is a good variety of styles and sizes and they are better made than I expected for the very reasonable price.

“They definitely helped me keep my suitcase organised over a two week holiday. The only thing I will do next time is attach tags to the zips to remind me what is in which bag.”

Another reviewer said: “On my last holiday, my case was a mess and my friend had these bags and everything was organised and stress free! I can’t wait to go on holiday and try them out!”