constitutional

SANTIAGO, Chile, Oct. 31 (UPI) — President Gabriel Boric has submitted a constitutional reform proposal to the Chilean Congress that would make the armed forces permanently responsible for security in border areas, aiming to curb organized crime and irregular migration.

Border control is handled by Carabineros de Chile, the national police, and when the armed forces are needed for specific security operations, the government must request congressional authorization every 90 days.

The proposed reform, introduced earlier this month in the Senate for debate, would grant the armed forces power to conduct identity checks and searches. It would also allow soldiers to detain individuals caught committing crimes and hand them over to the Carabineros de Chile, or the Investigative Police.

According to the reform bill, the current situation is described as troubling.

“Along with the impact of irregular migration on the country, social cohesion and public policies, this phenomenon has been exploited by transnational criminal organizations to expand illicit markets such as smuggling, human trafficking and drug trafficking, among others, as well as to facilitate the illegal entry or exit of gang members through unauthorized crossings,” the document states.

Days before the bill’s introduction, Boric said he was confident Congress would move quickly to approve the reform “because that is what Chileans expect.”

The National Prosecutor’s Office, the agency that investigates crimes in Chile, on Monday released its 2025 Organized Crime Report, revealing that at least 16 transnational criminal organizations are operating in the country, including Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua, Colombia’s Los Shottas and the Trinitarios, active in the Dominican Republic and the United States.

Although drug trafficking remains the dominant criminal activity — accounting for nearly half of all income linked to organized crime in 2023 and 2024 — the report noted that crimes such as kidnapping and extortion showed the sharpest increases, while homicides dropped significantly.

The surge in irregular migration and organized crime has dominated Chile’s public and political agenda ahead of the elections. Presidential and congressional elections are set for Nov. 16, and the government is signaling its priorities through measures such as this proposed constitutional reform.

“One of the most prominent issues on the national agenda concerns crime and irregular migration, which people tend to see as connected,” political scientist Claudio Fuentes, director of the Institute for Social Science Research at Diego Portales University, told UPI.

He added that the reform proposal aims to show the government’s concern, “particularly that of the Chilean left, about border security, given the prominence the issue has gained and in the context of the presidential elections.”

Fuentes said the problem is that the government does not control either chamber of Congress, so the initiative will depend on opposition parties.

“It’s unlikely to be approved before the end of the administration [in March] because lawmakers are debating the 2026 budget in the middle of the parliamentary campaign. So this bill is more of a political gesture than a legislative measure likely to be discussed,” he said.

From Fuentes’ perspective, certain aspects must be addressed first.

Another bill pending in Congress would regulate the armed forces’ use of force in situations such as border control. Fuentes warned a risk exists that the military could operate under rules that might expose its members to legal consequences if they are accused of using excessive force in certain circumstances.

Boluarte, Peru’s first female president, has faced investigations into protest-related deaths and alleged illicit enrichment.

The Constitutional Court of Peru has paused investigations into Dina Boluarte until her term ends in 2026, citing her position as the country’s sitting president.

On Tuesday, the court suspended probes led by the public prosecutor’s office that looked into alleged misconduct under Boluarte.

“The suspended investigations will continue after the end of the presidential term,” the ruling explained.

One of the most significant probes had to do with Boluarte’s response to the protests that erupted in Peru in December 2022, after the embattled president at the time, Pedro Castillo, attempted to dissolve Congress.

Instead, Castillo was impeached, removed from office and imprisoned, with critics calling his actions an attempted coup d’etat.

His removal, in turn, prompted months of intense public backlash: Thousands of protesters blocked roads and led marches in support of the left-wing leader.

Boluarte, who took over the presidency, declared a state of emergency in response, and the subsequent clashes between the police and protesters killed more than 60 people and left hundreds injured.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found that, in certain parts of the country, “the disproportionate, indiscriminate, and lethal use of force was a major element of the State response to the protests”.

It noted that “a significant number of victims were not even involved in the protests”.

In January 2023, Attorney General Patricia Benavides launched a probe into the actions of Boluarte and her ministers. By November of that year, Benavides had filed a constitutional complaint, accusing Boluarte of causing death and injury to protesters.

The public prosecutor’s office later set aside part of the investigation, which delved into whether Boluarte’s actions amounted to “genocide”.

Boluarte has denied any wrongdoing and instead called the protest probe a distraction from the attorney general’s own public scandals.

But Boluarte has continued to face probes into other aspects of her presidency.

Police in 2024 raided her home and the presidential palace as part of the “Rolex case”, an investigation prompted by media reports that Boluarte owned multiple luxury watches and high-end jewellery that were beyond her means to purchase. Critics have accused her of seeking illicit enrichment.

Boluarte, however, said her hands were “clean”, and Congress denied motions to impeach her over the “Rolex case”.

Another investigation looked into her absence from office in 2023, when Boluarte said she had to undergo a “necessary and essential” medical procedure on her nose — though critics have said it was a cosmetic procedure.

Her absence, they argue, was therefore a dereliction of duty, done without notifying Congress. In that case, too, Boluarte has denied the charges.

Peru has weathered much instability in its government: Boluarte is the sixth president in seven years, and virtually all of Peru’s presidents have faced criminal investigations, if not convictions, in the last quarter century.

Boluarte, however, had petitioned the Constitutional Court to stop the investigations until her term is over.

She is set to exit her office on July 28, 2026, after calling for a new general election in March. She has faced public pressure to resign since taking over for Castillo in December 2022.

Human rights activists fear the move approved by lawmakers could be used to target political opponents.

Lawmakers in Cambodia have amended the country’s constitution to allow legislation that would see citizenship stripped from those deemed to have colluded with foreign powers.

The constitutional change, which was unanimously supported by 125 politicians in the National Assembly on Friday, has drawn criticism from rights groups, which have expressed concern that it could be used to target political opponents.

The government said it will soon make use of the amendment.

Justice Minister Koeut Rith confirmed that a new citizenship revocation bill would be swiftly brought before parliament.

“If you betray the nation, the nation will not keep you,” he said before dismissing critics’ unease about the move.

The justice minister claimed that those who have not harmed the national interests will not be stripped of their citizenship, adding that they might still “face other charges”.

Before Friday’s vote, the constitution specified that Khmer citizens could lose their citizenship only “through mutual agreement”.

However, after being revised, Article 33 of the constitution now states that “receiving, losing and revoking Khmer nationality shall be determined by law”.

Amnesty International condemned the change on Friday, urging the international community to criticise Cambodia over the decision.

“As the proposal moves closer to becoming reality, anyone who speaks out against or opposes the ruling party will be at risk of having their citizenship revoked,” the NGO’s regional research director, Montse Ferrer, said.

“We are deeply concerned that the Cambodian government, given the power to strip people of their citizenship, will misuse it to crack down on its critics and make them stateless.”

Last month, Hun Sen, the influential former Cambodian prime minister, called for the constitution to be changed so Cambodians could be stripped of their citizenship.

This came after exiled opposition figures condemned the government over its ongoing border dispute with Thailand.

Former opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who lives in exile to avoid being sent to prison, was among those Hun Sen accused of speaking against the interests of the nation.

July 1 (UPI) — Thailand’s Constitutional Court on Tuesday suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra amid ongoing litigation concerning a telephone conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen that opponents described as evidence of her failure to perform her duty as leader of the country.

The nine-member panel ruled 7-2 in favor of suspending Paetongtarn from her duties as prime minister, effective immediately, until the court issues its final ruling on the controversial phone call.

The ruling comes at the request of 36 senators who signed a petition asking for her to be suspended under charges of violating the Constitution, based on an audio clip of the conversation between her and the Cambodian politician amid border tensions between their two countries.

In the clip, which was made public by local media on June 18, the prime minister is heard referring to the 2nd Army Region Commander, who supervises the Thai border with Cambodia, as an adversary, while seemingly agreeing with Hun Sen.

The phone call sparked protests in Thailand calling for Paetongtarn’s removal.

According to the Tuesday statement from the Constitutional Court, Paetongtarn claimed the conversation was personal and conciliatory, aimed at maintaining peace and protecting Thailand’s sovereignty.

The senators who asked the court to investigate the clip accused Paetongtarn of “seriously violating or failing to comply with ethical standards.”

The two justices who voted against suspending Paetongtarn issued a minority opinion stating that the facts presented by the senators “were not yet clear or conclusive enough to raise reasonable doubt regarding a constitutional violation” and instead suggested the prime minister be prohibited from exercising powers over national security, foreign affairs and fiscal policy amid litigation, in reflection of the seriousness of the accusations.

Paetongtarn will remain in her dual role as minister of culture, while Deputy Prime Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit will serve as acting prime minister.

She has 15 days to present her defense in the case.

WASHINGTON — Congress adjourned Tuesday, ending an unusually rancorous year that sorely tested the constitutional relationship between the legislative branch and the President.

Throughout 1987 and even into its final hours, the Democrat-controlled Congress clashed repeatedly with President Reagan on a wide variety of matters, including the budget deficit, Reagan’s sale of arms to Iran, assistance for the Nicaraguan resistance and U.S. military involvement in the Persian Gulf.

In addition, Congress handed the President several serious legislative setbacks by rejecting the nomination of Robert H. Bork to the Supreme Court and enacting two major bills–one providing for clean water and the other funding highway construction–over Reagan’s veto.

Lapse of Funding

So deep were the divisions between Reagan and Congress that they let the bureaucracy go unfunded for more than a day before adjournment as they fought over continued appropriations for the Contras and the renewal of the broadcasting industry’s so-called Fairness Doctrine.

But unlike most years, when squabbling between Congress and the White House can be attributed purely to political differences, the debate in 1987 was seen as a more fundamental struggle over the constitutional roles of the two branches of government.

“Indeed,” Senate Majority Leader Robert C. Byrd (D-W.Va.) said last week, “it is my belief that 1987 was a year of constitutional challenge and struggle regarding the separation of powers. . . . The Congress and the Administration were engaged in a vigorous and most serious debate over how the power of this government, derived from the people, should be exercised.”

The Iran-Contra affair exposed a general disregard for Congress inside the Reagan White House that embittered many members of both parties–making smooth relations between the two branches almost impossible. Reagan’s former aides publicly acknowledged that they had lied to congressional committees on the grounds that Congress should not be meddling in the executive branch’s foreign-policy initiatives.

Senate Role in Treaties

Likewise, the Administration’s decision to reinterpret terms of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty were viewed on Capitol Hill as an attempt to circumvent the Senate’s role in treaty ratification. And the battle over the Bork nomination eventually came down to a quarrel over the Senate’s right to advise and consent on judicial nominations.

Convinced that Reagan was trying to bypass them, members of Congress sought to reassert their role as equal partners in governance. By rejecting the Bork nomination, pressing its own interpretation of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and frequently asserting its independent will on other issues, Byrd said, Congress succeeded in restoring the constitutional balance.

“I believe the 100th Congress has maintained the balance and checked the abuses,” he said.

Some of the quarreling was nevertheless inevitable, since 1987 was the first year of the Reagan presidency in which Democrats controlled both houses of Congress. Democrats contend that Reagan, who had become accustomed to getting his own way in the early years, still has not fully realized that a divided government demands compromise.

‘Wasn’t in Step’

Frequently, the Democrats who are running Congress saw it as their duty to rein in the President’s more strident policies. “The Administration went to the very outer limits–it wasn’t in step with the American people,” Byrd said. “Again and again, the energy of the Congress was committed to maintaining the mainstream political consensus.”

As a test of the new Democratic leadership, however, the year was not a raving success.

Many programs long supported by Democrats suffered new cutbacks and few, if any, new initiatives were enacted into law, even though some major pieces of legislation–such as a trade bill, catastrophic health insurance and welfare reform–are waiting to be passed next year in the second session of the 100th Congress.

“It hasn’t been a complete bust, but I’ll tell you it’s been pretty near that,” said House Minority Leader Robert H. Michel (R-Ill.). And Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole (R-Kan.) said: “We have done some things but I can’t remember what.”

Democrats, of course, had a more positive view of the year’s accomplishments. Byrd insisted that Congress made “healthy and positive progress” on a number of policy fronts, and House Speaker Jim Wright (D-Tex.) noted that the Democrat-controlled Congress succeeded in increasing money for the homeless, AIDS research and education.

Deficit Reduction Pact

Yet, neither Democrats nor Republicans were especially proud of the session’s most widely publicized achievement–the deficit reduction package that was negotiated in the wake of the Oct. 19 stock market crash. In Dole’s words, Congress “missed an opportunity there for a bold move” when it settled for a modest plan to reduce the projected shortfall by $76 billion over the next two years.

Many Democrats were even more disappointed by the outcome of the Iran-Contra hearings, which many had hoped would turn up evidence that Reagan was aware of the diversion of funds from the Iran arms sales to the Nicaraguan resistance. Not only was there no such proof, but also Reagan’s fired National Security Council aide, Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, succeeded in using the hearings as a platform to promote support for the Contras.

Byrd said the Democrat-controlled investigating committees made a mistake by focusing attention on the complex diversion of funds to the Contras while failing to fully explore the highly unpopular sale of U.S. arms to Iran.

“It seems to me that, if there is any constructive criticism which comes a bit late for the hearings, it was that they centered too much on the Contra aspect as against the arms-for-hostage deal,” he said.

Participants’ Futures Affected

No doubt the political fortunes of several highly visible Congress members were affected by these events–particularly by the exposure that some of them got during the lengthy televised Iran-Contra hearings.

The weaknesses of the probe were widely blamed on Sen. Daniel K. Inouye (D-Hawaii), chairman of the Senate investigating committee, and as a result he is now seen as less likely to be chosen Democratic leader next year, if Byrd decides to step down. At the same time, several new stars did emerge from the hearings, including Sens. George J. Mitchell (D-Me.) and Warren B. Rudman (R-N.H.), and Rep. Lee H. Hamilton (D-Ind.)–all of whom appear destined for more responsible roles in their parties.

Meanwhile, in his first year as Speaker, Wright gained a reputation for controversy exceeding that of his predecessor, the retired Thomas P. (Tip) O’Neill Jr. (D-Mass.). House Republicans are furious with Wright for what they see as his highly partisan tactics, and the Administration condemned him for meeting with Nicaraguan leader Daniel Ortega at a time when the President opposes bilateral talks with the Sandinista government.

Refusal to Negotiate

As has occurred frequently in recent years, the process of trying to trim the deficit overwhelmed almost every other item on Congress’ agenda. For the first 10 months of the year, the President adamantly refused to negotiate with Congress over the deficit.

By midyear–with appropriations bills backing up–it was clear that Congress could not meet the deficit goals of the Gramm-Rudman law it had passed less than two years earlier, and embarrassed lawmakers passed a new version that promised a balanced budget in 1993, rather than 1991.

Reagan was already facing the prospect of the Gramm-Rudman law’s making deep automatic cuts in defense when the stock market plummeted 508 points on one October day, causing him to enter into negotiations with Congress and consider a tax increase for the first time.

The resulting package called for $9 billion in higher taxes, cuts in military spending and most domestic programs totaling $7.6 billion, a $4-billion cut from federal benefits programs and a number of other measures that–at least on paper–will pare $33 billion from this year’s projected $180-billion deficit.

The Bork episode was certainly a low point in relations between Congress and the President in 1987. When it became clear that the Senate was going to reject Bork for being too extreme on civil liberties issues, the President’s supporters responded with recriminations and Reagan vowed to nominate someone equally objectionable to the Democrats.

Kennedy Confirmation Likely

But Reagan’s second choice, Judge Douglas H. Ginsburg, was quickly scuttled by the disclosure that he had smoked marijuana on occasion in the 1960s and 1970s–forcing the President to choose a more traditional jurist for his third nominee. As a result, Justice-designate Anthony M. Kennedy of Sacramento appears headed toward a smooth confirmation early next year.

Arms control policy also divided Congress and the President through most of the year. Congress balked at Reagan’s decision to break out of the unratified 1979 Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty as well as his attempt to reinterpret the ABM treaty in a way that would allow for testing of aspects of the “Star Wars” missile defense system.

For the first time, the Senate passed legislation, similar to that previously passed by the House, requiring the President to abide by the 1979 SALT agreement and the traditional interpretation of the ABM treaty. Although a last-minute compromise kept this issue from precipitating a showdown between Reagan and Congress over defense spending, the controversy has only been postponed until next year.

U.S. funding for the Contras also continued throughout 1987, even though the Iran-Contra affair stirred greater opposition among Democrats. It now appears that the outcome of the next big Contra aid vote, scheduled for Feb. 4, will hinge on the results of the current cease-fire negotiations between the Contras and the Sandinistas.

Benchmark for Agreements

Despite the divisiveness of 1987, Democratic leaders predict that next year could be less quarrelsome–especially if the President shows a greater willingness to compromise, as he did on the deficit reduction package. Byrd said the budget talks set a benchmark for resolving future differences, such as next year’s big battle over trade legislation.

Ironically, it is the President’s usual critics in the Democratic Party who will be supporting Reagan early next year when he seeks Senate ratification for the recently signed U.S.-Soviet agreement to eliminate medium-range nuclear weapons. GOP conservatives generally oppose the treaty.

June 26 (UPI) — Panama will extend its suspension of constitutional rights in Bocas del Toro province through June 29 in response to escalating anti-government protests that have left one person dead, more than 300 detained and dozens injured, including 14 police officers.

After two months of roadblocks, demonstrations and vandalism, Panama’s Cabinet Council said it was necessary to temporarily restrict the constitutional rights to free assembly and movement in an effort to restore order in the region.

On June 20, the government issued a five-day decree suspending those rights and launched a special operation that deployed 1,500 additional police officers to the province.

Bocas del Toro has become the epicenter of a deep political and social crisis in Panama, sparked by mass protests following the approval of a pension system reform and a security cooperation memorandum signed by the Panamanian and U.S. governments.

While the government has presented the memorandum as a way to strengthen security and cooperation, many Panamanians see it as a surrender of national sovereignty and a sign of U.S. interference in the country’s internal affairs.

The current unrest in Panama stems from a combination of long-standing issues — including poverty, social inequality and a lack of opportunity — that have fueled widespread protests and violence.

Rejection of the pension reform, which eliminated some benefits, mobilized teachers and workers from the U.S.-based banana company Chiquita Brands. The company ultimately shut down its operations in Panama due to the strike. While some benefits were reinstated for banana workers, other affected groups — including teachers — remain mobilized and continue to demand the full repeal of the reform.

The demonstrations, which often include road blockades and clashes, have been met with a heavy police crackdown. Violent confrontations and mass arrests have led to accusations of excessive force and due process violations by authorities. According to Panamanian media reports, young people and teenagers make up a significant portion of the protesters.

The government has defended its crackdown, claiming that “criminal gangs” and “delinquent groups” have infiltrated otherwise peaceful demonstrations.

A growing concern is the lack of information about the whereabouts of those detained, who have been transferred to at least three provinces outside Bocas del Toro — compromising their right to a legal defense, attorney José Luis Santamaría told La Estrella de Panamá.

Amid the crisis, President José Raúl Mulino has proposed a sweeping “state reform” and a constitutional overhaul. He acknowledged that the current system is “broken” and “completely collapsed,” reflecting widespread public frustration with Panama’s institutions and bureaucracy.

Still, the promise of reform has been met with skepticism. Many Panamanians have seen similar proposals fail to deliver results in the past, and distrust in the political class remains high. Critics question whether the initiative offers a real solution or merely seeks to calm public anger without addressing the root causes of the crisis.

The nationwide teachers’ strike has entered its third month, with an estimated 30,000 educators participating — roughly 57% of Panama’s public school workforce.

On June 24, the government issued a decree allowing the immediate hiring of interim teachers to fill vacancies in areas where the strike continues. The measure will remain in effect through December 2025. The teachers’ union has announced plans to challenge the decree in court, arguing it is unconstitutional.

The protests have dealt a severe blow to the economy, with daily losses estimated between $80 million and more than $100 million. The unrest has directly affected key exports, local businesses and investor confidence. Panama’s banana industry — one of its traditional agricultural and export pillars — accounted for about 17% of total agricultural export value in 2023, or roughly $140 million.

While the government maintains its growth targets, any recovery will depend on ending the blockades and restoring social order.

Although the protests have not directly disrupted operations at the Panama Canal, they have caused indirect logistical delays. Road blockades have slowed or complicated the delivery of supplies, replacement parts and essential services such as crew changes and food.

Thanks to improved water levels and operational upgrades, the Panama Canal saw a 30% increase in vessel transits and a 22% rise in cargo volume between October 2024 and May 2025, according to the Panama Canal Authority.

Including both the expanded and original Panamax locks, the canal recorded 8,057 transits over the eight-month period — up 29.2% from 6,235 during the same span of fiscal 2024.