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NICK Knowles’ new wife Katie has shared some new photos from this wedding – and she’s already changed her name on Instagram. 

Nick, 62, and Katie, 34, said ‘I do’ in the same venue where Rylan Clark married ex-husband Dan Neal in 2015. 

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The DIY SOS star and the mum-of-two were all smiles as they posed outside the country house, with the bride showing off her chic style in a stunning blue and white gown.

And they’ve given fans a glimpse into their big day and were seen enjoying their first slow dance together after exchanging vows at Braxted Park in Essex.

Now, Katie, who has already changed her surname to Knowles on social media, has shared a string of stunning photos from inside their big day. 

She penned to her 90,000 followers: “When you marry your soulmate.” 

Katie shared photos of her and Nick hugging on the dance floor, as well as some beautiful black and white images of them cutting their three-tiered wedding cake. 

She also posted sweet polaroid snaps with family and friends, and a fun photo of her and Nick posed in playful costumes against a floral backdrop. 

Fans flooded the comments with messages of congratulations. 

One person wrote: “Congratulations to you both Katie and Nick I’m happy for you both,” and a second added: “Gorgeous .. wishing you all happiness in the world.” 

A third said: “Looks like you had the perfect day even though the buried sausage didn’t work,” referring to the rainy weather. 

Fans also loved watching clips of the couple’s first dance. 

DIY SOS presenter Nick was decked out in his pink jacket while lingerie boss Katie sported her elegant blue floral gown as they swayed and gazed lovingly into each other’s eyes.

Even the joker Nick couldn’t resist having a laugh and busted out some twerking at the end while Katie jokingly shook her head.

Katie then did an outfit change and slipped into a white mini dress with match trainers and a glittery hat.

Nick clearly liked what he saw, removing his jacket and spinning it around over his head.

And despite having to pull out of Strictly Come Dancing due to injury last year, Nick proved he’s still got the moves as he spun his wife around the floor.

Later the pair let their hair down further by downing shots with their pals.

There was also lots of entertainment for guests, with a carnival dancer taking to the stage at one point.

Later, a band performed songs for the merry crowd.

Nick and Katie spared no expense on the big day, which is rumoured to have cost six figures.

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June 3 (UPI) — At 7.4 million, the number of job openings was little changed in April, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported Tuesday.

During the month, both hires and what the bureau called “total separations” were little changed at 5.6 million and 5.3 million, respectively, experts said.

Also, within separations, quits (at 3.2 million) and layoffs and discharges (at 1.8 million), recorded little change, bureau experts said.

The bureau’s update included estimates of the number and rate of job openings, hires and separations for the total nonfarm sector. Job openings include all the positions that are open on the last business day of the month.

Hires and separations include all changes to the payroll during the entire month, as well.

In their Tuesday release on the numbers, bureau officials said the April statistics and rate of job openings were little changed at 7.4 million and 4.4 percent.

Experts noted that the number of job openings decreased in accommodation and food services (-135,000) and in state and local government, education (-51,000). Meanwhile, the number of job openings increased in arts, entertainment, and recreation (+43,000) and in mining and logging (+10,000), they said.

Additionally, the number of hires was little changed in all industries in April, they said.

The number of total separations in April was little changed at 5.3 million while the total separations rate remained unchanged at 3.3 percent. Total separations increased in federal government (+9,000).

In April, the number and rate of quits were little changed at 3.2 million and 2.0 percent, respectively. The number of quits was down by 220,000 over the year, bureau officials said. In April, the number and rate of layoffs and discharges were little changed at 1.8 million and 1.1 percent, respectively.

According to April numbers, layoffs and discharges increased in health care and social assistance (+52,000) but decreased in state and local government, excluding education (-14,000) and in federal government (-4,000).

May’s numbers are scheduled for release next month, the bureau said.

ABC’s “Will Trent” is no ordinary police procedural.

“There’s a thousand cop shows,” said Ramón Rodriguez, who portrays the show’s main character, Will Trent. “How do you make this one stand out?”

The broadcast drama series, which also airs on Hulu, centers special agent Trent: a dapper investigator whose instinctual crime-solving skills render him essential to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. But beneath the three-piece suit, there’s a more complex side to Trent, who navigates the residual trauma from being abandoned at birth and growing up in the Atlanta foster care system. He is also dyslexic.

“One of the exciting things when I came onto the show was not knowing where this character was from,” said Rodriguez, 45. “Trent was very much [written as] a colorless character.”

Born in San Juan, Puerto Rico, Rodriguez greeted me on a Zoom call from his present home in Southern California, while wearing a New York Knicks cap. Before “Will Trent,” he previously played the first main Hispanic character on the HBO series “The Wire,” and appeared in films such as 2009’s “Transformers: Revenge of the Fallen” and “G20,” a thriller featuring Viola Davis, which premiered April 10 on Amazon Prime Video.

Since the 2023 premiere of “Will Trent,” Rodriguez has molded his beloved character in many ways; he’s a hard-nosed detective with a mushy side, which is most evident in scenes with his pocket-sized chihuahua named Betty. Based on Karin Slaughter’s New York Times-bestselling novel series “Will Trent,” showrunners Liz Heldens and Daniel Thomsen organically tailored the titular role to reflect Rodriguez’s real-life Puerto Rican identity. It’s a major win for Latinos in an industry that otherwise lacks Latino-led programming.

“Once we run out of feeling fresh, creative, excited and inspired, then I think we start phoning it in,” said Rodriguez. “But that’s something I’m not interested in and I know my partners aren’t either.”

Rodriguez has taken on roles behind the camera as well. He directed “I’m a Guest Here,” the first episode of Season 3, which wrapped earlier this month; he was also named an executive producer. “I really wanted to be a part of the creative collaboration of creating this character in this show,” said Rodriguez.

When Season 3 dropped a bombshell regarding Trent’s biological father, it paved the way for a nail-biting Season 4, which was confirmed earlier this year.

This interview has been edited and shortened for clarity. It also reveals Season 3 spoilers.

In the books, Will Trent isn’t Puerto Rican, but this series is peeking into your own Puerto Rican identity. What are your thoughts on that?

It was a topic that they were curious about exploring. Where does Will come from as an orphan who grew up in the foster care system? Identity becomes a focal point for someone like that. Again [him being Puerto Rican] isn’t in the books, which is kind of exciting. We’ve been able to separate and say that the books are the books.

It wasn’t something that we were trying to sort of check a box and say, “Great, Will’s heritage is Puerto Rican.” It was a very organic explanation of this character discovering who he is.

When you were cast for the lead, did you ever picture the show as what it is today?

 You never know what’s gonna work and why it’s gonna work. You don’t have control of a lot of things in this business. The one thing I do have control over is my work, what I can bring to it, what I try to do. This is the first time I’ve been on a show that’s gone on for this long from the pilot.

If you would’ve asked me that, is this gonna be the show that goes past one season? I probably would’ve said, “I don’t think so.” And it’s nothing against the show, you just don’t know. It took a minute for me to be fully convinced, but I’m so grateful that they were willing to continue having conversations with me and that they were really willing to have me on as a partner because that was important to me.

It doesn’t feel like the show hinges on those elements of identity. Why is it important to keep that balance in this procedural show?

[Solving cases is] another aspect of the show that I know audiences love. I just think the things that tend to pull our hearts to the things that are emotional and personal things, what someone’s struggling with or how are they overcoming it.

In Season 3, we have a really pivotal moment where Will accidentally shoots a bad guy, but ends up killing a young boy by accident. That case ended up changing the rest of the season — he was not able to recover from that event of having the boy die in his arms. That was Episode 11 and that will likely go into Season 4.

Your dog Betty also shines in Season 3. We get to hear her voice for the first time which happens during a fun hallucination scene. What was it like to film that episode?

That was two episodes after this tragic episode I just described, which is crazy, right? We wanted to mix levity and humor with our heavy drama and emotional stuff.

So as Will was entering this case that involved a cult, he gets caught undercover and in that process he gets drugged. Liz Heldens, one of our showrunners, had been dying to find a way to get me to dance on this show, and I was like “Listen: Will Trent is an awkward individual, he’s not someone that’s out here dancing.” She was like, “Well, what if that’s a hallucination?” I was like, “That’s brilliant!” Anything can happen while he’s tripping.

I remember I was walking on set and one of our production assistants, Tim, had read the script and said, “What if Betty talks?” So I pitched that to Liz and she topped it and went, “Well, what if Betty’s British?”

You made your directorial debut in Season 3. How was that experience for you?

I felt like a kid in a candy store. By Season 3, I really understood the character and what works with our show, where our strengths are. I just got to be me in certain scenes, because at the start of the [third] season Will has left the [Georgia Bureau of Investigation], he’s got a beard and he’s in a T-shirt, jeans and curly hair.

It was also fun to direct new cast members. We introduced Gina Rodriguez, who played Marion Alba, and Antwayn Hopper, who played Rafel Wexford. Which was really fun. I’d be like: “No notes.” [Laughs.]

Will you be directing in Season 4?

 I will definitely be directing at least one episode next season. It makes the most sense for me to direct the premiere as I did this past season. I love that pressure of having to set the bar for a season.

What can audiences expect for the upcoming season?

We’re about to begin these serious conversations. There were some pretty serious cliffhangers at the end of Season 3, where we find out Angie Polaski (Erika Christensen) is pregnant, and Will is definitely not the father, so that’s gonna be something to explore. Amanda Wagner (Sonja Sohn), who is a maternal figure for Will, is in the hospital bed. We just discovered his dad, [Sheriff Caleb Roussard], which we don’t know too much about, so I’d want to know more about the character and what happened with the mom. There’s just so many questions that we will get to explore — I mean, is there new love in Will’s life?

PALM DESERT — They came to the baking desert to honor one of their own, a political professional, a legend and a throwback to a time when gatherings like this one — a companionable assembly of Republicans, Democrats and the odd newspaper columnist — weren’t such a rare and noteworthy thing.

They came to bid a last farewell to Stuart Spencer, who died in January at age 97.

They came to Palm Desert on a 98-degree spring day to do the things that political pros do when they gather: drink and laugh and swap stories of campaigns and elections past.

And they showed, with their affection and goodwill and mutual regard, how much the world, and the world of politics, have changed.

“This is how politics used to be,” Democrat Harvey Englander said after sidling up to Republican Joel Fox. The two met through their work with the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn., a spawn of the Proposition 13 taxpayer revolt, circa 1978.

“We had different views of how government should work,” Englander said as Fox nodded his assent. “But we agreed government should work.”

Spencer was a campaign strategist and master tactician who helped usher into office generations of GOP leaders, foremost among them Ronald Reagan. The former president and California governor was a Hollywood has-been until Spencer came along and turned him into something compelling and new, something they called a “citizen-politician.”

Hanging, inevitably, over the weekend’s celebration was the current occupant of the Oval Office, a boiling black cloud compared to the radiant and sunshiny Reagan. Spencer was no fan of Donald Trump, and he let it be known.

“A demagogue and opportunist,” he called him, chafing, in particular, at Trump’s comparisons of himself to Reagan.

“He would be sick,” Spencer said, guessing the recoil the nation’s 40th president would have had if he’d witnessed the crass and corrupt behavior of the 45th and 47th one.

Many of those at the weekend event are similarly out of step with today’s Republican Party and, especially, Trump’s bomb-the-opposition-to-rubble approach to politics. But most preferred not to express those sentiments for the record.

George Steffes, who served as Reagan’s legislative director in Sacramento, allowed as how the loudly and proudly uncouth Trump was “180 degrees” from the politely mannered Reagan. In five years, Steffes said, he never once heard the governor raise his voice, belittle a person or “treat a human being with anything but respect.”

Fox, with a seeming touch of wounded pride, suggested Trump could use “some pushback from some of the ‘old thinking’ of the Stu Spencer/Ronald Reagan era.”

A flag flown over the U.S. Capitol in Spencer’s honor was displayed at his memorial celebration, along with White House schedules from the 1984 campaign.

(H.D. Palmer)

Behind them, playing on a big-screen TV, were images from Spencer’s filled-to-the-bursting life.

Old black-and-white snapshots — an apple-cheeked Navy sailor, a little boy — alternated with photographs of Spencer smiling alongside Reagan and President Ford, standing with Dick Cheney and George H.W. Bush, appearing next to Pete Wilson and Arnold Schwarzenegger. (Wilson, a spry 91, was among the 150 or so who turned out to remember Spencer. He was given a place of honor, seated with his wife, Gayle, directly in front of the podium.)

In a brief presentation, Spencer’s son, Steve, remembered his father as someone who emphasized caring and compassion, as well as hard work and the importance of holding fast to one’s principles. “Pop’s word,” he said, “was gold.”

Spencer’s grandson, Sam, a Republican political consultant in Washington, choked up as he recounted how “Papa Stu” not only helped make history but never stinted on his family, driving four hours to attend Sam’s 45-minute soccer games and staying up well past bedtime to get after-action reports on his grandson’s campaigns.

Stu Spencer, he said, was a voracious reader and owned “one of the greatest political minds in history.”

Outside the golf resort, a stiff wind kicked up, ruffling the palm trees and sending small waves across a water hazard on the 18th green — an obvious metaphor for these blustery and unsettled times.

Fred Karger first met Spencer in 1976 when his partner, Bill Roberts, hired Karger to work on an unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign. (In 2012, Karger made history as the first out gay major-party candidate to run for president.)

He no longer recognizes the political party he dedicated his life to. “It’s the Trump-publican Party,” Karger said. “It’s no longer the Republican Party.”

But politics are cyclical, he went on, and surely Trump and his MAGA movement will run their course and the GOP will return to the days when Reagan’s optimism and Spencer’s less-hateful campaign style return to fashion.

His gripped his white wine like a potion, delivering hope. “Don’t you think?”

Hundreds gathered in Minneapolis on Sunday to mark the fifth anniversary of George Floyd’s death. Activists said the failed push for police reform in the city cast a shadow over the vigil and argued nothing has changed since he was killed.

As President Trump parades through the Middle East this week, he will encounter a very different region than the one he experienced during his first term. True, the Israeli-Palestinian problem remains unresolved, as do the challenges emanating from Iran’s much-advanced nuclear program and the instability and dysfunction in Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Syria and Yemen.

But this old wine is now packaged in new bottles. Beyond the garish headlines of Trump’s plan to accept a Boeing 747 as a gift from Qatar, new trends are emerging that will redefine the region, posing additional challenges for U.S. policy.

Of all the changes in the Middle East since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, perhaps the most striking is Israel’s emergence as a regional powerhouse. Aided by the administrations of Presidents Biden and Trump, and enabled by Arab regimes that do little to support Palestinians, Israel devastated Hamas and Hezbollah as military organizations, killing much of their senior leadership. With the support of the United States, Europe and friendly Arab states, it effectively countered two direct Iranian missile attacks on its territory.

Israel then delivered its own strike, reportedly destroying much of Iran’s ballistic missile production and air defenses. In short, Israel has achieved escalation dominance: the capacity to escalate (or not) as it sees fit, and to deter its adversaries from doing so. Israel has also redefined its concept of border security in Gaza, Lebanon, the West Bank and Syria by acting unilaterally to preempt and prevent threats to its territory.

Converting Israel’s military power into political arrangements, even peace accords, would seem like a reasonable next step. But the right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seems uninterested in such options and is unlikely to be induced to change its outlook. Moreover, securing new, lasting agreements also depends on whether there are leaders among the Palestinians and key Arab states ready to take up the challenge, with all the political risks it entails.

But the Arab world remains in serious disarray. At least five Arab states are dealing with profound internal challenges, leaving them in various degrees of dysfunction and state failure. Amid this power vacuum, two alternative power centers have emerged. The first are the states of the Persian Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Relatively unscathed by the Arab Spring and blessed with sovereign wealth funds, oil and natural gas, these stable authoritarian powers, particularly Saudi Arabia, have begun to play an outsize role in the region.

The second category comprises non-Arab states. Israel, Turkey and Iran are the only states in the region with the capacity to project significant military power beyond their borders. While each has suffered periods of internal unrest, they currently enjoy domestic stability. Each also boasts tremendous economic potential and significant security, military and intelligence capabilities, including the capability to manufacture weapons domestically.

One (Israel) is America’s closest regional ally, another (Turkey) is a member of NATO and a newfound power broker in Syria, and the third (Iran) retains considerable influence despite Israel’s mauling of its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran’s nuclear program keeps it relevant, even central, to both Israeli and American policymaking.

All three non-Arab states engender a good deal of suspicion and mistrust among Arab regimes but are nonetheless seen as key players whom no one wants to offend. All three are at odds — with each frustrating the others’ regional objectives — and all three are here to stay. Their influence will most likely only grow in the years to come, given the fractiousness of the Arab world.

In the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, it seemed that the Palestinian issue was once again front and center, not just in the Arab world, but internationally. Those who claimed it had lost its resonance could point to the outpouring of sympathy and support for Gazan civilians as Israel’s war against Hamas led to a humanitarian catastrophe.

Moreover, the United Nations passed resolutions calling for an end to the war, many around the world condemned the war and Israel, the International Court of Justice took up the question of whether Israel is committing genocide, and the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu (as well as for Hamas’ military commander, later found to have been killed).

Nonetheless, it has become stunningly clear that, far from pushing the Palestinian issue to the top of the international agenda, the Oct. 7 attack has actually diminished its salience and left Palestinians isolated and without good options. Continued U.S. support for Israel’s war against Hamas, despite the exponential rise of Palestinian deaths, has protected Israel from negative consequences; key Arab regimes have done next to nothing to impose costs and consequences on Israel and the U.S. as Palestinian civilian deaths mount. The international community appears too fragmented, distracted and self-interested to act in any concerted way in defense of Palestine.

Meanwhile, the Palestinian national movement remains divided and dysfunctional, giving Palestinians an unpalatable choice between Hamas and the aging president of the Palestinian National Authority, Mahmoud Abbas. The prospects for anything resembling a two-state solution have never looked bleaker.

How the Trump administration will process these developments remains to be seen. Clearly, it has adopted a pro-Israel view, with Trump musing about turning Gaza into a Riviera-style resort. He has deployed his special envoy to the Middle East to secure the return of hostages taken by Hamas but has yet to invest in any postwar plan for the beleaguered enclave. Indeed, he has left the strategy for Gaza to Israel, which in turn has resumed its military campaign there. Trump has also acquiesced to Israel’s pursuit of aggressive border defenses against both Lebanon and Syria, while enabling Israel’s annexationist policies in the West Bank.

Yet Trump is nothing if not unpredictable. In April, he announced new U.S. negotiations with Iran in the presence of Netanyahu, who himself has tried to persuade the president that the only solution to Iran’s nuclear program is military action. But if U.S.-Iranian negotiations do advance, or if Trump’s interest in Israeli-Saudi normalization intensifies, he may find himself drawn into the Middle East negotiating bazaar, dealing with the intricacies of day-after planning in Gaza and a political horizon for Palestinians.

These paths are already fomenting tension between Trump, who will not be visiting Israel on his Middle East trip, and a recalcitrant Netanyahu. But given Trump’s absolute control over his party, Netanyahu will have few options to appeal to Republicans if the White House proposes policies that he opposes. As most U.S. allies have already learned, if Trump wants something, he’s not averse to using pressure to get it.

Aaron David Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, is a former State Department Middle East analyst and negotiator in Republican and Democratic administrations and the author of “The End of Greatness: Why America Can’t Have (and Doesn’t Want) Another Great President.” Lauren Morganbesser is a junior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.