critical

With the second bye behind them and USC’s season at a crossroads, Lincoln Riley has spent the better part of two weeks focusing his team on what’s in front of them — a stretch of three winnable games — and not behind them — a demoralizing defeat at Notre Dame.

In doing so, the Trojans coach borrowed a well-worn rallying cry, one that traces back 2,000 years. Riley told his team, they had to “burn the boats.”

“We’ve put ourselves in great position, and we’ve got to be a really forward-focused team right now,” Riley said. “Things can get pretty fun from here if you really get on a run. This team is capable of that. They know it. We know it.”

Considering the stakes, it’s an apt enough metaphor. Any hope of USC staying alive in the College Football Playoff conversation hinges on leaving Lincoln, Neb., with a win. And that will, at the very least, require presenting a much better product than before the bye, when USC’s defense gave up over 300 yards on the ground to Notre Dame.

That loss has left a notably bitter taste with the Trojans — especially on defense. This week, sophomore linebacker Jadyn Walker said he felt the group “didn’t come out ready to play” and wasn’t “hungry” enough against Notre Dame. Defensive tackle Jide Abasiri said fixing USC’s issues on defense meant “having our minds right.” For the second time in three weeks, USC returned to the basics on defense during the bye in an effort to iron out those issues.

“You study for a test, you’re not gonna be nervous,” Abasiri said. “Just keep studying, I guess.”

The time for studying is over. The final exam for USC and its defense is a five-game gauntlet, starting on the road in one of the Big Ten’s more hostile environments. It’s just as much a critical test for the team as its coach, who has won just two true road games — at Purdue and at UCLA — during the last two calendar years.

“We continue to put ourselves in position to win these, and I feel like we’re doing the things on a daily basis that ultimately lead to winning,” Riley said. “We’re here and we’re pushing that notion, and I just see us getting closer and closer to that as we go on. That’s where my confidence is.”

Here’s what you should watch for when No. 23 USC (5-2 overall, 3-1 Big Ten) faces Nebraska (6-2, 3-2) on Saturday at 4:30 p.m. PDT (NBC, Peacock).

A heavy dose of Emmett Johnson

Nebraska running back Emmett Johnson carries the ball against Northwestern on Oct. 25.

(Bonnie Ryan / Associated Press)

After watching Notre Dame’s duo of Jeremiyah Love and Jadarian Price steamroll USC’s defensive front, Nebraska offensive coordinator Dana Holgorsen surely smells blood in the water. In Emmett Johnson, he has one of the Big Ten’s best backs, a bruising tackle-breaker who has become a bigger part of the Husker offense as the season has worn on.

He’ll no doubt be a huge part of the plans for Holgorsen, who knows Riley better than most any other coach in college football, save maybe his brother, Garrett, at Clemson. Presumably, Holgorsen will hope to keep the ball out of USC’s hands, grinding out long drives with Johnson.

“We set ourselves up the rest of the season to see a lot of run game,” safety Bishop Fitzgerald said. “This week, making sure we can stop that will be huge for us.”

Johnson isn’t easy to bring down. His 44 missed tackles forced, per PFF, ranks third in the Power Four among running backs.

“He runs really hard,” Fitzgerald said. “He’s usually always going to break the first tackle. He just plays with an edge. He’s not necessarily a blazer, but once he hits that edge, he can make a guy miss and he can get a lot of yards. So I think it’s about stopping him and surrounding the ball.”

It’s just that easy. Or maybe not.

Pick up the pressure

USC defensive coordinator D’Anton Lynn stands on the sideline during the third quarter of a win over Michigan State on Sept. 20.

(Luke Hales / Getty Images)

USC led the nation in sacks through the first month of the season. But in both of the Trojans’ losses, the pass rush — or lack thereof — was part of the problem. After producing 24 pressures in a win over Michigan State, USC tallied just 25 in its next three games combined.

Nebraska offers a golden opportunity to get that right. The Huskers have allowed 26 sacks, second-most in the Big Ten.

“I do think we’ve shown growth and we’ve gotten better,” defensive coordinator D’Anton Lynn said of the pass rush. “But we’re not satisfied.”

Nebraska quarterback Dylan Raiola has been sharper this season than when he came to the Coliseum in 2024. His completion rate is up almost 6%, and he already has 17 passing touchdowns, compared to just 13 last season.

But Raiola has a tendency to hold the ball too long. At times, that has paid off with big plays. Other times, it has derailed drives.

“It puts a lot of pressure on us,” Lynn said. “When he’s holding onto the ball, he’s not looking to scramble. He’s keeping his eyes downfield.”

The key to counteracting that for USC? Putting as much pressure on him as possible.

Something has gotta give

USC has the top passing offense in the nation, averaging 10 yards per attempt and 326 yards per game. Nebraska boasts one of the nation’s best pass defenses, with just one opposing quarterback even reaching the 160-yard mark against them.

The Huskers have yet to face a quarterback quite like Jayden Maiava. Maiava’s first start at USC came last season against Nebraska, and he has improved leaps and bounds since — notably in his ability to avoid crippling mistakes.

That’ll be at a premium against a Nebraska defense that has swallowed up quarterbacks this season.

“He’s making a lot of right decisions right now,” Riley said this week of Maiava. “If he keeps doing that, we’re going to have a chance to win every game.”

As the presidents of China and the US meet in South Korea, Zongyuan Zoe Liu at the Council on Foreign Relations says China may offer concessions on its rare earth minerals.

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Moto3 rider Noah Dettwiler remains in a “stable but still critical” condition after being involved in a serious crash at the Malaysian Grand Prix on Sunday.

Dettwiler, 20, collided with Moto3 world champion Jose Antonio Rueda during a sighting lap before their race.

Moto3 is the entry-level class below Moto2 and MotoGP.

“Noah has undergone several surgeries in the last few hours, which went well,” the rider’s CIP Green Power team and his family said in a statement.

“According to the doctors in charge, his condition is stable but still critical.

“We appreciate your understanding and ask that Noah and his family’s privacy be respected at this time.

“Thank you for all your incredible support and messages.”

“There’s a lot of fingers pointing at him [Netanyahu] saying that the same deal could have been reached a long time ago.”

Executive Director of The Soufan Center, Colin Clarke, explains whether the agreed ceasefire between Israeli and Hamas in Gaza is sustainable.

Reports indicate that the United States has agreed to provide Ukraine with targeting intelligence for its long-range strikes against Russian energy infrastructure. For many months now, Ukraine has been waging a campaign to degrade Russia’s oil and natural gas infrastructure, depriving it of critical resources for its offensive in Ukraine as well as revenue from energy exports.

According to an article in the Wall Street Journal, which cites unnamed U.S. administration officials, and another report from Reuters, the new policy is being adopted ahead of a possible transfer of longer-range and harder-hitting weapons that can be used against the same kinds of targets, and potentially others deep in Russia.

The officials who spoke to the WSJ reportedly said that President Donald Trump had recently signed off on the sharing of intelligence for the Ukrainian strikes, although the caveat that only attacks on energy infrastructure are covered is significant. Targeting data will be provided to Kyiv by U.S. intelligence agencies as well as the Pentagon. Meanwhile, U.S. officials are said to be pushing NATO allies to do the same.

This would be the first time, officially at least, that the Trump administration provides Ukraine with this kind of intelligence for its long-range strikes.

In the meantime, Ukraine has been repeatedly using long-range one-way attack drones, and to a lesser degree, cruise missiles of its own design, to hit Russian refineries, pipelines, power stations, and related infrastructure far beyond the front lines.

Videos showing purported Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil refineries in March 2024, involving long-range one-way attack drones:

The hope is that the new U.S.-supplied intelligence will make these raids more destructive.

At the same time, a Ukrainian delegation has arrived in Washington this week to work on a new agreement with the Trump administration that would see Kyiv sharing its drone technology with the United States, in exchange for a so-far undecided compensation, perhaps in the form of additional arms.

As to what might come next in terms of longer-range and more powerful weapons, should the United States agree to provide them, there is already much speculation that the Tomahawk land-attack cruise missile might be included. The prospect of Ukraine getting its hands on the Tomahawk, which can strike targets at a range of almost 1,000 miles, carrying a 1,000-pound unitary warhead, has already caused some alarm among pro-Kremlin military bloggers, as seen in the video below.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has confirmed that he had requested Tomahawks from Trump, after which U.S. Vice President JD Vance said that the United States was considering Ukraine’s request.

However, there is no guarantee that the Tomahawk transfer to Ukraine will be approved. As it stands, these highly accurate — and expensive — cruise missiles have only ever been exported to a handful of countries, and only in ship- and submarine-launched form.

The same officials explained that the Tomahawk was just one option being discussed, with others including the Barracuda, from Anduril. This is described by the company as an “expendable autonomous air vehicle,” but is essentially a low-cost, highly modular, air-breathing precision standoff munition. The Barracuda-500, for example, has a maximum range of 500 miles and carries a payload of up to 100 pounds. Currently, it is exclusively for air-launched applications, but it is built to be adapted to ground launch as well.

“Other American-made ground- and air-launched missiles that have ranges of around 500 miles” are also being considered, the officials said.

Washington has already approved the transfer to Ukraine of thousands of Extended Range Attack Munitions (ERAM). These are another new and relatively low-cost standoff missile, although it’s unclear whether Kyiv will be able to use the new weapon to strike targets deep within Russia. Previously, unnamed U.S. officials suggested that such targets are off-limits for American-made weapons, at least for the U.S.-donated Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS).

The ERAMs, which have a range between 150-280 miles and are stated to be air-launched, at least initially, may well have already begun to arrive in Ukraine. The first lot of 840 ERAMs is split between two designs, produced by CoAspire and Zone 5 Technologies, respectively. These are to be delivered by the end of October 2026.

As for the aforementioned ATACMS, Trump halted new deliveries of this ballistic missile, first provided to Ukraine under the Biden administration. There are also now tight controls on Ukrainian ATACMS use, with each strike requiring approval from Washington. At least some requests to use them against targets in Russia have been turned down, although the weapon has seen notable use in the Kursk region, adjacent to the Ukrainian border.

Even without the delivery of additional types of U.S.-made long-range missiles and the approval to use them against targets deep in Russia, the additional intelligence will be very useful to Ukraine. Pinpointing the weakest links in Russia’s energy infrastructure is especially critical if Ukraine continues to rely on lower yield, less capable weapons, like one-way attack drones, instead of advanced cruise missiles that pack heavy warheads.

There remains the possibility that long-range weapons might be provided by Ukraine’s non-U.S. allies.

Germany, for example, has been consistently linked with a transfer of Taurus air-launched cruise missiles to Ukraine, although this has, so far, been turned down by the government in Berlin. Nevertheless, German military officials have supported the idea of sending Kyiv weapons of this kind.

“Ukraine needs assistance in three key areas of confronting Russian aggression: air defenses, the ability to hold the front line, and the ability to strike deep into Russia,” explained Brig. Gen. Joachim Kaschke, responsible for German military aid to Ukraine. “When the Ukrainian defenders are facing a numerically superior adversary, they have to take the fight beyond the front lines,” he added.

Previously, the United Kingdom, France, and Italy have provided Ukraine with Storm Shadow and the similair SCALP-EG air-launched cruise missiles, which have seen extensive use.

Kyiv has used a wide variety of homegrown long-range one-way attack drones to attack Russian energy infrastructure.

It also has available the Long Neptune, an extended-range version of the land-attack version of the Neptune anti-ship missile. Ukraine famously used Neptune missiles to sink the Russian Navy’s Slava class cruiser Moskva in 2022 and reportedly began developing a new land-attack version in 2023. The numbers of these weapons is said to be very limited though.

A first official look at Ukraine’s other operational land attack cruise missile; the Long Neptune.

The Neptune LACM reportedly has a range of roughly 1000km, and has already seen combat this year. pic.twitter.com/cPHJ5sjZlu

— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) August 25, 2025

Zelensky has said the range of the Long Neptune is in the region of 620 miles and that it has already been tested in combat.

More relevant for these kinds of strikes is the locally produced Flamingo ground-launched long-range cruise missile, unveiled in August. This weapon has a reported range of 1,864 miles and a powerful 2,535-pound warhead, making it a much farther-reaching and more destructive weapon than any missile or one-way-attack drone available to Ukraine now. Just as significantly, Ukraine is hoping to ramp up manufacturing capacity to build seven Flamingos every day by October of this year, though there are questions about how realistic any expanded production goals might be.

While there have been questions about the survivability of one-way attack drones and the very large and relatively crude Flamingo cruise missile, at the very least, they provide an additional headache for Russia’s hard-pressed air defenses, and it’s clear that a significant proportion of these attacks result in damage to energy infrastructure.

Remarkably clear footage of a Ukrainian attack drone flying untouched through Russian ground fire over Krasnodar Krai this morning, eventually slamming directly into Rosneft’s Tuapse refinery and detonating. pic.twitter.com/7p2U7l53Nr

— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) July 22, 2024

Interestingly, it appears that Russia has been stepping up its own attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure in recent weeks. This may well signal the start of a new winter offensive, repeating Russian tactics of previous years.

Russia is intensifying its strike campaign against Ukrainian energy infrastructure.

Footage below shows strikes on 330kV & 110kV electrical substations in the town of Slavutych, Kyiv Oblast, northern Ukraine.

In recent time, the Russians carried out similar attacks on energy… pic.twitter.com/ZEhl8hyoQg

— Status-6 (Military & Conflict News) (@Archer83Able) October 2, 2025

The new intelligence-sharing policy and the possibility of new long-range missiles being cleared for transfer to Kyiv appear to indicate a changing approach from the Trump administration.

After he took office in January, Trump made efforts to broker a ceasefire. However, despite offering Russian President Vladimir Putin economic and commercial incentives, this hasn’t gained traction, and a series of meetings between Russian and U.S. leaders have not had any success.

Now, Trump is taking a new and harder line with Putin.

Last week, Trump took to social media to declare, for the first time, that he considers it possible that Ukraine retakes all of its territory that was lost to Russia. He also called upon NATO allies in Europe to shoot down Russian aircraft if they enter alliance airspace.

It seems that, with an eye on the battlefield situation, where Russia continues to make only slow progress, Trump is now turning up the heat on Putin, something that we have discussed in detail in the past.

Of course, approving the delivery of additional long-range weapons would be an even bolder action.

Already, Kremlin officials are talking about the possibility of Tomahawks arriving in Ukraine.

“The question remains: Who can launch these missiles, even if they end up on Kyiv regime territory?” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said earlier this week. “Can only Ukrainians launch them, or will the American military do so? Who is assigning the targeting to these missiles? This requires a very thorough analysis.”

Whatever decision Washington makes on the long-range weapons, the expanded intelligence-sharing with Kyiv underscores the fact that the United States is willing to provide more support for Ukraine, including its direct strikes deep inside Russia aimed at Moscow’s prized energy production capabilities. It may well also suggest that Trump sees this as the next step in pressuring Russia to sit at the negotiation table.

Contact the author: [email protected]

Ukrainian leader says the plant has been without power for seven days, the longest stretch since Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that the situation at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant is “critical” as the facility has been without power for seven days.

“It has been seven days now. There has never been anything like this before,” Zelenskyy said in his nightly address on Tuesday.

One of the diesel generators providing emergency power to the plant is no longer working, Zelenskyy said, a week after external power lines went down.

“Russian shelling has cut the plant off from the electricity network,” the Ukrainian leader said.

“This is a threat to everyone. No terrorist in the world has ever dared to do with a nuclear power plant what Russia is doing now.”

The outage is the longest the Russian-occupied plant has gone without power since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

It is also the 10th time since the start of the war that the plant – the largest in Europe – has been disconnected from the power grid.

Russia seized control of Zaporizhzhia in the first weeks of the war, and the plant’s six reactors, which before the conflict produced about one-fifth of Ukraine’s electricity, were shut down after Moscow took over.

But the plant needs power to maintain cooling and safety systems, which prevent reactors from melting – a danger that could set off a nuclear incident.

Russian officials have not commented on the latest statements on conditions at the plant.

But Moscow and Kyiv have repeatedly accused each other of risking a potentially devastating nuclear disaster by attacking the site, and have traded blame over the latest blackout.

Rafael Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the United Nations’s nuclear watchdog, earlier this week decried the cutoff of the external power lines but assigned no blame to either side.

In a statement on Tuesday, Grossi said he was engaging with officials from both countries to restore offsite power to Zaporizhzhia as soon as possible.

“I’m in constant contact with the two sides with the aim to enable the plant’s swift re-connection to the electricity grid,” the IAEA chief said.

“While the plant is currently coping thanks to its emergency diesel generators – the last line of defence – and there is no immediate danger as long as they keep working, it is clearly not a sustainable situation in terms of nuclear safety,” he added.

“Neither side would benefit from a nuclear accident.”

IAEA monitors are stationed permanently at Zaporizhzhia and at Ukraine’s three other nuclear power stations.

The IAEA is engaging with both sides of the military conflict to help pave the way for the restoration of offsite power to Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhya NPP as soon as possible, Director General @rafaelmgrossi said today: https://t.co/ODSjkR6fXd pic.twitter.com/SbWEh7TBCq

— IAEA – International Atomic Energy Agency ⚛️ (@iaeaorg) September 30, 2025

BRITAIN must square up to Russia over its threats to undersea cables or risk a “catastrophic” attack a report by parliament has warned.

The military is “too timid” defending pipelines and seabed internet cables and must adopt a much more “muscular” approach, it said.

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The report by Parliament’s National Security Strategy Committee called for “punitive consequences” for saboteurs that go beyond calling them names.

It warned: “Otherwise, aggressors that are content with implausible deniability can cause damage with minimal risk.”

It comes after Navy chief General Sir Gwyn Jenkins warned Russia’s sub-sabotage unit GUGI was “regenerating”.

The committee of 22 MPs and peers warned Russia was the “primary threat” capable of causing severe disruption to the UK.

They cited “numerous allegations” of Russia and China using proxy actors to sabotage subsea cables in the Baltic and Indo-Pacific.

They panned Labour’s former telecoms minister Chris Bryant for dismissing their concerns as “apocalyptic”.

The report said: “The Minister (Bryant) suggested that exploring the risks of a co-ordinated attack on subsea infrastructure was unhelpfully “apocalyptic”.

“We disagree. Focusing on fishing accidents and low-level sabotage is no longer good enough.”

The report warned the UK faces a “strategic vulnerability”.

Proper “defensive preparations” could reduce the chances of a sabotage attack, it added.

Sir David Omand, a former GCHQ spychief, warned Britain would be in Russia’s “crosshairs” in the event of a ceasefire in Ukraine.

He said: “We really must expect the Russians to pick on us.”

Professor Kevin Rowlands, from the Royal Navy’s Strategic Studies Centre, told the committee that Russia’s GUGI had over 50 vessels including submarines that could dive to 6,000 metres.

He raised fears over vessels deliberately dragging their anchors to sever seabed cables and saboteurs armed with axes cut cables on land.

He said: “Dragging an anchor over a well‑plotted cable is easy and deniable.

“Pre-positioning any timed charges is difficult and risky for whoever is doing that.

“Using divers is difficult and, again, is trackable.”

He added: “In the future, one-way uncrewed underwater vehicles are probably a way ahead for any adversary.”

The MoD said it was investing “in new capabilities to help protect our offshore infrastructure, using the latest technology”.

It said: “This includes through the UK-led reaction system Nordic Warden, to track potential threats to undersea infrastructure, the high-tech RFA Proteus and Atlantic Bastion – high tech sensors above and below the seas to track submarines.”

The Sun understands the advice came from lawyers paid by the Ministry of Defence to act on behalf of the SAS and its veterans.

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