comeback

UCLA had just put on a dazzling offensive display when a help-wanted sign went up in the postgame news conference.

The search for assistance came from a coach who knows his team can score but will need a lot better effort on the other side of the ball to get to where it wants to go this season.

“My biggest challenge with this team,” Mick Cronin said after the Bruins needed an epic scoring surge in the second half to post a relief of a 108-87 victory over Cal Poly, “is finding a guy or two or three that their mind is on defense.”

Nobody filled that role Friday night during a first half that led to scattered boos serenading the Bruins on their way to the locker room inside Pauley Pavilion.

UCLA was trailing by two points after putting in a low effort and playing just a sprinkling of defense against a mid-major team with a losing record from the Big West Conference.

The Cal Poly logo on the front of the opponents’ jerseys did not elicit the same sort of spirited effort the Bruins had given against more brand-name foes, continuing a troubling trend going back to the season opener.

“I definitely think that’s fair to say,” UCLA guard Skyy Clark said after notching a season-high 30 points while making six of 10 three-pointers and becoming the first Bruin in school history to make at least six three-pointers in back-to-back games. “That’s just something we gotta harp on as a team.”

The Bruins could exhale after going with a smaller lineup that produced 65 points in the second half, the most in a half by UCLA since it splurged for 66 in the second half against George Mason on Dec. 22, 1994.

But plenty of worries linger, most of them on the defensive end for a team that has given up an average of 78.2 points over its last six games.

This was another case of UCLA simply outgunning an opponent, the Bruins shooting 57.4% to Cal Poly’s 51% during a game in which defense was played only in spurts. How do the Bruins explain giving up 45 points in the first half?

“We’ve got too many guys who are conscientious objectors defensively,” Cronin said. “And if I can’t get those guys to quit protesting — they don’t say anything, but until they really believe that’s the way to win … ”

UCLA (9-3) prevailed only after Cronin went with a three-guard lineup, replacing center Xavier Booker with Jamar Brown to start the second half in an effort to combat the Mustangs’ drive-and-kick offense that stationed practically everyone behind the three-point line. With a more mobile lineup, the Bruins proceeded to go on a 15-0 run to transform a two-point deficit into a 60-47 lead, removing any doubt about the game’s outcome.

Clark continued his recent scoring spree and received plenty of help from forward Tyler Bilodeau (24 points and eight rebounds) and point guard Donovan Dent (16 points, 11 assists and five steals) as the Bruins notched a second consecutive victory.

UCLA guard Donovan Dent, center, dribbles past Cal Poly guards Guzman Vasilic, left, and Kieran Elliott to score during the second half Friday night.

(Damian Dovarganes / Associated Press)

Cayden Ward scored 21 points for Cal Poly (5-8), which had been given a 2% chance of winning, according to the metrics of basketball analyst Ken Pomeroy.

By the game’s midpoint, the possibility of a massive upset had crept uncomfortably upward for UCLA.

Giving up open shots as part of a lackluster defensive effort wasn’t nearly the worst of it for the Bruins.

Trent Perry twice fouled a three-point shooter, once prompting Cronin to yell, “Get over here!” after Perry sent Cayden Ward to the free-throw line for three shots. A new low came late in the first half when Brown fouled Hamad Mousa on a three-pointer that went in, Mousa making the free throw to complete a four-point play.

“Buddy, it’s the worst play in basketball, and I’ve gone literally years with that happening zero times,” Cronin said. “Nobody coaches that more than me. You are not allowed to foul a jump shooter if you play for me, never. Never. If you’re that close, that means the shot is contested. You could deduce that, right? So I don’t care if he makes it, he’s taking a contested shot. Jumping toward the guy, you’re going to land in his space.”

Brown was immediately replaced by Perry, whose defensive inattentiveness quickly reemerged when Ward beat him off the dribble for a one-handed dunk. Things improved considerably the rest of the way. Cronin said he continued to be pleased with Clark’s defense and was satisfied with the second-half effort of forward Eric Dailey Jr., who limited Mousa to only two of his 14 points after halftime.

Cronin suggested that he wanted this team to prioritize defense the way the Bruins did after halftime of their victory over Michigan State in the opening round of the 2021 NCAA tournament, which sparked a flurry of lockdown efforts leading to five consecutive wins.

“From that point on, it took a halfcourt shot to stop us from trying to win the title,” Cronin said, alluding to Jalen Suggs’ buzzer-beater in a national semifinal. “But if that wouldn’t have changed, we weren’t going anywhere, so you just keep trying to stay relentless with it.”

How does Cronin get his team to make that change?

“You play the guys who will do what you tell them to do,” Cronin said. “If you play guys who are conning you with their effort defensively, not only are you going to lose, then the other guys will start doing it because they think you’re a fraud because you’re playing them anyway.”

Applications are being accepted. The next opportunity to fill a heightened role comes Tuesday against UC Riverside.

Four years after seizing power in a coup, Myanmar’s military junta is adapting to survive a grinding civil war that once appeared to be slipping beyond its control. In October, rebel fighters in central Myanmar described facing a level of intensity they had not seen before: sustained artillery fire, coordinated drone strikes, and repeated infantry assaults that came in relentless waves. After days of fighting near the village of Pazun Myaung, resistance forces were forced to withdraw, marking a rare tactical success for a military that had suffered major setbacks since 2023.

This shift follows Operation 1027, a coordinated rebel offensive that overran around 150 military outposts and handed resistance groups control of large swathes of borderland territory. Shaken by those defeats, the junta began reshaping its strategy. According to rebel fighters and security analysts interviewed by Reuters, the military has leaned on three pillars to stabilise its position: mass conscription, expanded use of drones and air power, and growing diplomatic and coercive support from China.

How the Junta Is Fighting Back

On the ground, resistance fighters report that the military is deploying “human-wave” tactics, sending repeated infantry units forward even as casualties mount. Rebels say some soldiers appear to be coerced into advancing, a stark contrast to earlier phases of the war when troops often retreated quickly after losses. These assaults are now closely integrated with artillery and drone strikes, creating pressure that smaller, lightly equipped resistance units struggle to withstand over time.

At the same time, the junta has rebuilt manpower through mandatory conscription introduced in February 2024. Despite widespread public fear and evasion, tens of thousands of recruits have reportedly entered the armed forces, stabilising a military that had shrunk dramatically since the coup. The command structure has also been reshuffled, with more experienced officers replacing those promoted through patronage, addressing one of the army’s long-standing weaknesses.

Air power has become more lethal as well. While conventional airstrikes remain central, they are now increasingly guided by reconnaissance drones, improving accuracy. Analysts say the military operates a diverse fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles sourced from China, Russia and Iran, giving it a technological edge over resistance groups that lack jamming equipment or air-defence systems. Lower-level commanders are also reportedly being granted faster access to air support, tightening coordination between ground assaults and aerial attacks.

China’s Quiet but Crucial Role

Beyond the battlefield, China has emerged as a decisive external factor in the junta’s partial resurgence. While Beijing maintains ties with certain ethnic armed groups, it continues to see Myanmar’s generals as the most reliable guarantors of stability along its border. Chinese officials have brokered ceasefires that have directly benefited the junta, including arrangements that returned strategically important towns to military control.

Pressure from Beijing has also constrained resistance groups’ access to weapons and financing. International researchers say China has leaned on allied militias to restrict arms flows and imposed financial and border measures to enforce compliance. In some areas, this has effectively frozen resistance operations, forcing groups into ceasefires due to shortages of ammunition and funds. For fighters on the ground, this external squeeze has compounded the military’s renewed offensive momentum.

Why It Matters

The junta’s evolving tactics do not signal outright victory, but they do mark a dangerous shift in a conflict that had increasingly favoured resistance forces. Myanmar’s frontlines remain fragmented, with no single actor dominating nationwide, yet the military’s ability to retake territory in parts of the country suggests the war is entering a new, more brutal phase. Civilians are likely to bear the cost, as intensified airstrikes, mass infantry assaults and prolonged clashes deepen humanitarian suffering and displacement.

This military push also coincides with a planned general election that international observers and rights groups have already dismissed as neither free nor fair. By reclaiming territory and projecting strength, the junta appears intent on manufacturing a sense of control and legitimacy, even as key opposition figures remain jailed and major political forces boycott the vote.

What Comes Next

Analysts expect fighting to intensify rather than subside. With conscription feeding new troops into the ranks, drones sharpening air power, and China discouraging resistance advances near its interests, the military is likely to continue probing for opportunities to retake ground. Resistance forces, meanwhile, face internal disparities in strength and growing external pressure, making coordinated nationwide offensives harder to sustain.

Over the next few years, Myanmar is likely to see a protracted stalemate punctuated by brutal offensives rather than a decisive resolution. The junta’s comeback is limited and uneven, but it is enough to prolong the conflict and raise the stakes for all sides involved.

Analysis

Myanmar’s war is no longer defined solely by a collapsing army versus a rising resistance. Instead, it is evolving into a grim contest of endurance. The junta’s use of human-wave assaults reflects both renewed confidence and underlying fragility: manpower is being substituted for legitimacy, and coercion for morale. Drones and foreign backing provide tactical advantages, but they do not resolve the political roots of the conflict. China’s role underscores how regional power politics can shape internal wars, often prioritising stability over justice. In this context, the junta’s battlefield adaptation may extend its survival, but it also deepens a cycle of violence that makes a negotiated political settlement ever more elusive.

With information from Reuters.

James steered the Los Angeles Lakers to a narrow victory over the Phoenix Suns after blowing a 20-point lead.

LeBron James gave Los Angeles the lead on two free throws with three seconds left, then blocked Grayson Allen’s potential game-winning three-pointer at the other end, and the Lakers survived a wild finish to defeat the hosts Phoenix Suns 116-114 on Sunday night.

Luka Doncic finished with 29 points, James 26 and Deandre Ayton 20 as part of a double-double with a game-high 13 rebounds for the Lakers, who trailed 77-71 before holding Phoenix scoreless for 8:05 bridging the third and fourth periods, using a 24-0 flurry to vault into a 95-77 lead.

The Suns regained the lead at 114-113 when Dillon Brooks buried the third of his fourth-quarter three-pointers with 12.2 seconds left. But Brooks, who had drawn an earlier technical foul for jawing with James, was nailed with a second “T” while celebrating his success and was ejected.

James missed the subsequent free throw, but then pulled up from beyond the arc with three seconds left and drew a three-shot foul on Devin Booker. He made the last two of the attempts to retake the lead.

Down one, the Suns got one final shot, but James blocked Allen’s potential game-winning three-point attempt and Marcus Smart, fouled after snatching the rebound, added a free throw to make it a two-point margin of victory.

The Suns led 77-71 after two free throws by Booker with 5:28 remaining in the third period before not scoring again until the third minute of the final period, falling behind 95-77 in the process. Phoenix missed 14 straight shots and mixed in seven turnovers during its scoreless spell.

Doncic was the game’s leading scorer despite missing 12 of his 14 attempts from behind the three-point line. The Lakers shot just 7 for 37 from deep.

Jaxson Hayes added 12 points for Los Angeles, which avenged an earlier 125-108 home loss to the Suns.

Booker had 27 points, Mark Williams 20 and Brooks 18 for Phoenix, which lost despite outshooting the Lakers 48.8 percent to 43.2 percent overall and 35.1 percent to 18.9 percent on three-pointers.

Allen, who shared game-high assist honours with Booker with seven, chipped in with 13 points for the Suns, while Royce O’Neale went for 12 and Collin Gillespie 10.

Former Rep. Colin Allred is ending his U.S. Senate campaign in Texas and instead will attempt a House comeback bid, potentially paving the way for Rep. Jasmine Crockett to enter the race for Democrats’ nomination in a state that is critical for the party’s long-shot hopes to reclaim a Senate majority in next year’s midterm elections.

Crockett, a high-profile House member who has sparred with President Trump, is expected to announce her decision on Monday, the final day of qualifying in Texas. Democrats expect she will enter the race for the seat now held by Republican Sen. John Cornyn. Democrats need a net gain of four Senate seats to wrest control from Republicans next November, and Texas, which Republicans have dominated for decades, is part of their ideal path.

Allred said in a statement Monday that he wanted to avoid “a bruising Senate primary and runoff” that could threaten Democrats’ chances in November. He said he would instead run for the House in a newly drawn district in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, which he previously represented in Congress before he won the Democrats’ Senate nomination in 2024 and lost the general election to Sen. Ted Cruz.

The former congressman did not name Crockett or state Rep. James Talarico, who has launched his Senate bid already, in his explanation. But Allred’s decision aligns with Crockett’s expected entry into the race. Her campaign has scheduled a “special announcement” in Dallas at 4:30 p.m. CST.

Republicans also expect a hotly contested primary among the incumbent Cornyn, state Atty. Gen. Ken Paxton and U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt.

Allred says he wants to avoid a divisive Democratic primary

An internal party battle, Allred said, “would prevent the Democratic Party from going into this critical election unified against the danger posed to our communities and our Constitution by Donald Trump and one of his Republican bootlickers.”

Kamau Marshall, a Democratic consultant who has worked for Allred before and worked other campaigns in Texas, said Allred made the right call. But he said Talarico and Crockett both face distinct challenges and added that Democrats have work to do across the nation’s second-most populous state.

He said Crockett is a “solid national figure” who has a large social media following and is a frequent presence on cable news. That could be an advantage with Democratic primary voters, Marshall said, but not necessarily afterward.

“It’s going to be a sprint from now until the primary, but in Texas you have to think about the voter base overall in November, too,” Marshall said. “Who can do the work on the ground? After the primary, who can win in the general? … It’s about building complicated coalitions in a big state.”

Talarico, meanwhile, must raise money and build name recognition to make the leap from the Texas House of Representatives to a strong statewide candidate, Marshall said.

A winning Democratic candidate in Texas, Marshall said, would have to energize Black voters, mainly in metro Houston and Dallas, win the kind of diverse suburbs and exurbs like those Allred once represented in Congress, and get enough rural votes, especially among Latinos in the Rio Grande Valley.

Texas Democrats have big gaps to make up

The closest Democrats have come recently to a top-of-the-ticket victory in Texas elections was Beto O’Rourke’s challenge of Republican Sen. Ted Cruz in 2018. O’Rourke campaigned in all 254 counties — a notable feat for Texas Democrats — and got 48.3% of the vote. But that was still a statewide deficit of 215,000 votes. Just four years later, O’Rourke was the gubernatorial nominee and lost to Republican Gov. Greg Abbott by more than 880,000 votes, a gap of nearly 11 percentage points. In 2024, Allred lost the Senate general election by nearly 960,000 votes or 8.5 points.

Allred’s new House district is part of the new congressional map that Texas’ GOP-run Legislature approved earlier this year as part of Trump’s push to redraw House boundaries to Republicans’ advantage. It includes some areas that Allred represented in Congress from 2019-25. Most of the district is currently being represented by Rep. Marc Veasey, but he has planned to run in a new, neighboring district.

A former professional football player and civil rights attorney, Allred was among Democrats’ star recruits for the 2018 midterms, when the party gained a net of 40 House seats, including multiple suburban and exurban districts in Texas, to win a House majority that redefined Trump’s first presidency.

Besides avoiding a free-for-all Senate primary, Marshall said Allred is helping Democrats’ cause by becoming a candidate for another office, and he said that’s a key for the party to have any shot at flipping the state.

“The infrastructure isn’t terrible but it clearly needs improvement,” he said. “Having strong, competitive candidates for every office is part of building that energy and operation. Texas needs strong candidates in House races, for governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general — every office — so that voters are hearing from Democrats everywhere.”

Barrow writes for the Associated Press.