caracas

It is too early to say that things are settling at The Branch, the hostile takeover by Corporate left some ripples and management is scrambling to adapt. For the moment, we can say that the status remains “fluid.” We’re not at a place yet where the branch manager can fire the annoying janitor that’s been around for decades and seems to have more power than he should, but at least she’ll be able to change that old pot that makes cockroach tasting coffee for a proper Nespresso.

That’s where we are. Por ahora, Venezuela seems to be stuck in a corporate takeover by the US government. And like any corporate takeover it’s natural that the target’s management will be jittery, but at the same time trying to stick to their old ways, the “this is how we do things here” attitude that lasts until Corporate reminds them that “how we do things here” is what landed them in this position in the first place. Regardless, management has to calm the staff, who are hoping that things will remain somewhat the same, although deep down they know they’re not.

I’m not going to hold the analogy throughout the whole piece, but rather ramble in and out of it as it comes. The point is that the Venezuela strategy is currently detached from a democratic logic (por ahora), and it may be more oriented to results on a spreadsheet. I’m not saying this just because Donald Trump is a businessman and the first thing they’re tackling is the oil business while he talks about how profitable this whole thing will be, but also because they are approaching the situation just how you would approach the expansion of a business. And branch, dare we say, not subsidiary, since there’s little to no independence on how this business is being run.

Delcy Rodríguez and her brother Jorge, have been keeping the house together for a while. Delcy has been the executive part of The Branch since before it was a branch and Jorge a key strategist and negotiator for the organization. We’ve said before that even when the regime has had the dictatorial tumbao since forever, and that democratic institutions where thrown out the window many years ago, they did have a certain degree of separation of powers caused by the death of Hugo Chávez (who did concentrate all powers). Bout of course, not separation of powers how it was taught in political institutions classes (executive, legislative and judicial), but more into chavista factions (executive, Diosdado, and the military). That separation of powers maintained a certain balance, if you saw it from a chavista logic. The executive, under Maduro and Cilia Flores, not only concentrated the powers of the presidency but a big chunk of the judiciary (in Cilia particularly). Delcy Rodríguez’s role in this structure was, actually, executing almost all of Maduro’s functions and many other roles delegated in her (in a way, Delcy was the Rubio to Maduro’s Trump).

The military in the post Chávez era has always been its own mega bureaucratic, too big and too divided to move behemoth, focused on wealth and politics, that has the legendary power to change things in the country at a snap of its fingers, but that won’t do it because it is too big and too divided.

For a long time, Diosdado stood his ground in the legislature because of his influence over the party. He was able to hold leverage over the “executive” by blocking certain legal initiatives, like one touted reform of the Hydrocarbons Law that had been requested for ages by Russia, China, Iran, and the United States. Then, after the 2024 presidential elections, when this structure started losing balance, Diosdado accumulated more power when he became Venezuela’s top cop—in command of a force that probably has more experience and is more combat ready than the military.

After Maduro’s extraction, this balance broke. Chavista politics and separation of powers out the window. The military sent to the barracks and the Rodríguez siblings forced to play nice with Diosdado (and viceversa) por ahora. The chain of command disolved into a single line between two speakerphones. Tyranny.

Welcome to the corporate world.

While adjusting to this new reality hasn’t been easy, The Branch has been understanding some basic rules based on efficiency and celerity required by Corporate. In just a week, after Exxon CEO Darren Woods voiced concerns over the legality of PDVSA’s current contractual framework, the lack of resources to protect investment in Venezuela, and the complications to carry out regular business activities, the National Assembly presided by Jorge Rodríguez “discussed” for immediate approval in first discussion three pieces of legislation provided by the branch manager (Jorge’s sister, it’s a family business!): the hydrocarbons law, which doesn’t only legalize the aforesaid contractual framework but also adds alternatives to solve disputes beyond Venezuela’s courts; a Socioeconomic Rights Law; and an anti red tape law. This first law packet should be fully approved and entering into force within the week. Easy peasy.

Mr. Trump, please tell Mr. Woods that his request should be fulfilled shortly.
Best,
Delcy R.

Also, part of the funds from the first batch of oil sold via the US has already been injected into the financial system, partially stabilizing the foreign exchange market and liberating crude storage space. Delcy also started making some cabinet changes, nothing major yet, she’s still keeping the people she trusts close, and giving some space to Cabello, but she got rid of Alex Saab—it’s not hard to please the boss when you get to do something you really wanted to do in the first place.

Staffing has been at the core of this takeover. A Reuters headline yesterday read: Trump considers role in Venezuela for Machado. While we don’t see yet that Corporate will Machado to supervise Delcy, we’re at such a dry spot right now, that Trump decides whether the most popular politician in Venezuela can participate or not in… What? Can it even be called a transition? What is it? We argued in a different post that beyond the ruckus that Machado’s involvement may cause in Venezuela in this moment, Trump is just happy on how Delcy has been delivering. His weekly reviews all include gold stars. Versus what could mean having to deal with a leader “constrained and empowered by a democratic mandate” and an actual obligation to the Venezuelan people.

That’s why the easy part is starting with the business stuff. Getting to the core of the organization is the hard part. We’ve seen many comments on how the first thing that has to be done in order to actually entice investors to come into Venezuela is to work on its democratization and fixing its institutions (not entirely true). We can discuss about democratic principles all you want, but it’s just not going to happen that way, even when it would be the most desirable option. It’s just not the path we’re on. Corporate decided to “fix” the business first, because they want to see profit, they want to see that it’s worth it. And perhaps, by working their way from the outer shells of the business, eventually, maybe, getting to the core of the issue: the need for re institutionalization and getting democratically elected leaders to replace the branch management. While there’s a very slim chance of this happening, democracy would have to seep through a crack of the business shell into the core, it may be the only chance. Not that the takeover method was correct or ethical, but no one else would’ve been crazy enough to put in the investment. And again, it’s the reality that we’re in and that’s what we have to deal with.

Timing, not time, is one of the big challenges here. Corporate needs to keep oversight and control for just the right amount of time, taking into account that there’s a big chance to get pushback from the branch management when trying to impose a new system, if they take too long, let’s say… November, the chance may be lost and branch management will sit comfortably and sooner than later go back to their old ways. Just look at how they’ve been handling the “good faith” gesture of political prisoner release. Yes, they’ve been complying, but there’s been resistance, lies and treachery.

And then there’s the issue of Cabello himself. It’s hard to see a democratization process with him, his special forces, and his colectivos around. We don’t see it. Big oil doesn’t see it. The region doesn’t see it. And perhaps, at some point, Corporate won’t see it too.

Sadly, at present, bringing Venezuela back to democracy requires more than the will of Venezuelans. Of course that part is key, but right now we mostly depend on the good heart of men in a board room looking at excel sheets. Or just wait for the numbers on those excel sheets to spell “democracy.”

WASHINGTON — A highly confidential CIA assessment produced at the request of the White House warned President Trump of a wider conflict in Venezuela if he were to support the country’s democratic opposition once its president, Nicolás Maduro, was deposed, a person familiar with the matter told The Times.

The assessment was a tightly held CIA product commissioned at the request of senior policymakers before Trump decided whether to authorize Operation Absolute Resolve, the stunning U.S. mission that seized Maduro and his wife from their bedroom in Caracas over the weekend.

Announcing the results of the operation on Sunday, Trump surprised an anxious Venezuelan public when he was quick to dismiss the leadership of the democratic opposition — led by María Corina Machado, last year’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and Edmundo González Urrutia, the opposition candidate who won the 2024 presidential election that was ultimately stolen by Maduro.

Instead, Trump said his administration was working with Maduro’s handpicked vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, who has since been named the country’s interim president. The rest of Maduro’s government remains in place.

Endorsing the opposition would probably have required U.S. military backing, with the Venezuelan armed forces still under the control of loyalists to Maduro unwilling to relinquish power.

A second official said that the administration sought to avoid one of the cardinal mistakes of the invasion of Iraq, when the Bush administration ordered party loyalists of the deposed Saddam Hussein to be excluded from the country’s interim government. That decision, known as de-Baathification, led those in charge of Iraq’s stockpiles of weapons to establish armed resistance to the U.S. campaign.

The CIA product was not an assessment that was shared across the 18 government agencies that make up the U.S. intelligence community, whose head, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, was largely absent from deliberations — and who has yet to comment on the operation, despite CIA operatives being deployed in harm’s way before and throughout the weekend mission.

The core team that worked on Absolute Resolve included Homeland Security Advisor Stephen Miller, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine and CIA Director John Ratcliffe, who met routinely over several months, sometimes daily, the source added.

The existence of the CIA assessment was first reported by the Wall Street Journal.

Signs have emerged that Trump’s team was in communication with Rodríguez ahead of the operation, although the president has denied that his administration gave Rodríguez advance notice of Maduro’s ouster.

“There are a number of unanswered questions,” said Evan Ellis, who served in Trump’s first term planning State Department policy on Latin America, the Caribbean and international narcotics. “There may have a been a cynical calculation that one can work with them.”

Rodríguez served as a point of contact with the Biden administration, experts note, and also was in touch with Richard Grenell, a top Trump aide who heads the Kennedy Center, early on in Trump’s second term, when he was testing engagement with Caracas.

While the federal indictment unsealed against Maduro after his seizure named several other senior officials in his government, Rodríguez’s name was notably absent.

Rodríguez was sworn in as Venezuela’s interim president Monday in a ceremony attended by diplomats from Russia, China and Iran. Publicly, the leader has offered mixed messages, at once vowing to prevent Venezuela from becoming a colonial outpost of an American empire, while also offering to forge a newly collaborative relationship with Washington.

“Of course, for political reasons, Delcy Rodríguez can’t say, ‘I’ve cut a deal with Trump, and we’re going to stop the revolution now and start working with the U.S.,” Ellis said.

“It’s not about the democracy,” he said. “It’s about him not wanting to work with Maduro.”

In an interview with Fox News on Monday, Machado said she had yet to speak with Trump since the U.S. operation over the weekend, but hoped to do so soon, offering to share her Nobel Peace Prize with him as a gesture of gratitude. Trump has repeatedly touted himself as a worthy recipient of the award.

“What he has done is historic,” Machado said, vowing to return to the country from hiding abroad since accepting the prize in Oslo last month.

“It’s a huge step,” she added, “towards a democratic transition.”

Maduro is out, Delcy Rodríguez is in, and yet Venezuela feels no more democratic than it did three days ago, when the former president was still boasting about air defenses and bunker walls.

The change itself was not entirely unexpected. In recent months, reporting had increasingly pointed to Rodríguez as the most viable figure to ensure continuity after Maduro, alongside speculation about negotiations involving her and her brother Jorge Rodríguez, including meetings in Doha facilitated by the Qatari government, that would have secured Maduro a negotiated exit and a prolonged, carefully managed transition.

In the end, that golden exile proved unnecessary. What followed was not a rupture, but an acceleration: the same transition logic, executed without the need for Maduro’s consent—or his presence. Still, calling this a “transition” rather than a decapitation feels increasingly strained when several of the figures flanking Rodríguez as she signaled her willingness to step in, should the Supreme Court so demand, carry the same international bounties Maduro once did, and in some cases appear in the very same indictments, now sharing docket space with far more famous recent arrivals.

If this were a democratic transition, power would be moving outward, toward institutions, parties, and voters. We would have seen the unconditional release of political prisoners. The winners of the July 28 election would not be calling for international protests demanding that their victory be respected. Instead, power has moved sideways and downward. The most visible winners of the post-Maduro moment are not opposition leaders, but many of Maduro’s former allies.

Even more telling is that while the armed forces appear to have retreated to their barracks, colectivos have rapidly expanded their role in Caracas from tolerated enforcers to de facto authorities. They patrol neighborhoods, gather intelligence, intimidate opponents, and perform basic law-enforcement functions with a confidence that suggests not stabilization, but delegation. Where, exactly, the United States is exerting the control President Trump claims to hold over Venezuela’s transition remains unclear, and, for now, largely the stuff of rumor.

Rodríguez may offer a fresher, more professional face at the head of the regime, but the internal knife-fighting, the power jockeying, and the coercive architecture remain firmly in place

This is not state collapse. It is state outsourcing. The arrested transition has reproduced Venezuela’s familiar condition of managed chaos, governed by actors who require neither legal mandates nor democratic legitimacy, only loyalty and force. For ordinary Venezuelans, the result is a familiar but sharpened experience of power: surveillance that feels more granular, coercion that feels more localized, and accountability that feels even more elusive.

The irony is that this consolidation is unfolding under the language of moderation and normalization. Rodríguez’s elevation has been framed as a stabilizing move, a technocratic turn after years of bombast and paranoia. Her record as economic vice president and minister is now being repackaged as evidence of competence, pragmatism, even reform. After denouncing Maduro’s “abduction” by U.S. forces on January 3, the very next day saw a remarkable pivot in the regime’s propaganda apparatus: Rodríguez was suddenly celebrated as Venezuela’s first female president, with a speed matched only by her plane’s return from Russia and landing in Venezuelan airspace, despite official claims that the skies were under U.S. control.

If colectivos are serious about rooting out traitors, they may find better luck checking phones in Miraflores and the Capitol than stopping cars on the highways of Caracas.

That speed matters. It reveals how thin chavismo’s ideological commitments have become, and how central narrative management now is to regime survival. Maduro was not the project; he was a vehicle. Once removed, the system adapted almost instantly, swapping revolutionary mythology for managerial language without altering the underlying mechanics of control.

For Washington, this appears, so far, to have been good enough. With Maduro gone, the Trump administration’s priorities seem to have shifted from political transformation to stabilization and risk management. A loud, autonomous opposition, once instrumental to regime pressure, is now framed less as a democratic partner than as a short-term liability. The result has not been repression, but marginalization: opposition figures are tolerated, even encouraged to remain visible, while being excluded from meaningful decision-making.

Meanwhile, the regime has solved a different problem, at least temporarily: how to continue governing under legal siege. Rodríguez’s inner circle overlaps heavily with the same network of officials who defined the Maduro years, many of whom face international indictments and bounties of their own. This is not fertile ground for the trust or guarantees required to sustain a regime as complex as Venezuela’s.

Whether Rodríguez’s presidency is a durable settlement or a trial arrangement remains unclear. So does the question many within chavismo are surely asking themselves: faced with continued pressure from Washington to “deliver,” will Rodríguez lean into the combative instincts that defined her domestic record, or will Maduro and Cilia Flores soon find themselves joined by more former comrades at MDC?

Transitions are meant to reset political and legal time. What has happened in Venezuela has merely rearranged it. Rodríguez may offer a fresher, more professional face at the head of the regime, but the internal knife-fighting, the power jockeying, and the coercive architecture remain firmly in place.

What emerges, then, is not a failed transition, but an arrested one. Politics has been paused in the name of order. Democracy has been deferred in the name of stability. Venezuela is governed as if perpetually on the verge of change, never quite authoritarian enough to provoke rupture, never democratic enough to allow arrival. Maduro is gone. Democracy, once again, is told to wait.

In Caracas, in early January, explosions are a common sound in the morning hours. To be honest, it’s not unusual for some irresponsible person, after a few too many drinks, to decide to disrupt the sleep of the entire neighborhood by launching firecrackers or fireworks. We’re quite used to it. That distinctive whistling sound, a couple of seconds of silence, and an explosion that makes dogs bark and babies cry.

That’s why, perhaps, the explosions that sounded shortly before 2:00 a.m. in the early morning of January 3, 2026, didn’t seem strange, until they were accompanied by the vibration of a cell phone. Since I have most of its contacts on silent mode and I don’t care much about what might be happening in the world outside my four walls when I’m asleep, I was about to turn it off. But when one of those WhatsApp calls came in from a group chat, my wife, who already had her phone in her hand, worriedly asked me not to. Something was happening. She had just heard a loud bang.

“I think something exploded in Caracas.”

As soon as she said that, we started receiving videos that quickly went viral on social media. The first one we saw was a convoy of planes and helicopters heading west of the capital, leaving a trail of explosions across the valley. The only thing missing was the classic “Fortunate Son” by Creedence Clearwater Revival as its soundtrack, typical of any Vietnam War movie.

“They’re bombing the city,” my wife added.

Is it true? That’s the first question in times when artificial intelligence can create any kind of video. So, seeing is believing, as the apostle Thomas said. Like many skeptics, I went outside to look at the sky and listen. The roar of aircraft flying over the city at that hour was enough to confirm that it wasn’t just rumors.

Indeed, they weren’t fireworks, nor was it a false alarm. I had just gotten up, and, amidst the confusion, stunned, I went out onto the terrace to listen to the explosions of the bombs, as well as to see the sky light up in different places on the horizon, despite the dense night fog that usually shrouds the mountains around the antennas of El Volcán in its whitish mantle.

“We’re safe here,” I thought naively, very casually. I went back to the room to tell my wife, exuding all the confidence in the world, that we had nothing to fear, since all the impact reports were in the area of Fuerte Tiuna and the Generalisimo Francisco de Miranda Air Base, far away enough for us to feel safe.

I will never forget the roar, that light, or the panic that I can only describe as when your blood freezes and your heart skips a beat.

But at the same time, out of pure reflex, I was getting out of my pajamas and putting on jeans, a sweater, and sneakers, anticipating that we might suddenly have to leave urgently for some unknown reason, without knowing where to find shelter.

Suspecting the possibility of a power outage, I turned on the phone, and in less than two minutes it rang. I didn’t want to answer, but when I realized it was one of my good friends from school, one of those I’ve seen twice in the 20 years since he left the country, I had to.

José Ricardo, with the classic greeting, “What’s up, Joe?”, immediately asked if we were okay, and I could only tell him the same thing I told my wife.

—Aircraft and explosions can be heard in the distance. We’re far away, everything is calm, but it sounds like things are rough and it’s raining bullets along the Guaire River.

I promised to call him with more details as soon as the sun came up. At that precise moment, I didn’t have much to say, other than confirm that the bombing of Caracas was true.

—Nothing’s happening here in El Hatillo—I said before hanging up, unaware that, in a matter of seconds, I would eat my words. I left the phone plugged in to recharge the battery and went out onto the terrace to continue contemplating the sky and listening to the buzzing and booming sounds. The only thing running through my head was the lyrics and melody of Pink Floyd’s “Goodbye Blue Sky”: Did you see the frightened ones? Did you hear the falling bombs? Did you ever wonder why we had to run for shelter when the promise of a brave new world unfurled beneath the clear blue sky?

It was impossible not to recall what my grandfather once told me about his adolescence during World War II. Of all the grim anecdotes in his repertoire, the one that impressed me most was the terrifying sound of the bombings, when they heard the sound of the planes flying overhead, the whistling and the impact, the shaking of the ground making the walls and ceilings creak, as if death were dancing above their heads, claiming lives without distinguishing between the righteous and the sinners. “The only thing you can do,” my grandfather would say, “is pray that that hell won’t last long.”

That cruel memory haunted me just as I heard the roar of the engines approaching and I looked up. I heard the whistling sound and didn’t even have a chance to move. I was petrified with terror. The explosion illuminated the bleak landscape as if the sun had peeked out for that fleeting moment, adding color to a blast that shook the floor, walls, ceiling, and windows of the house with the force of the most violent earthquake.

I will never forget the roar, that light, or the panic that I can only describe as when your blood freezes and your heart skips a beat. The sound of war and a bombing raid is the most terrifying thing I have ever heard. No one can imagine it until they experience it firsthand, murmuring prayers to God for it all to end quickly, for the bombs to stop falling, and for dawn to break, while the uncertainty of what the end of the storm will bring gnaws at you from within.

Details are still emerging about the U.S. operation to capture Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro, an effort known as Absolute Resolve. We now have access to satellite imagery that provides an intriguing look at some of the key targets that were struck by the U.S. military during the operation, which are also indicative of the precision of the weapons employed.

You can catch up with our previous rolling coverage of the operation here.

At this point, we do not know for sure where Maduro and his wife were taken from. One very strong possibility is the major military complex at Fuerte Tiuna, in the Venezuelan capital, Caracas. This is widely reported to accommodate a Maduro compound, and Venezuelan ruling party leader Nahum Fernández told The Associated Press that Maduro and his wife were there when they were captured. U.S. President Trump said the couple was in “a house that was more like a fortress,” which would also fit the description. Certainly, there were U.S. airstrikes concentrated at Fuerte Tiuna, as seen in the satellite imagery that follows in this article.

In terms of the platforms that carried out airstrikes, the Pentagon has confirmed that assets involved included F-22s, F-35s, F/A-18s, EA-18s, and B-1 bombers, as well as numerous drones, any of which could have been delivering munitions. Meanwhile, helicopters of the U.S. Army’s 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment spearheaded the operation to capture Maduro. It appears that a Night Stalker MH-60 and possibly more rotorcraft may have touched down at or near Fuerte Tiuna.

In our early reporting, we looked at just some of the peculiar fortified locations on the base grounds at Fuerte Tiuna.

Man… there is some very ‘interesting’ features at this base pertaining to what is built into the hillside.

— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) January 3, 2026

This military installation is a known center of gravity for the Venezuelan military, and it has some unique features, including bunkers/tunnels built into the side of the mountain it butts up against. Three examples of the unusual constructions at Fuerte Tiuna are seen in the images immediately below that were taken over the years, long before the operation:

The view of Fuerte Tiuna dated December 22, seen below, shows the site as it looked before the raid:

In the satellite image below, dated January 3, we see the aftermath of the U.S. operation at Fuerte Tiuna, in particular, toward the top of the picture, where U.S. strikes clearly destroyed three long buildings that were part of an original group of six. We can also see significant destruction at an adjacent site, to the left, which is partially surrounded by forest, and is claimed by some unverified sources to have been close to the partly concealed entrance to the Maduro compound.

Reportedly, these U.S.-made Dragoon 300 armored fighting vehicles (essentially a scaled-up version of the V-150 Commando) were among those damaged at Fuerte Tiuna.

Damaged Venezuelan Dragoon 300 APC at Fort Tiuna following US airstrikes, January 3, 2026.

Note that the vehicle has been modified into similar configuration to Cadillac Gage V-100 Commandos.

2026 United States strikes in Venezuela pic.twitter.com/ThfPnqdC5m

— Buschlaid (@BuschModelar) January 3, 2026

The 312th “Ayala” Armored Cavalry Battalion of the Venezuelan Army appears to have had all of its equipment and most of its armored vehicles entirely destroyed in last night’s strike operation by the United States, which heavily targeting the Fuerte Tiuna Military Complex in the… pic.twitter.com/VXmVHRK4ha

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) January 3, 2026

This next image, also from December 22, provides an even closer pre-strike view of the same area:

Next, we can see another close-up view, this time from after the raid, with the three long buildings clearly knocked out. The scale of the damage means that we cannot immediately identify what kind of equipment the buildings contained, although at least some military vehicles can be seen destroyed.

The same area is seen below in even greater detail, in an image dated December 22. At least six green-painted military trucks can be made out, as well as a handful of apparently civilian-looking semi-trailers, and around a dozen apparent cargo containers.

The next image provides a post-strike view of the same area, providing a better idea of the scale of destruction, consistent with an airstrike, presumably involving some kind of submunitions, since no obvious large craters are visible.

Now we move to another part of Fuerte Tiuna, namely the area that is partly surrounded by forest. The area is seen here as it appeared on December 22. The primary targets in this particular location are revealed as the two red-roofed storage buildings, one somewhat longer than the other. The shortened building reveals the presence of what look like relatively long trucks or possibly semi-trailers. These may well be associated with air defense systems, which we know were among the main targets of the U.S. airstrikes.

For comparison, this is the same partly wooded area as it appeared today, with extensive destruction evident. The two red buildings and their contents are entirely destroyed.

U.S. forces also targeted what are understood to be gate security buildings at the complex, which can be seen below in another image dated December 22. These buildings were located on a bend in the road, in a wooded area. They may also be another entrance into an underground area.

As of January 3, those same gate security buildings are entirely obliterated:

The final image we have received shows Palacio Miraflores, also in Caracas, as it appeared on January 1. This is the head office of the President of Venezuela. It is located on Urdaneta Avenue, in the Libertador Bolivarian Municipality, and is another, less likely option as to where the Venezuelan leader was seized.

The building was among the targets struck by U.S. forces, in line with early reporting of the operation. Soon after it had begun, videos emerged showing armored vehicles in position, protecting nearby roads. In the event, Maduro may well not have been home, but instead located in the presumed safer location at Fuerte Tiuna.

A V-150 “Commando” Armored Wheeled-Gun with the Venezuelan Army spotted near Miraflores Presidential Palace in the capital of Caracas. pic.twitter.com/ToYWjTRlMn

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) January 3, 2026

For now, we still await much more information to provide a better understanding of how Maduro was captured, and from where, exactly.

What is already clear is that this was a meticulously planned and extremely complicated operation involving multiple assets and agencies, fought across various domains, with many more facets of it still to be revealed.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

WASHINGTON — An audacious overnight raid by elite U.S. forces that seized Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro from his bedroom in Caracas plunged the country into turmoil on Saturday, prompting international concern about Venezuela’s future and President Trump’s decision to take control of a sovereign nation.

Trump justified the stunning attack by accusing Maduro of sending “monsters” into the United States from Venezuelan prisons and claiming his involvement in the drug trade. But Trump focused more on Venezuela’s vast oil reserves, accusing the Venezuelan government of stealing U.S. oil infrastructure in the country decades prior and vowing that, under new U.S. government control, output would increase going forward.

The president spoke little about democracy in Venezuela, dismissing a potential role for its longstanding democratic opposition in running the country in the immediate aftermath of the operation. Instead, Trump said his team was in touch with Maduro’s hand-picked vice president, Delcy Rodriguez, whom he called “very gracious” and said was “essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to Make Venezuela Great Again.”

“We’re going to run the country until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition,” Trump said. “We’re going to have our very large United States oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure and start making money for the country.”

“We’re not afraid of boots on the ground,” he added.

President Trump, alongside Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, speaks to the media on Saturday following U.S. military actions in Venezuela.

(Jim Watson / AFP via Getty Images)

The president did not offer a timeline for how long a transition would take, or which Venezuelan factions he would support to assume leadership.

Maria Corina Machado, a leader of the Venezuelan opposition and a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, said Saturday that she and her team were prepared to assume control of Venezuela.

“The hour of freedom has arrived,” she wrote on social media. “We are prepared to assert our mandate and take power.”

But in a surprising statement, Trump told reporters on Saturday that he did not believe Machado had the “respect” needed to run the country.

Trump instead focused on how the United States intends to run Venezuela in the immediate aftermath, saying American oil companies are ready to descend on the oil-rich country and begin “taking out tremendous amount of wealth out of the ground.”

“That wealth is going to the people of Venezuela and people from outside of Venezuela that used to be in Venezuela, and it goes to the United States of America, in the form of reimbursement for the damages caused to us by that country,” Trump said.

The operation began with explosions throughout Caracas, as more than 150 U.S. aircraft, including F-35 fighter jets, B-1 bombers and remotely piloted drones, cleared away Venezuelan air defenses to make way for the interdiction team, which included U.S. law enforcement officers. Electricity was cut throughout much of the city as the assault unfolded, Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told reporters.

A Delta Force unit penetrated Maduro’s heavily fortified compound at 2:01 a.m. local time, capturing him and his wife as they attempted to escape into a safe room, U.S. officials said. Only one helicopter in the U.S. fleet was hit by Venezuelan fire, but was able to continue flying through the mission. No U.S. personnel were killed, Caine said.

Trump, who had ordered the CIA to begin monitoring Maduro’s movements months ago, watched as the operation unfolded from a room at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida, “literally like I was watching a television show,” the president said in an interview with Fox News on Saturday morning.

From there, Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, were taken to the USS Iwo Jima, stationed in the Caribbean alongside a third of the U.S. naval fleet, before the ship set course for New York, where Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi said Maduro will face “the full wrath of American justice” over his alleged ties to illicit drug trafficking.

“If you would’ve seen the speed, the violence,” Trump told Fox. “Amazing job.”

In Caracas on Saturday, the mood was tense. Long lines formed at supermarkets and pharmacies as shoppers, fearful of uncertainty, stocked up on essentials.

Maduro’s supporters gathered throughout the city, many bearing arms, but seemed unsure of what to do next. Across Latin America, reaction to the U.S. operation was mixed. Right-leaning allies of Trump including Argentina’s Javier Milei and Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa backed the U.S. attack, while leftists broadly condemned it.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro criticized an “aggression against the sovereignty of Venezuela and Latin America” and said he was ordering the deployment of the Colombian armed forces along his nation’s 1,300-mile-long border with Venezuela.

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said that the U.S. “crossed an unacceptable line” and compared the action to remove Maduro to “the darkest moments of [U.S.] interference in Latin America and the Caribbean.”

Trump, meanwhile, boasted that the U.S. operation in Venezuela would help reassert U.S. dominance in Latin America.

“American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again,” he said. “We are reasserting American power in a very powerful way in our home region.”

CARACAS, Venezuela — The United States hit Venezuela with a “large-scale strike” early Saturday and said its president, Nicolás Maduro, had been captured and flown out of the country after months of stepped-up pressure by Washington — an extraordinary nighttime operation announced by President Trump on social media hours after the attack.

Multiple explosions rang out and low-flying aircraft swept through Caracas, the capital, as Maduro’s government immediately accused the United States of attacking civilian and military installations. The Venezuelan government called it an “imperialist attack” and urged citizens to take to the streets.

It was not immediately clear who was running the country, and Maduro’s whereabouts were not immediately known. Trump announced the developments on Truth Social shortly after 4:30 a.m. ET. Under Venezuelan law the vice president, Delcy Rodríguez, would take power. There was no confirmation that had happened, though she did issue a statement after the strike.

“We do not know the whereabouts of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores,” Rodriguez said. “We demand proof of life.”

Maduro, Trump said, “has been, along with his wife, captured and flown out of the Country. This operation was done in conjunction with U.S. Law Enforcement. Details to follow.” He set a news conference for later Saturday morning.

The legal implications of the strike under U.S. law were not immediately clear. Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) posted on X that he had spoken with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who briefed him on the strike. Rubio told Lee that Maduro “has been arrested by U.S. personnel to stand trial on criminal charges in the United States.”

The White House did not immediately respond to queries on where Maduro and his wife were being flown to. Maduro was indicted in March 2020 on “narco-terrorism” conspiracy charges in the Southern District of New York.

Maduro last appeared on state television Friday while meeting with a delegation of Chinese officials in Caracas.

The explosions in Caracas, Venezuela’s capital, early on the third day of 2026 — at least seven blasts — sent people rushing into the streets, while others took to social media to report hearing and seeing the explosions. It was not immediately clear if there were casualties on either side. The attack itself lasted less than 30 minutes and it was unclear if more actions lay ahead, though Trump said in his post that the strikes were carried out “successfully.”

The Federal Aviation Administration issued a ban on U.S. commercial flights in Venezuelan airspace because of “ongoing military activity” ahead of the explosions.

The strike came after the Trump administration spent months escalating pressure on Maduro. The CIA was behind a drone strike last week at a docking area believed to have been used by Venezuelan drug cartels — the first known direct operation on Venezuelan soil since the U.S. began strikes in September.

For months, Trump had threatened that he could soon order strikes on targets on Venezuelan land following months of attacks on boats accused of carrying drugs. Maduro has decried the U.S. military operations as a thinly veiled effort to oust him from power.

Some streets in Caracas fill up

Armed individuals and uniformed members of a civilian militia took to the streets of a Caracas neighborhood long considered a stronghold of the ruling party. But in other areas of the city, the streets remained empty hours after the attack. Parts of the city remained without power, but vehicles moved freely.

Video obtained from Caracas and an unidentified coastal city showed tracers and smoke clouding the landscape sky as repeated muted explosions illuminated the night sky. Other footage showed an urban landscape with cars passing on a highway as blasts illuminated the hills behind them. Unintelligible conversation could be heard in the background. The videos were verified by The Associated Press.

Smoke could be seen rising from the hangar of a military base in Caracas, while another military installation in the capital was without power.

“The whole ground shook. This is horrible. We heard explosions and planes,” said Carmen Hidalgo, a 21-year-old office worker, her voice trembling. She was walking briskly with two relatives, returning from a birthday party. “We felt like the air was hitting us.”

Venezuela’s government responded to the attack with a call to action. “People to the streets!” it said in a statement. “The Bolivarian Government calls on all social and political forces in the country to activate mobilization plans and repudiate this imperialist attack.”

The statement added that Maduro had “ordered all national defense plans to be implemented” and declared “a state of external disturbance.” That state of emergency gives him the power to suspend people’s rights and expand the role of the armed forces.

The website of the U.S. Embassy in Venezuela, a post that has been closed since 2019, issued a warning to American citizens in the country, saying it was “aware of reports of explosions in and around Caracas.”

“U.S. citizens in Venezuela should shelter in place,” the warning said.

Reaction emerges slowly

Inquiries to the Pentagon and U.S. Southern Command since Trump’s social media post went unanswered. The FAA warned all commercial and private U.S. pilots that the airspace over Venezuela and the small island nation of Curacao, just off the coast of the country to the north, was off limits “due to safety-of-flight risks associated with ongoing military activity.”

U.S. Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, posted his potential concerns, reflecting a view from the right flank in the Congress. “I look forward to learning what, if anything, might constitutionally justify this action in the absence of a declaration of war or authorization for the use of military force,” Lee said on X.

It was not clear if the U.S. Congress had been officially notified of the strikes.

The Armed Services committees in both houses of Congress, which have jurisdiction over military matters, have not been notified by the administration of any actions, according to a person familiar with the matter and granted anonymity to discuss it.

Lawmakers from both political parties in Congress have raised deep reservations and flat out objections to the U.S. attacks on boats suspected of drug smuggling on boats near the Venezuelan coast and the Congress has not specifically approved an authorization for the use of military force for such operations in the region.

Regional reaction was not immediately forthcoming in the early hours of Saturday. Cuba, however, a supporter of the Maduro government and a longtime adversary of the United States, called for the international community to respond to what president Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez called “the criminal attack.” “Our zone of peace is being brutally assaulted,” he said on X. Iran’s Foreign Ministry also condemned the strikes.

President Javier Milei of Argentina praised the claim by his close ally, Trump, that Maduro had been captured with a political slogan he often deploys to celebrate right-wing advances: “Long live freedom, dammit!”

The U.S. military has been attacking boats in the Caribbean Sea and the eastern Pacific Ocean since early September. As of Friday, the number of known boat strikes is 35 and the number of people killed is at least 115, according to numbers announced by the Trump administration.

They followed a major buildup of American forces in the waters off South America, including the arrival in November of the nation’s most advanced aircraft carrier, which added thousands more troops to what was already the largest military presence in the region in generations.

Trump has justified the boat strikes as a necessary escalation to stem the flow of drugs into the U.S. and asserted that the U.S. is engaged in an “armed conflict” with drug cartels.

Cano and Toropin write for the Associated Press. Toropin and AP journalist Lisa Mascaro reported from Washington.

Motorcyclists wearing pirate costumes rode through Caracas in a protest against US President Donald Trump, after Washington ordered the seizure of Venezuelan oil tankers under a blockade targeting vessels linked to sanctions.