base

We now have the first known commercial satellite imagery of the two Chinese sixth-generation stealth fighter designs that emerged nearly a year ago. The aircraft, which are commonly referred to now as the J-36 and the J-XDS, have been spotted in separate images not at their home airfields where they were built, but at a secretive airbase with a massive runway situated near the Lop Nur nuclear test site in northwestern China.

The J-36, readily identifiable by its large modified delta planform and ‘splinter’ camouflage paint scheme, is seen outside the main hangar at the facility’s central apron in an archived satellite image taken on August 27, which The War Zone obtained from Planet Labs. The J-XDS is seen in another Planet Labs image of the airfield taken on September 13. Previously, the J-36 and J-XDS have only been definitively spotted flying in and out of the main airfields associated with their respective manufacturers, Chengdu and Shenyang. Readers can find TWZ‘s very in-depth initial analysis on the J-36 and the J-XDS here.

This particular base near Lop Nur, which has been linked to work on reusable space planes, is also now undergoing a major expansion. It notably already has a runway over 16,400 feet long, or more than 3 miles in total length, making it one of the longest anywhere in the world.

The August 27 satellite image offers new details about the J-36’s size, showing it to have a wingspan of approximately 65 feet and an overall length of some 62 feet. It has already been clear that the three-engined J-36, two distinctly different prototypes of which have now emerged, is a very large tactical aircraft. For comparison, members of the extended Soviet-designed Flanker fighter family, like China’s J-16s, have wingspans of around 48 feet. Flankers are already well known for their large size relative to other fourth-generation fighter designs. As another point of comparison, the variable geometry F-111’s fully extended wingspan was 63 feet.

The September 13 image shows the J-XDS to have a wingspan of around 50 feet and be slightly shorter than the J-36. It’s worth noting that the shadow and image resolution make this estimate more challenging, and readers are advised to take it as such. It has been previously established that the twin-engined J-XDS, also sometimes referred to as the J-50, with its “lambda” wing planform, is smaller and slimmer than the J-36. That being said, it is still firmly in the heavy fighter class.

As mentioned, the remote base near Lop Nur is in the process of being expanded in a major way, overall. The work only started in earnest in the past six months or so, and significant progress has already been made. This includes the enlargement of the main apron, with a single new hangar also having been built at the northeastern end. Three smaller hangars, all joined together and that look to be typical of ones for fighter-sized aircraft, have been constructed at the opposite end, as well.

In addition, a host of other new buildings are seen under construction to the immediate southeast, pointing to plans to expand the scope and scale of work being done at the facility. The series of satellite images below gives a sense of the sheer magnitude of work that has been done just since May of this year.

There had already been a pronounced expansion of the infrastructure at the base in the early 2020s, including the construction of the large main hangar and associated apron. As noted, at that time, the facility seemed largely tied to Chinese military space development efforts. TWZ‘s first report on the airfield came in 2020 after a reusable space plane appeared to have landed there. Last year, we reported on it again after satellite imagery emerged showing a still-mysterious object sitting at one end of the runway.

It seems clear now that the facility has taken on a larger and still growing role in China’s broader advanced aerospace development ecosystem. Comparisons have already been drawn in the past to the U.S. military’s top-secret flight test center at Groom Lake in Nevada, better known as Area 51.

The airfield near Lop Nur is even more remote than China’s existing sprawling test airbase near Malan in Xinjiang province, which also seems to be almost exclusively focused, in terms of aerospace development tasks, on uncrewed aircraft. It also appears to host aircraft detachments for more general training and testing.

The construction of new hangars and other infrastructure at the base in question can only further help with the concealment of assets and other activity there from prying eyes, including in space. That being said, the site is regularly imaged, including by commercial satellites, which clearly did not deter the Chinese from parking the J-36 and J-XDS outside in broad daylight.

Regardless, the appearance of the J-36 and J-XDS at the remote base around the same time is also telling of the facility’s new mission to support the development of advanced air combat technologies. It is further indicative of the state of China’s rapidly evolving sixth-generation fighter programs that they have operated out of this place, possibly alongside each other.

All of this reflects a broader ramping up in China of the development and testing of next-generation tactical air combat platforms, as well as key supporting aircraft. This includes a host of advanced drones intended to perform a variety of missions. Some of these designs are very large, while others are smaller and more in the vein of ‘loyal wingman,’ or what is now often called a Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA). For example, the satellite image below, from Planet Labs’ archive of shots taken of Malan, shows what is likely a fighter-sized CCA-type uncrewed aircraft.

These Chinese military aviation trends extend into the naval domain, as well. This past weekend, images emerged online that offer the first look at a navalized version of the GJ-11 Sharp Sword stealthy flying-wing uncrewed combat air vehicle (UCAV), intended for operations from aircraft carriers and big deck amphibious assault ships, with its arrestor hook deployed. This drone is sometimes also referred to as the GJ-21.

Even with major construction still underway, the secretive and remote base near Lop Nur is already becoming busier, and has now given us the first commercial satellite imagery showing the J-36 and J-XDS. The facility expansion is likely to see it support future advanced tactical aircraft developments, playing a bigger part in these endeavors going forward.

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Was Edgardo Henriquez the best option to pitch to Vladimir Guerrero Jr. in the seventh inning with two outs and runners on the corners?

Maybe, maybe not.

And that was the problem.

The problem was that Dodgers manager Dave Roberts didn’t have a choice that was clearly better than to place the game in the hands of a hard-throwing but unreliable 23-year-old rookie.

Henriquez walked Guerrero on a 99.9-mph fastball that sailed into the opposite batter’s box, evading the grasp of catcher Will Smith and allowing Addison Barger to score.

A manageable two-run deficit was now three and about to become four.

The Dodgers were on their way to a 6-1 loss to the Toronto Blue Jays on Wednesday night, the Game 5 result placing them at a three-games-to-two deficit in this World Series.

For Roberts, that seventh inning didn’t represent a manager’s nightmare. That was a manager’s night terror.

What else could Roberts do?

Stick with starting pitcher Blake Snell? Snell had already pitched to Guerrero three times and his pitch count was at 116.

Use closer Roki Sasaki as a fireman? He’s their only dependable reliever and Roberts wasn’t about to use him in a non-elimination game in which his team was down.

Turn to last year’s postseason hero Blake …? Never mind, that question isn’t even worth being asked in its entirety.

“It’s hard because you can only push a starter so much,” Roberts said. “I thought Blake emptied the tank.”

The Dodgers somehow concealed their piñata of a bullpen in the three previous rounds of the postseason, but that bullpen is now catching up with them.

Reversing their series deficit will almost certainly require some of their starters to pitch in unfamiliar roles over the next two games, including Shohei Ohtani as an opener on three days’ rest in a potential Game 7.

Snell figures to be a candidate to also pitch in Game 7, perhaps as a middle reliever. Tyler Glasnow is expected to be available out of the bullpen in at least one of the two remaining games.

Besides Sasaki, the relievers can’t be trusted.

In each of the team’s three losses in this series, the games turned when the starting pitcher was removed with men on base. In all three instances, the bullpen made a mess of the game, allowing the inherited runners to score.

“You look at the three games that we lost, it spiraled on us with guys on base,” Roberts said. “Guys got to be better.”

They can’t.

This reality makes the bullpen’s heroic performance in the 18-inning victory in Game 3 all the more miraculous. The Dodgers are fortunate this series isn’t already over.

The construction of this particular bullpen has to be one of the greatest front-office blunders in franchise history, as it could cost the team a World Series in a season in which it has Ohtani, Freddie Freeman and a billion-dollar rotation.

How did this happen?

Start with Tanner Scott and Kirby Yates. The Dodgers committed a combined $85 million to the two relievers and neither of them is even on the roster.

Look at the injured list. Brusdar Graterol missed the entire season with shoulder problems. Evan Phillips underwent Tommy John surgery.

Finally, examine what the Dodgers didn’t do at the trade deadline. Everyone — and by everyone, I mean everyone except Andrew Friedman’s front office — knew they were in desperate need of bullpen help. Counting on some internal solutions working out, the only reliever they acquired was Brock Stewart. The notoriously brittle Stewart went down with a shoulder injury and didn’t pitch in the postseason.

What the Dodgers did was the baseball equivalent of building a breathtaking mansion but forgetting to install any toilets.

Now, the entire residence stinks, the Dodgers one loss away from losing a World Series that should be theirs.

Shohei Ohtani wore the same mask of calm that he always wears.

He spoke with detachment, as he often does.

By the time Ohtani walked into the interview room at Dodger Stadium after his team’s 6-2 defeat in Game 4 of the World Series, however, he was already devising his redemption.

“Of course, I’d like to prepare to be available for every game in case I’m needed,” Ohtani said in Japanese.

Ohtani wants to pitch again in this World Series.

He wants to pitch again, even after he was saddled with the loss on Tuesday night by the Toronto Blue Jays.

He wants to pitch again, even after the physical demands of reaching base nine times in an 18-inning victory the previous night clearly diminished him on the mound.

If Ohtani pitches, he would almost certainly pitch in relief.

Pitching in middle relief doesn’t make sense for Ohtani, considering that when he departs the game as a pitcher, rules would require the Dodgers to play him in the outfield or lose him as a hitter for the remainder of the game.

They might as well use him as a closer, and they might as well use him in a World Series clincher, either in Game 6 or 7.

This is who Ohtani is. This is what he does.

He won’t let the disappointment of his World Series pitching debut scare him away from pursuing another dream. He isn’t afraid of failure.

Game 4 was a failure.

The six-hour 39-minute game the Dodgers played the night before offered Ohtani cover. He reached base a record nine times. He homered twice and doubled twice. His leg cramped at some point. He went to sleep at 2 a.m.

But Ohtani didn’t take any of the excuses that were offered to him.

“I have no plans of saying the game yesterday was this or that,” he said.

The truth was revealed in his play.

Ohtani looked exhausted. He sweated profusely and looked as if he might be dehydrated. He looked, well, human.

His fastball uncharacteristically never touched 100 mph, but he pitched well for the most part. His only notable mistake was an elevated sweeper he threw in the third inning to Vladimir Guerrero Jr. that was deposited over the left-field wall for a two-run home run.

Ohtani struck out the side in the fourth inning, as well as the first batter he faced in the fifth. Manager Dave Roberts said that pitching coach Mark Prior approached Ohtani in the sixth innings and asked him how much he had left.

“He said he had three more innings,” Roberts said.

Ohtani couldn’t make it out of the seventh inning. In fact, he couldn’t even record an out in the seventh, starting the inning by giving up a single to Daulton Varsho and a double to Ernie Clement. With Ohtani clearly gassed, Roberts called in Anthony Banda, who allowed the two inherited runners to score.

Ohtani’s final line: Six innings, four runs, six hits, a walk and six strikeouts.

He said his goal was to pitch seven innings.

Ohtani didn’t have the game he wanted in the batter’s box, either. It didn’t help that he didn’t have any form of lineup protection. No. 9 hitter Andy Pages, who batted in front of him, was 0 for two and is now batting .080 this postseason. Mookie Betts, who batted behind him, was hitless until the eighth inning when the game was already out of reach. Betts is batting .158 in this World Series.

Ohtani walked in the first inning but was hitless in the three at-bats that followed. Not one of the 14 pitches he saw from Blue Jays starter Shane Bieber was near the middle quadrant of the plate.

Being a starting pitcher and leadoff hitter in the same game was hard enough. Being a starting pitcher and a leadoff hitter in the same game after an 18-inning battle was revealed to be downright impossible. Because if Ohtani couldn’t do it, nobody could.

Instead of moping over the setback, Ohtani has started eyeing his next boundary-pushing maneuver: To be a leadoff hitter and high-leverage reliever in the same game.

The World Series is now tied, two games apiece. The fixation Ohtani has with finding new methods to win games could be why the Dodgers finish as champions again.

SACRAMENTO  — Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office is weighing whether to close parts of Interstate 5 beginning Friday amid concerns over what it says is a White House-directed plan to use live ordnance during a military anniversary celebration off Camp Pendleton’s coast in San Diego County — where Navy ships are expected to fire over the freeway onto the base.

Newsom’s office has received, but not confirmed, reports that live ordnance will be fired from offshore vessels during the event commemorating the Marine Corps’ 250th anniversary. The event is titled “Sea to Shore — A Review of Amphibious Strength” and will feature Vice President JD Vance.

Newsom’s office said it has received little information about the event or safety plans. The military show of force coincides with No Kings rallies and marches across the state on Saturday that are expected to draw large crowds, demonstrations challenging Trump and what critics say is government overreach.

“Donald Trump and JD Vance think that shutting down the I-5 to shoot out missiles from ships is how you respect the military,” Newsom posted on the social media site X Wednesday.

A military media advisory said the celebration will include a live amphibious assault demonstration. The Times could not confirm whether live ordnance will be fired over the freeway. The White House and Marine Corps did not respond to questions from The Times.

“California always honors our Marines — but this isn’t the right way to go about it,” said a Newsom spokesperson. “The White House should focus on paying their military, lowering grocery prices and honoring these soldiers for their service instead of pompous displays of power. The lack of coordination and communication from the federal government on this event — and the overall impact to our society and economy — is evident of the larger disarray that is the Trump Administration.”

Freeway closures are being considered for a section of I-5 between Orange County to San Diego County from Friday to Saturday, which would cut off a major traffic artery that moves upward of 80,000 travelers a day. A closure with little notice would likely result in massive gridlock from Dana Point in the north to well past Del Mar in the south.

Vance, the first Marine veteran to serve as vice president, is expected to attend the event Saturday along with 15,000 Marines, Sailors, veterans and their families, according to event’s media release. Along with Vance, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is expected to deliver remarks.

Camp Pendleton advised nearby residents that there will be live-fire training with high explosive munitions through Sunday, which will result in some roads on base being closed.

The Trump administration previously had plans for a major celebration next month for the 250th anniversary of the Navy and Marines, which would have included an air and sea show — with the Blue Angels and parading warships — attended by President Trump, according to the San Diego Union-Tribune. Plans to host that show in San Diego have been called off, the paper reported.

Camp Pendleton is a 125,000-acre base in northwestern San Diego County that has been critical in preparing soldiers for amphibious missions since World War II thanks to its miles of beach and coastal hills. The U.S. Department of Defense is considering making a portion of the base available for development or lease.

A forum of regional countries, including India, voiced opposition to any foreign military infrastructure in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan’s regional neighbours, including India, have voiced a rare unified front by opposing foreign attempts to deploy “military infrastructure” in the country, as United States President Donald Trump presses to regain control of the Bagram airbase.

In a joint statement on Tuesday, members of the Moscow Format of Consultations on Afghanistan – which include US allies India and Pakistan – “reaffirmed their unwavering support for the establishment of Afghanistan as an independent, united and peaceful state”. The forum also includes Russia, China, Iran and Central Asian nations, all of whom strongly oppose any US return presence in Afghanistan.

The members “called unacceptable the attempts by countries to deploy their military infrastructure in Afghanistan and neighbouring states, since this does not serve the interests of regional peace and stability”.

Though the statement echoes last year’s forum language, it suggests broad regional opposition to Trump’s push to return to Bagram, which he handed over to Afghanistan’s Taliban five years ago as part of a deal paving the way for the US withdrawal from Kabul.

In backing the statement, India – a longtime US ally – navigates fraying ties with Washington and apparent rapprochement with the Taliban, which it long opposed but has in recent years cultivated ties with.

In the latest diplomatic outreach, India is set to welcome the Taliban’s Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi for a historic first visit to New Delhi this week, lasting from October 9-16.

After attending the Moscow forum, Muttaqi emphasised that Afghanistan will not accept any foreign military presence. “Afghanistan is a free and independent country, and throughout history, it has never accepted the military presence of foreigners,” he said. “Our decision and policy will remain the same to keep Afghanistan free and independent.”

Last month, Trump threatened “bad things” would happen to Afghanistan if it did not give back Bagram, and cited what he called its strategic location near China. The Taliban has rejected Trump’s calls to return the base.

Bagram is about 800km (about 500 miles) from the Chinese border, and about 2,400km (about 1,500 miles) from the nearest Chinese missile factory in Xinjiang.

Trump has referred to China as a key reason for wanting to retake control of Bagram, saying last month in London that the base is “an hour away from where [China] makes its nuclear weapons”.

Current and former US officials have cast doubt on Trump’s goal, saying that reoccupying Bagram might end up looking like a reinvasion, requiring more than 10,000 troops as well as the deployment of advanced air defences.

“The sheer logistics of negotiating redeployment and handing back would be extremely challenging and lengthy, and it’s not clear that this would serve either side’s strategic interests,” said Ashley Jackson, co-director at the Geneva-headquartered Centre on Armed Groups.

Bagram, a sprawling complex, was the main base for US forces in Afghanistan during the two decades of war that followed the September 11, 2001, attacks in New York and Washington by al-Qaeda.

Thousands of people were imprisoned at the site for years without charge or trial by US forces during its so-called “war on terror”, and many of them were abused or tortured.

The Taliban retook the facility in 2021 following the US withdrawal, which Trump first set in motion in his first term as president, and the collapse of the Afghan government with Joe Biden in the White House.

PHILADELPHIA — Two innings into Game 1 of the National League Division Series on Saturday night, the Dodgers had been punched in the mouth.

The Phillies had scored three runs off Shohei Ohtani in the bottom of the second. Citizens Bank Park was shaking on the scale of a small earthquake. And the Dodgers’ offense was doing nothing against Phillies left-hander Cristopher Sánchez.

In the opening contest of a heavyweight series, the defending champions were down.

But, in their typically resilient fashion, far from out.

In a come-from-behind, statement-sending 5-3 win, the Dodgers did again what carried them a championship last October.

They shrugged off the early adversity, with Ohtani conceding no further damage over a six-inning start, finishing his postseason pitching debut with nine strikeouts and four monumental scoreless innings.

Their lineup chipped away at the deficit, knocking Phillies ace and Cy Young Award candidate Sánchez out of the game on Kiké Hernández’s two-out, two-run double in the sixth.

Then, they landed the actual knockout blow, with Teoscar Hernández flipping the game — and the feel of this best-of-five series — with a two-out, three-run, stadium-silencing home run in the seventh.

Game 2 will be back here in South Philadelphia on Monday night. And the Dodgers will go into it with, given the way Saturday started, an unexpected 1-0 series lead.

It could not have started worse for the Dodgers.

Sánchez was carving them up with wicked sinkers and fall-off-the-table changeups. Ohtani, meanwhile, ran into early trouble in the bottom of the second.

The inning started with a walk to Alec Bohm, when Ohtani missed on a full-count fastball. That was followed by a single from Brandon Marsh, who got a down-the-middle fastball in a 2-and-2 count and shot a base hit to center.

Dodgers star Shohei Ohtani delivers during the third inning against the Phillies on Saturday.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

As Ohtani tried to settle down, a chorus of taunting chants — Sho-Hei! Sho-Hei! — came raining down.

A crowd of 45,777 was ready to explode.

Then, J.T. Realmuto gave them the chance.

After missing with a first-pitch slider to Realmuto, Ohtani left a 100.2-mph heater in the dead heart of the zone. The location rendered the velocity irrelevant. Realmuto barreled it up, sent a line drive screaming into right-center, then chugged all the way to third after the ball got past Teoscar Hernández in the gap.

A fly ball two batters later — which worked for a sacrifice fly thanks to Hernández’s inability to cut the ball off — made it 3-0.

In the moment (and with the way Sánchez was pitching early), the lead felt almost insurmountable.

The Dodgers, however, didn’t wilt.

The turnaround began with Ohtani, who followed Realmuto’s triple by retiring the next 10 he faced. His only other trouble came in the fifth, when the bottom two hitters in the Phillies’ order reached base with one out. But even then, Ohtani buckled down, getting Trea Turner to line out and Kyle Schwarber to swing through a curveball that ended the inning.

Eventually, the Dodgers’ offense found life too.

With two outs in the sixth, and Sánchez having given up only two hits all night, Freddie Freeman sparked a rally with a five-pitch walk. Tommy Edman took a sinker the other way to put two aboard.

That brought up Kiké Hernández, who had already begun reprising his role of October hero with four hits in the team’s wild-card series sweep of the Cincinnati Reds.

On cue, Hernández came up clutch again, jumping on a slider from Sánchez that caught a little too much plate and roping it down the left-field line for a two-run double — the latter run coming when Edman ran through a stop sign at third base.

Just like that, Sánchez was knocked out of the game. What had been a raucous crowd earlier in the night suddenly grew tense.

That dread only grew in the next-half inning, when Ohtani completed his start with a 1-2-3 bottom of the sixth.

Then, in the seventh, the Dodgers made the comeback complete — getting the biggest swing of the night from another postseason savior, Teoscar Hernández.

Teoscar Hernández celebrates after hitting a three-run home run in the seventh inning for the Dodgers against the Phillies on Saturday.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

After Andy Pages led off the inning with a single and Will Smith (who entered the game in the fifth inning for his first appearance of this postseason after missing the wild card round with a fractured hand) was hit by a pitch from David Robertson, the Phillies summoned top left-handed reliever Matt Strahm to face Ohtani.

As he did in his prior three at-bats, Ohtani struck out, taking a fastball down the middle, punching out in four-consecutive at-bats in a game for only the second time in his MLB career.

But by getting Strahm on the mound, the Dodgers had favorable right-on-left matchups behind him. Mookie Betts couldn’t take advantage, popping out to third for the second out of the inning. Hernández, on the other hand, didn’t miss.

On an elevated fastball in a 1-and-0 count, Hernández launched a towering fly ball to the right-center field gap. The Phillies outfield went back on it. But the ball kept carrying into the stands. The ballpark went silent. Hernández practically glided around the bases.

The drama didn’t end there.

Projected Game 4 starter Tyler Glasnow came on in relief in the seventh, when he retired the side on a double-play grounder, then returned for the eighth, when he loaded the bases on a single and two walks. That threat was extinguished by left-hander Alex Vesia, who induced a harmless fly ball from pinch-hitter Edmundo Sosa to quiet a stirring crowd once again.

The ninth inning then belonged to Roki Sasaki, the 23-year-old converted rookie starter who has ascended to closing duties less than two weeks after returning from a months-long shoulder injury. He picked up the save in straightforward fashion, retiring the side in order for his first career save.

Dodgers president of baseball operations Andrew Friedman often refers to the playoffs as the “theater of October.”

On the first day of the month Wednesday night, Game 2 of the National League wild-card series was only four batters old when the Dodgers had some dramatic adversity strike.

With two outs in the top of the first, Yoshinobu Yamamoto induced a routine fly ball down the right-field line. Outfielder Teoscar Hernández positioned himself under it. Ninety-nine percent of the time, the inning would have ended there.

This time, however, Hernández committed a horrifying mistake. The ball hit off the heel of his mitt. The Cincinnati Reds suddenly had runners at second and third base. And what should have been a clean opening frame instead turned into a two-run disaster, with Sal Stewart slapping a single through the infield in the next at-bat.

For the Dodgers, it was an immediate test.

Of their mental resolve after a self-inflicted miscue. Of their veteran composure in the face of an early deficit. Of the kind of resiliency that was so key in their World Series run last year, and will need to be again for them to repeat as champions.

In an eventual 8-4 comeback victory, they successfully, triumphantly and assuredly passed.

Behind 6 ⅔ clutch innings from Yamamoto, a go-ahead two-run rally in the fourth inning keyed by a Kiké Hernández double, and a back-breaking four-run explosion in the sixth after Yamamoto had escaped a bases-loaded jam, the Dodgers eliminated the Reds in this best-of-three opening round.

Despite another late tightrope act from the bullpen, which gave up two runs in the eighth before Roki Sasaki finished things off in the ninth, the team booked their place in the NL Division Series against the Philadelphia Phillies.

The Dodgers did not make it easy on themselves. They were dealt a full range of October theatrics. But they prevailed nonetheless with a hard-fought victory — the kind that could catapult them into the rest of this month.

Facing their early 2-0 deficit, the Dodgers never panicked.

Ben Rortvedt doubles during the third inning against the Cincinnati Reds on Wednesday night.

(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)

The turnaround started with Yamamoto, who finally ended the first inning by striking out Elly De La Cruz, then didn’t let another runner reach base for the next four innings.

The offense, meanwhile, chipped away at veteran Reds right-hander Zack Littell, stressing him with constant early traffic before eventually breaking through in the third, when Ben Rortvedt sliced a leadoff double down the left-field line and Mookie Betts scored him with an RBI single.

The Dodgers then went in front in the fourth, thanks to a big swing from a familiar postseason hero. After a leadoff single from Max Muncy, Kiké Hernández smacked an elevated fastball into the right-center field gap. Muncy scored all the way from first to tie the game. Hernández, whom the Dodgers have re-signed each of the past two offseasons thanks largely to his playoff reputation, had his latest moment of fall-time magic.

Hernández would come around to score in the next at-bat, when Miguel Rojas dumped a base hit inside the right-field line.

From there, the score remained 3-2 until the sixth inning — when the game climaxed in two memorable sequences.

First, Yamamoto had to wiggle out of red-alarm danger, facing a bases-loaded jam with no outs after the Reds led off with three-straight singles. At that point, the right-hander’s pitch count was climbing. Blake Treinen started to get loose in the bullpen. But manager Dave Roberts, as he promised entering the playoffs, kept his faith in his starter.

Yamamoto rewarded him for it.

After Austin Hays bounced a grounder to Betts that the shortstop threw home for a forceout, Yamamoto slammed the door with back-to-back strikeouts. Stewart fanned on one curveball. De La Cruz couldn’t check his swing on another. Yamamoto celebrated with a primal scream. A crowd of 50,465 erupted around him.

The cheers continued into the bottom half of the inning, as the Dodgers finally pulled away with an outburst from their offense. It started with a single from Kiké Hernández, marking his second-straight two-hit game to begin these playoffs. It was aided by a throwing error from Stewart at first base, allowing Rortvedt to reach safely and put runners on the corners. Shohei Ohtani then knocked in one insurance run on an RBI single. Betts added another with a one-hopper that got past third baseman Ke’Bryan Hayes for an RBI double.

And fittingly, it was Teoscar Hernández who delivered the death blow, following an intentional walk to Freddie Freeman with a two-run, bases-loaded, redemption-rich double.

The Dodgers eventually stretched the lead to 8-2, when Betts drove in his third run of the game with his third double of the night in the bottom of the seventh — giving him four total hits in a contest for the third time in his career.

Dodgers manager Dave Roberts speaks with pitcher Emmet Sheehan before removing him from the game in the eighth inning Wednesday.

(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)

Then came the bullpen, which once again thrust itself into danger after Emmet Sheehan gave up two runs in the eighth on two singles and two walks; his command so shaky, Roberts decided to pull him in the middle of an at-bat against Will Benson after he nearly plunked the batter in an 0-and-2 count.

However, it was mostly smooth sailing from there. Alex Vesia took over, and retired the side by striking out two of three batters (even though there was another walk in-between).

The ninth inning, meanwhile, belonged to Sasaki, who retired the side in order with 100-mph fastballs and his trademark splitter, ending a night of theatrics by sending the Dodgers to the next round.

Oct. 1 (UPI) — A civilian working at a U.S. Navy base in New Jersey is accused of falsely reporting an active shooter to create a “trauma bond” with her co-workers.

Federal court documents indicate Malika Brittingham is accused of sending a text to someone in which she claimed to have heard five or six gunshots and was hiding in a closet with some coworkers at Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst in New Jersey on Tuesday morning, WPVI-TV reported.

“This kind of senseless fear-mongering and disruption will not be tolerated,” interim U.S. Attorney for New Jersey Alina Habba said in a social media post on Tuesday, as reported by Military.com.

“After everything this country has gone through, especially in light of current events,” she continued, “I will be sure to bring down the hammer of the law for anyone found guilty of creating unnecessary panic and undermining public trust.”

The landlocked naval base is located about 40 miles northeast of Philadelphia in New Jersey’s Burlington and Ocean counties.

The individual who received the text at about 10:15 a.m. EDT reported it to the naval base and 911.

The base initiated an hour-long lockdown at about 11 a.m. until the “all clear” was sounded shortly before noon.

Brittingham said she sent the text after receiving an emergency notification that announced the lockdown.

Investigators determined her statement was not true based on the timing of the text that she sent versus those of the calls to the base and 911 and the emergency notification being issued, ABC News reported.

Brittingham then admitted to the hoax and told investigators that “she carried out the hoax because she had been ostracized by her co-workers and hoped that her shared experience in response to an active shooter would allow them to ‘trauma bond,'” according to the complaint filed in the U.S. District Court of New Jersey.

Brittingham worked for the Naval Air Warfare Center and was arrested on Tuesday afternoon.

The population of Am Dafock, situated on the border between  Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR), have been forced to abandon their homes and take refuge in the camp of the United Nations Multidimensional Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) following an attack early this morning of Monday, Sept. 22, by unidentified assailants from Sudan.

This attack is suspected to be a reprisal, happening three days after the killing of four Sudanese Arabs by Russian mercenaries on Sept. 16, in Am Dafock, and marks an escalation of violence on the border between Sudan and CAR. The attack happened in a village seven kilometres from Am Dafock on the  CAR side of the border. The Sudanese conflict has been spilling into the country for some time now. 

“Today’s attack was concentrated in the Bilibili zone, where clashes took place between youths and yet to be identified assailants. Several victims were recorded, but the casualty figure remains unknown due to the confusion that currently reigns in the area,” an anonymous military source told HumAngle. 

Zachir Eric Takiya, former president of the youth prefectural council in Vakaga, has confirmed the ‘attack by Sudanese aggressors’, adding that it resulted in deaths and injuries within the local population, but no exact numbers of casualties were confirmed.

“Faced with this new wave of violence, the population of Am Dafock have massively fled from their homes in search of places of refuge, with most of them going to the MINUSCA base in the town. This collective escape is proof of the terror that has seized the inhabitants who are now convinced that their security can no longer be ensured by their national army,” opined an anonymous civil society activist. 

“The behaviour of the national army, popularly known by the acronym FACA, deployed in the zone has been contributing to the confusion, visiting the local population. The behaviour of the FACA forces is proof of the fact that they are incapable of facing the attackers,” the activist added. 

Am Dafock is currently in a state of total paralysis. This situation is proof of the collapse of state authority in this strategic border region.

This new escalation in violence confirms the analysis by Zachir Eric Takiya, who had alerted the authorities to the porous situation of the CAR border with Sudan during the national dialogue in 2022. According to him, the border resembles “two passageways which enable Sudanese and Chadians to enter and go as they like in the Central African Republic territory. These foreign populations, most times, know the terrain more than the Central African Republic natives themselves.” 

“The contrast between the reality lived by the populations and the official version of events is becoming more and more difficult to decipher,” declared another anonymous civil society activist.

The Am Dafock crisis demonstrates the total failure of the security strategy based on the use of Russian mercenaries. Their initial attack against innocent herders has sparked off a cycle of reprisals which have spiralled out of control. 

Sept. 21 (UPI) — The Taliban government has rejected President Donald Trump‘s attempt to regain control of Bagram Air Base, which the United States abandoned to the Afghan government during its military withdrawal from the Middle Eastern country four years ago.

The United States left the country in a hasty exit that was initiated under the first Trump administration and completed under the Biden administration, which saw Afghanistan fall back under Taliban control.

Last week, Trump publicly demanded the facility be returned to U.S. control in a bid to check China.

The Taliban on Sunday said that it is seeking “constructive relations” with all states and that it has consistently communicated to the United States that Afghanistan’s “independence and territorial integrity are of the utmost importance.”

“It should be recalled that, under the Doha agreement, the United States pledged that ‘it will not use or threaten force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Afghanistan, nor interfere in its internal affairs.’ Therefore, it is necessary that they remain faithful to their commitments,” the Taliban said in a statement shared by its deputy spokesman, Hamdullah Firat, on X.

The Doha agreement, officially as the Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan, was signed between the Taliban and the first Trump administration in February 2020, initiating the United States’ withdrawal from the country to end the two-decade war.

During a press conference in London on Thursday, Trump told reporters he was seeking to regain control of Bagram Air Base.

“We want that base back,” he said. “But one of the reasons we want the base is, you know, it’s an hour away from where China makes its nuclear weapons.”

He has since followed up with threats against the Taliban.

“If Afghanistan doesn’t give Bagram Airbase back to those that built it, the United States of America, BAD THINGS ARE GOING TO HAPPEN!!!” he said in a statement Saturday on his Truth Social platform.

Vague threat comes after a Taliban official rejected Trump’s call to return the sprawling airbase previously used by US forces.

United States President Donald Trump has threatened Afghanistan with unspecified consequences unless it gives back control of the Bagram airbase to Washington.

The vague threat on Saturday came a day after the Taliban-controlled government rejected Trump’s call to return the sprawling airbase, located some 64km (40 miles) from the Afghan capital, Kabul.

“If Afghanistan doesn’t give Bagram Airbase back to those that built it, the United States of America, BAD THINGS ARE GOING TO HAPPEN!!!” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.

Bagram, a sprawling complex, was the main base for US forces in Afghanistan during the two decades of war that followed the September 11, 2001, attacks in New York and Washington by al-Qaeda.

Thousands of people were imprisoned at the site for years without charge or trial by US forces during its so-called “war on terror”, and many of them were abused or tortured.

The Taliban retook the facility in 2021 following the US withdrawal and the collapse of the Afghan government.

Trump has often lamented the loss of access to Bagram, noting its proximity to China, but his comments on Thursday, during a visit to the United Kingdom, were the first time he had made public that he was working on the matter.

“We’re trying to get it back, by the way, that could be a little breaking news. We’re trying to get it back because they need things from us,” Trump said at a news conference with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer.

Afghan officials, however, have expressed opposition to a revived US presence.

“Afghanistan and the United States need to engage with one another … without the United States maintaining any military presence in any part of Afghanistan,” Zakir Jalal, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, said on X on Friday.

“Kabul is ready to pursue political and economic ties with Washington based on ‘mutual respect and shared interests’,” he added.

Trump has repeatedly criticised the loss of the base since returning to power, linking it to his attacks on his predecessor Joe Biden’s handling of the US pullout from Afghanistan.

Trump has also complained about China’s growing influence in Afghanistan.

Asked on Saturday whether he would send in troops to retake the base, Trump declined to give a direct answer, saying: “We won’t talk about that.”

“We’re talking now to Afghanistan, and we want it back and we want it back soon, right away. And if they don’t do it – if they don’t do it, you’re going to find out what I’m gonna do,” he told reporters at the White House.

What looks to be a previously unseen low-observable flying-wing drone variant with a ‘cranked kite’ planform has emerged in a satellite image from China’s secretive test base near Malan in the country’s far western Xinjiang province. The design has a strong resemblance to a known Chinese uncrewed high-altitude, long-endurance uncrewed aircraft called the CH-7, and is most likely an evolution thereof, or at least it shares a very similar planform.

TWZ obtained the image from Planet Labs. It was taken on August 14, but it only recently appeared in the company’s online archive database. Malan is a hub for leading-edge military aviation developments, and work on advanced uncrewed aircraft in particular, in China. Another new and especially large, low-observable, high-altitude long-endurance flying-wing also emerged in a Planet Labs image of Malan taken back in May, which we were first to report on. That design may have now flown if it didn’t prior to the satellite image.

The very dark-colored drone seen in the August image, which is positioned at the end of a runway, has a wingspan of around 137 feet. It also looks to have a single air intake at the front of its center body section and a matching exhaust at the rear.

There are some unusual shadows cast around the outer edges of the drone’s wings, which might point to vehicles or other equipment on the tarmac underneath. Vehicles and/or other equipment are clearly seen nearby on the runway. It is also worth noting that the image was taken in broad daylight, and there are no indications of any efforts to conceal the drone from prying eyes, despite the knowledge when specific imaging satellites, including those far more powerful than what Planet Labs has access to, regularly pass overhead. Malan notably features a massive high-security hangar to help with operational security.

As mentioned, what is visible of the design in the image taken in August bears clear similarities to a drone that officially broke cover in China in November 2024. That uncrewed aircraft was said to be the first real example of a design called the CH-7 (or Caihong-7, meaning Rainbow-7), and notably differed in shape and size from models and mock-ups that had previously been shown publicly. Available top-down imagery may point to them being very close in size based on their width relative to the runways they are on. However, it is unknown whether the runways have similar widths.

The uncrewed aircraft seen at Malan in the image from last month itself has a wider and longer forward nose section and other differences in its overall shape compared to the CH-7 design seen last year. Smaller differences in wing and trailing edge sweep and wing chord, as well as wingtip geometry, also appear to be present with this new drone.

It is still very possible, if not probable, that this is a further evolution of the CH-7, which has looked most suited for the intelligence, reconnaissance, and surveillance (ISR) role, but has also been described as a potential uncrewed combat air vehicle (UCAV) capable of performing strike missions. Size-wise, the uncrewed has emerged in the satellite image of Malan from last month looks to be in between a large UCAV-like drone and the much larger design that we previously reported on.

Other drone designs with ‘cranked kite’ planforms have also emerged in China in the past, including one spotted years ago in Chengdu, where one of the country’s major military aviation companies is based. However, none of them seem to directly align with what is visible in the August image of Malan.

It’s interesting to point out here that uncrewed aircraft seen in the recently released imagery of Malan bears some resemblance, in broad strokes, to certain unofficial renderings of the U.S. Air Force’s secretive so-called high-altitude, long-endurance (HALE) RQ-180, something we also previously noted in relation to the CH-7. TWZ has explored in detail what the RQ-180 might look like, as well as its likely capabilities, which are in line with what we’ve now seen at Malan, in a past feature you can find here. The status of the program is unclear at this time.

Designs with cranked kite planforms have been eyed for other crewed and uncrewed U.S. military aircraft programs over the years, as well. The most well-known of these is the abortive X-47B UCAV developed by Northrop Grumman for the U.S. Navy. There were also relevant B-3 bomber concepts that preceded the U.S. Air Force’s Long Range Strike-Bomber (LRS-B) program that produced the B-21 Raider.

What is well established at this point is China’s very active pursuit of multiple tiers of flying-wing type drones intended to perform various missions. Years ago, TWZ assessed that this was an area of the Chinese aviation industry that was likely to see an explosion of investment, and in which the academic side of the country’s weapon development ecosystem would be deeply involved.

Just this week, another new twin jet engine-powered flying wing drone tied to the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) emerged ahead of the opening of an airshow in the northeastern part of the country, as you can read more about here. Though that uncrewed aircraft still remains unidentified, some similarities have now been drawn between it and a design concept called Star Shadow that a Chinese company called Star Systems first showed in model form at the Singapore Air Show in 2018. Most notably, both designs look to have a split air brake at the rear of the center body section between their engine exhausts.

Interesting theory or consideration regarding the new unknown UAV from the Chinese Academy of Sciences via DanWangJZ/SDF:

“This model looks very similar to the Star Shadow (星影) conceptual stealth UAV displayed at the SGP airshow in 2018.” pic.twitter.com/ZQEYRgqy6c

— @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) September 17, 2025

Unless it is some type of decoy meant for counter-intelligence purposes, which is always a possibility, although a remote one, the uncrewed aircraft seen in the August satellite image of Malan is yet another entry into China’s vastly expanding stable of stealth flying wing drones.

Contact the author: [email protected]

The multimillion-dollar jousting over redrawing California’s congressional districts to boost Democrats and counter President Trump was on full display in recent days, as both sides courted voters less than a month before ballots begin arriving in mailboxes.

Gov. Gavin Newsom, national Democratic leaders including Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and a slew of political influencers held an hours-long virtual rally Tuesday afternoon, urging Californians to support Proposition 50 in the Nov. 4 special election. Speakers framed the stakes of the ballot measure as nothing short of existential — not just for Democratic interests, but also for democracy.

“It’s all at stake. This is a profound and consequential moment in American history. We can lose this republic if we do not assert ourselves and stand tall at this moment and stand guard to this republic and our democracy. I feel that in my bones,” Newsom said Tuesday afternoon.

If passed, Proposition 50 would gerrymander the state’s congressional districts to favor Democrats, bolstering the fates of several Democrats in vulnerable swing districts and potentially cost Republicans up to five House seats.

California’s congressional districts are drawn by a voter-approved independent commission once a decade after the U.S. census. But Newsom and other state Democrats proposed a rare mid-decade redrawing of the districts to increase the number of Democrats in Congress in response to similar efforts in GOP-led states, notably Texas.

Tuesday’s virtual rally, which was emceed by progressive influencer Brian Tyler Cohen, was a cross between an old-school money-raising telethon and new media streaming session. Popular podcasters and YouTubers such as Crooked Media’s Jon Favreau and Tommy Vietor (alumni of former President Obama’s administration), Ben Meiselas of MeidasTouch and David Pakman shared the screen with political leaders, with an on-screen fundraising thermometer inching higher throughout.

Cohen argued that people like him had been “begging” Democrats to fight Trump. And now elected officials had done their part by getting Proposition 50 on the ballot, he said, urging viewers to donate to support the effort.

Warren argued that Trump was a “would-be king” — but if Democrats could retake control of either house of Congress, that would be stopped, she posited.

“And if we have both houses under Democratic control,” Warren continued, “now we are truly back in the game in terms of making our Constitution work again.”

The exhaustive list of speakers represented the spectrum of the modern left, with standard-bearers such as Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York, alongside rising stars including Reps. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) and Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.). A number of California delegates, including Sen. Alex Padilla and Reps. Ted. Lieu, Robert Garcia, Pete Aguilar, Jimmy Gomez and Sydney Kamlager-Dove, also spoke.

The event had been scheduled to take place Sept. 10 but was postponed after the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk earlier that day.

Jessica Millan Patterson, the former leader of the California Republican Party and chair of an anti-Proposition 50 committee, accused Newsom of “scrambling for out-of-touch messengers to sell his scheme.”

“For Gavin Newsom, it’s all distraction and deflection. Instead of addressing the $283 million price tag taxpayers are stuck with for his partisan power grab, he’s hosting a cringeworthy webinar packed with DC politicians, out-of-state influencers, and irrelevant podcasters, all lining up to applaud his gerrymandered maps,” Millan Patterson said in a statement Tuesday.

Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who championed the creation of the independent redistricting commission while in office and has campaigned to stop gerrymandering across the nation after his term ended, forcefully denounced Proposition 50 on Monday.

“They are trying to fight for democracy by getting rid of the democratic principles of California,” Schwarzenegger told hundreds of students at an event celebrating democracy at the University of Southern California. “It is insane to let that happen.”

The former governor, a Trump foe who has prioritized good governance at his institute at USC, said the effort to dismantle the independent commission’s congressional districts to counter Trump are anti-democratic.

“They want to get rid of it under the auspices of we have to fight Trump,” Schwarzenegger said. “It doesn’t make any sense to me because we have to fight Trump, [yet] we become Trump.”

And on the morning of Sept. 10, opponents of the ballot measure rallied in Orange County, speaking about how redrawing congressional districts would dilute the voice of communities around the state.

“We’re here because Prop. 50 poses a serious threat to Orange County’s voice, to our communities and to our taxpayers. This measure is not about fairness. It’s about power grab,” said Orange County Supervisor Janet Nguyen during a rally at the Asian Garden Mall in Little Saigon, a Vietnamese hub in Westminster. “And it comes at the expense of our taxpayers, our small businesses and our minority communities.”

She noted that Little Saigon would be grouped with Norwalk in Los Angeles County if the ballot measure passes.

“Ask anybody in this area if they even know where Norwalk is,” Nguyen said.

The F-35B stealth fighters that landed in Puerto Rico on Saturday joined a growing U.S. military presence at the former Naval Station Roosevelt Roads. Though the Navy disposed of this sprawling facility more than two decades ago, it is now a major staging area for the Trump administration’s battle against narco traffickers and pressure campaign against Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro. These counter-drug activities have some asking whether Roosevelt Roads, once considered surplus by the U.S. Navy, should be permanently reopened as a military installation.

Before the F-35s arrived, cargo aircraft like the C-5 Galaxy and C-17 Globemaster III were seen at the facility, now known as José Aponte de la Torre Airport. There were also U.S. Marine Corps MV-22 Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft and USMC CH-53K King Stallion helicopters present. The Marine aircraft are part of the Iwo Jima Amphibious Readiness Group (ARG) and the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit, which began a training exercise on Puerto Rico on August 31.

In addition to the aircraft, images showed U.S. Air Force personnel restoring the airport communications control tower, while others loaded and unloaded cargo and prepared for future operations.

Analysis of Reuters photographs indicates extensive activity at the former Roosevelt Roads Naval Station in Ceiba, Puerto Rico, which officially closed in 2004.

The images show heavy transport traffic and rapid efforts to restore key infrastructure to operational status.

It… pic.twitter.com/hBd5jBFZU7

— GMI (@Global_Mil_Info) September 14, 2025

Though images emerging on social media showed MQ-9 Reaper drones at Rafael Hernández Airport on the other side of the island, open-source flight tracking data points to at least one possibly operating out of Roosevelt Roads. It is believed that a Reaper was used to destroy what Trump said was a cartel drug boat with 11 people and a load of narcotics.

All this activity is taking place as the U.S. is once again turning to Roosevelt Roads, which had provided support for America’s invasions of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Grenada and Panama in decades past. While there are other facilities on the island also taking part, Roosevelt Roads has become a nexus of activity for this effort.

The 8,650-acre facility, located in the easternmost point of Puerto Rico’s main island in the town of Cieba, was opened in 1943. Its centerpiece is an 11,000-foot runway capable of supporting the U.S. military’s inventory of aircraft.

Roosevelt Roads also has a deep-water port enabling the Navy’s surface and subsurface vessels to dock.

The concept of a military facility on the eastern part of Puerto Rico began in 1919, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt, then Assistant Navy Secretary, conducted a surveying trip to the area. The future president saw the location as a strategic asset in the Caribbean. But Roosevelt’s vision would not become a reality for another three decades.

The base was first built during World War II and named for Roosevelt, who came up with the concept. The initial plan was that it would become the keystone of U.S. defenses in the Caribbean, “with a well-protected anchorage, a major air station and an industrial establishment capable of supporting 60 percent of the Atlantic Fleet under wartime conditions,” according to GlobalSecurity.org. “There were even rumors that if the British Empire ever fell to Axis powers, Roosevelt Roads would become the new operating base for the British Fleet.”

However, with the U.S. military’s efforts focused on Europe and the Pacific, the Navy put expansion plans for the base on hold. In 1957, during the height of the Cold War, Roosevelt Roads was redesignated as a Naval Station. With the Soviet Union-aligned Cuba perceived as a growing threat, the facility’s footprint on the island began to grow. Its port facilities made the base a major support facility for the Sixth Fleet.

After two terrorist attacks on the island damaged equipment at another location, the Naval Communications Station Puerto Rico was relocated to a new, state-of-the-art communications facility at Naval Station Roosevelt Roads because it was considered far more secure.

The station “would eventually become one of the largest naval facilities in the world, encompassing more than 100 miles of paved interior roads,” according to the Navy. However, in the early 2000s, its future grew cloudy.

The facility’s main mission was serving as a coordinating facility and mission staging point for the U.S. Navy’s bombing range on the island municipality of Vieques, about 10 miles to the southeast. The bombardments were carried out for six decades and generated massive protests over civilian deaths and environmental destruction.

The base was also home to Fleet Composite Squadron Eight (VC-8), the Navy’s last operator of the A-4 Skyhawk. The unit began operations there in 1965 and became the last Navy squadron based at Roosevelt Roads. The unit provided training assistance through acting as aggressors and towing targets, among other roles, for units visiting the Caribbean outpost. The Navy’s maritime patrol operations were also a major presence at the base.

The Navy finally ended the bombing in 2003. With the Vieques bombing range closed, the Navy also decided it no longer needed Roosevelt Roads or its units there. It was proposed to be closed under the Base Realignment & Closure (BRAC) process used to dispose of unwanted U.S. military installations. By that time, just two years after 9/11, the U.S. had rapidly shifted its focus to the global war on terror.

Without Vieques, Roosevelt Roads was considered obsolete,” Federico de Jesus, a former director of the Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration, told us.

As part of the Navy’s turnover of Roosevelt Roads to Puerto Rico, it transferred thousands of housing units, schools, utilities and a world-class hospital that were on the facility. The closure was welcomed by many in Puerto Rico who were opposed to the militarization of the island. However, that move also raised concerns about the loss of a huge economic driver.

After the base was shuttered, various parts of it were turned over to different Puerto Rican government organizations. Given its location, there have been efforts over the years to develop parts of Roosevelt Roads; however, those plans remain in flux.

Despite the closure, the U.S. continued to use the installation for contingencies and relief efforts, like the November 2017 missions to provide much-needed aid in the wake of Hurricane Maria, which devastated the island.

The U.S. Navy began reusing Roosevelt Roads at a much larger scale on Aug. 31 to support training operations by the Iwo Jima Amphibious Readiness Group (ARG)/22nd MEU. Operations at the base have since expanded.

Despite the facility’s ability to support the Trump administration’s current efforts, the Navy has no plans to permanently use Roosevelt Roads, a U.S. defense official told The War Zone.

However, there is an effort in Puerto Rico to re-establish the facility as a working military installation. 

Two weeks ago, New Progressive Party of Puerto Rico Sens. Nitza Morán Trinidad and Carmelo Ríos Santiago “introduced Senate Resolution 286, which calls for an investigation into the current state of the former Roosevelt Roads naval base in Ceiba,” the San Juan Daily Star reported last week. “The measure aims to evaluate the feasibility and impact of potentially repurposing Roosevelt Roads for national security by the Army.”

“For decades, Roosevelt Roads represented an economic engine for the eastern region of the island,” Morán Trinidad said, according to the publication. “Today, we have a responsibility to seriously and strategically consider the possibility of its facilities once again playing a key role — not only in the defense of the Caribbean and the Americas but also in the economic revitalization of Ceiba and the surrounding municipalities.”

The future of that effort, however, remains unclear.

With the Trump administration giving no timeline for its Caribbean operation, it looks like Roosevelt Roads will continue to be a very active facility for the U.S. military in the short term. However, given the administration’s focus on Central and South America, it’s quite possible that larger plans for the installation could materialize. Regardless, at least for now, Roosevelt Roads has woken up from its long slumber.

Contact the author: [email protected]

WASHINGTON — After months of campaigning for the Nobel Peace Prize, President Trump sent a sharply different message Friday when he signed an executive order aimed at rebranding the Department of Defense as the Department of War.

Trump said the switch was intended to signal to the world that the United States was a force to be reckoned with, and he complained that the Department of Defense’s name, established in the aftermath of World War II, was “woke.”

“I think it sends a message of victory. I think it sends, really, a message of strength,” Trump said of the change as he authorized the Department of War as a secondary title for the Pentagon.

Congress has to formally authorize a new name, and several of Trump’s closest supporters on Capitol Hill proposed legislation earlier Friday to codify the new name into law.

But already there were cosmetic shifts. The Pentagon’s website went from “defense.gov” to “war.gov.” Signs were swapped around Hegseth’s office while more than a dozen employees watched. Trump said there would be new stationery, too.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whom Trump has begun referring to as the “secretary of war,” said during the signing ceremony that “we’re going to go on offense, not just on defense,” using “maximum lethality” that won’t be “politically correct.”

The attempted rebranding was another rhetorical salvo in Trump’s efforts to reshape the U.S. military and uproot what he has described as progressive ideology. Bases have been renamed, transgender soldiers have been banned and military websites have been scrubbed of posts honoring contributions by women and minorities.

The Republican president contended that his tough talk didn’t contradict his fixation on being recognized for diplomatic efforts, saying peace must be made from a position of strength. Trump has claimed credit for resolving conflicts between India and Pakistan; Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo; and Armenia and Azerbaijan, among others, though some leaders and others have disputed the significance of the U.S. role. (He’s also expressed frustration that he hasn’t brought the war between Russia and Ukraine to a conclusion as fast as he said he would.)

“I think I’ve gotten peace because of the fact that we’re strong,” Trump said, echoing the “peace through strength” motto associated with President Reagan.

When Trump finished his remarks on the military, he dismissed Hegseth and Gen. Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, from the room.

“I’m going to let these people go back to the Department of War and figure out how to maintain peace,” Trump said.

Rep. Gregory W. Steube (R-Fla.) proposed legislation in the House to formally change the name of the department.

“From 1789 until the end of World War II, the United States military fought under the banner of the Department of War,” Steube, an Army veteran, said in a statement. “It is only fitting that we pay tribute to their eternal example and renowned commitment to lethality by restoring the name of the ‘Department of War’ to our Armed Forces.”

Sens. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) and Mike Lee (R-Utah) are introducing companion legislation in the Senate.

The Department of War was created in 1789, then renamed and reorganized through legislation signed by President Truman in 1947, two years after the end of World War II. The Department of Defense incorporated the Department of War, which oversaw the Army, plus the Department of the Navy and the newly created independent Air Force.

Hegseth complained that “we haven’t won a major war since” the name was changed. Trump said, “We never fought to win.”

Trump and Hegseth have long talked about restoring the Department of War name.

In August, Trump told reporters that “everybody likes that we had an unbelievable history of victory when it was Department of War. Then we changed it to Department of Defense.”

When confronted with the possibility that making the name change would require an act of Congress, Trump told reporters that “we’re just going to do it.”

“I’m sure Congress will go along,” he said, “if we need that.”

Trump and Hegseth have been on a name-changing spree at the Pentagon, sometimes sidestepping legal requirements.

For example, they wanted to restore the names of nine military bases that once honored Confederate leaders, which were changed in 2023 following a congressionally mandated review.

Because the original names were no longer allowed under law, Hegseth ordered the bases to be named after new people with similar names. For example, Ft. Bragg now honors Army Pfc. Roland L. Bragg, a World War II paratrooper and Silver Star recipient from Maine, instead of Confederate Gen. Braxton Bragg.

In the case of Fort A.P. Hill, named for Confederate Lt. Gen. Ambrose Powell Hill, the Trump administration was forced to choose three soldiers to make the renaming work.

The base now honors Union soldiers Pvt. Bruce Anderson and 1st Sgt. Robert A. Pinn, who contributes the two initials, and Lt. Col. Edward Hill, whose last name completes the second half of the base name.

The move irked Republicans in Congress who, in July, moved to ban restoring any Confederate names in this year’s defense authorization bill.

Rep. Don Bacon of Nebraska, a Republican who co-sponsored the earlier amendment to remove the Confederate names, said that “what this administration is doing, particularly this secretary of Defense, is sticking his finger in the eye of Congress by going back and changing the names to the old names.”

Megerian, Kim and Toropin write for the Associated Press. AP writer Matt Brown contributed to this report.

As the Democratic Party searches for direction in the post-2024 landscape, its leaders seem bent on alienating their own base over Gaza. This is not a matter of nuance or tactical positioning; it’s a profound moral and political miscalculation.

That failure is on vivid display in the decision by House Democratic Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (Redlands) to help lead a delegation of mostly freshman Democratic representatives recently to Israel. The trip included meetings with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is on trial for corruption in Israel and is the subject of arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Polling makes the disconnect impossible to ignore. In July, Gallup found that just 8% of Democrats approve of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, with disapproval overwhelming. Pew Research Center reported in April that 69% of Democrats now hold an unfavorable view of Israel — a striking shift from just a few years ago. And Data for Progress has consistently found supermajority Democratic support for a permanent ceasefire; in May 2024, 83% of Democrats backed a permanent ceasefire, and in a June 12, 2024, poll a majority of Democrats said they believed Israel was committing war crimes in Gaza.

Aguilar’s role makes this especially galling. He isn’t a backbencher; he’s a high-ranking member of the Democratic Party leadership. That gives him a particular responsibility to model principled conduct for newer members. Instead, he’s showing them the wrong lesson: that obedience to the donor class matters more than representing constituents. The point is underscored by his fundraising: OpenSecrets reports Aguilar received about $678,000 from donors categorized as “Pro-Israel” in the 2023–24 cycle.

The mechanics of that influence are no mystery. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee and allied pro-Israel PACs reward loyalty with torrents of campaign cash and punish dissent with lavishly funded primary challenges. Reps. Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush — both outspoken critics of Israel’s conduct in Gaza — have been textbook examples: Bowman was unseated after record outside spending flooded his race, and Bush faced a barrage of super-PAC money that ultimately toppled her. The incentive structure is clear: Toe the line and your coffers swell; cross it and a financial juggernaut rolls over you.

There is a political price for complying with this pressure, however. The Institute for Middle East Understanding, using YouGov, found that among voters who backed Joe Biden in 2020 but chose someone else in 2024 “ending Israel’s violence in Gaza” was the top issue for 29% nationally — ahead of the economy — and 20% in battleground states. Those results point to a straightforward conclusion: Ignoring Democratic voters on Gaza depresses enthusiasm and peels away enough support to matter in close races.

Gaza is politically damaging not only because of the issue itself — though the moral stakes could hardly be higher — but also because it has become a measure of where leaders’ loyalties lie. Voters read it as a test of whether their representatives will stand with the people who elected them or with wealthy donors and foreign lobbies. Fail that test and many will assume you might betray them on other critical issues in the future.

The Democratic leadership’s unwillingness to adapt is not just bad politics; it’s a betrayal of basic democratic principles. Rank-and-file Democrats overwhelmingly want an end to the carnage, an end to unconditional military aid to Israel, and policies rooted in human rights and international law. Yet too many leaders seem more concerned with keeping favor in donor circles than with honoring the public’s will.

If Democrats hope to retain their coalition, they need to realign policy with their voters’ values: call for a permanent ceasefire; condition U.S. military assistance on compliance with international law; and replace photo-op delegations with diplomacy that centers on justice and accountability.

Until then, every AIPAC-sponsored trip led by a party leader will read like a declaration of priorities — and a reminder of the price the party will continue to pay at the ballot box.

George Bisharat is a professor emeritus at UC Law San Francisco and a longtime commentator on U.S. policy toward the Middle East.

In the standings, all is right again in the Dodgers’ world. Clayton Kershaw was, well, Clayton Kershaw. The Dodgers won.

In the box score, all was not well. As you already have guessed, the bullpen: Five relievers were needed to cover the final three innings, in which the San Diego Padres put potential tying and/or go-ahead runs on base in each of those innings.

And, on Day 1 of Life Without Muncy 2.0, the Dodgers managed four hits.

With 40 games to play, the Dodgers and Padres are tied atop the National League West. If Max Muncy can play in even a handful of those games, the Dodgers will be grateful.

The Dodgers put their third baseman on the injured list Friday afternoon because of a strained oblique muscle. When Muncy went on the injured list last month because of a knee injury, the Dodgers led the majors in runs. He missed 25 games, in which the Dodgers ranked last in runs.

Of the Dodgers’ four hits on Friday evening, three were delivered by the bottom three batters in the lineup. That means Shohei Ohtani, Mookie Betts, Will Smith, Freddie Freeman, Teoscar Hernández and Andy Pages went a combined 1 for 17.

“Max just has that balance in the lineup, as far as another left-handed (hitter),” Dodgers manager Dave Roberts said, “but also handles left-handed pitching and has the ability to get on base.

“He’s a threat. Now, without him, other guys have got to step up.”

The Dodgers’ left-handed bats, as of Friday: Ohtani, Freeman, outfielder Michael Conforto (.189) and backup catcher Dalton Rushing (.202).

It should go without saying that Ohtani and Freeman remain imposing. It should also go without saying that opponents might well line up right-handers against the Dodgers, including the Padres throwing Dylan Cease against them Saturday and Yu Darvish on Sunday.

Teoscar Hernández hits a solo home run in the seventh inning during the Dodgers’ 3-2 win over the San Diego Padres on Friday night at Dodger Stadium.

(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)

“We’re going to see a slew of right-handed pitching,” Roberts said. “There are going to be right-handers coming out of the pen.

“Our right-handers have got to be better.”

On that score, the most encouraging development for the Dodgers on Friday was Hernández hitting what turned out to be the decisive home run.

“Teo came to life with a big homer,” Roberts said.

Hernández hit 33 home runs last season, when his OPS was at least .762 in each month of the season. His OPS has been below .762 in each month this season except the first one.

In the Dodgers’ first 29 games, he hit nine home runs. In the 93 games since then, he has hit 10.

“Some days, it’s good. Some days, it’s bad,” Hernández said. “Some days, it’s in between. Hitting is not easy. But I’m going to continue to keep working and try to be consistent for the month and a half, and hopefully in the playoffs.”

The pennant stretch comes first, and Roberts has faith in Hernández.

Said Roberts: “It’s an easy bet that, when the stakes get higher, Teo is going to really show up for us.”

Muncy does that, in getting on base and in circling the bases. In October, when the pitching can rise to the occasion, so can Muncy.

His OPS is higher in the playoffs than in the regular season. He walks way more often. He can elevate the Dodgers’ lineup in October, if the rest of the lineup can step up and help get him there.

Five soldiers were shot during an active shooter incident at the United States Army’s Fort Stewart in the southern state of Georgia. The gunman was taken into custody, and authorities say there’s no ongoing threat.

NASCAR is returning to Southern California, only its cars will be racing on the streets of Coronado and not on an oval in Fontana. The stock car racing circuit announced Wednesday it will be hosting a three-day series of races June 19-21, ending in a NASCAR Cup Series race on the U.S. Naval base in Coronado.

NASCAR did not race in Southern California last year for the first time since 1997, with the exception of 2021, when the schedule was hampered by the coronavirus pandemic. For much of that time, the races were held at Auto Club Speedway in Fontana, but that track was torn down in 2023 to make room for a giant warehouse complex. NASCAR preserved part of the grandstand and had hoped to built a half-mile oval track on the site, but that project has stalled and is unlikely to be revived.

NASCAR also raced on a temporary quarter-mile oval on the floor of the Coliseum, but that event has also been abandoned.

Next summer’s Coronado race, which came to fruition after years of careful negotiation, is the first NASCAR event to be run on an active military base. It is being timed to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Navy and will feature a race weekend including an Xfinity Series race and a Craftsman Truck Series event.

NASCAR ran street course races in Chicago’s Grant Park from 2023-25 but that event will not return in 2026, making the Coronado race the only street race on the schedule next year.

“NASCAR embodies the very best of the American spirit through speed, precision and an unyielding pursuit of excellence,” Secretary of the Navy John C. Phelan said in a statement. “Hosting a race aboard Naval Air Station North Island, the birthplace of naval aviation, it’s not just a historic first, it’s a powerful tribute to the values we share: grit, teamwork and love of country.

“We’re proud to open our gates to the American people, honor those who wear the uniform, and inspire the next generation to step forward and serve something greater than themselves.”

Naval Base Coronado, known as the West Coast Quarterdeck, is a consortium of nine Navy installations stretching from San Clemente Island, 50 miles off the coast of Long Beach, to the Mountain Warfare Training Facility 50 miles east of San Diego.

“Hosting one of America’s premier motorsports events on this historic base reflects our partnership with the local community and our shared pride in the nation’s heritage,” said captain Loren Jacobi, commanding officer of Naval Base Coronado. “We are privileged to showcase the dedication of our sailors alongside NASCAR’s finest as we celebrate our 250th anniversary.”

The NASCAR San Diego logo features an F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, which is recognized as only being flown by the U.S. Navy. The three stars in the logo signify land, sea, and air, which represents the Navy as the only branch of the military to operate in all three spaces. The arch represents the mission-style architecture found in San Diego. The stripes at the bottom of the logo represent the four largest United States Armed Force branches: Air Force, U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps, and U.S. Navy.

Tickets for the 2026 NASCAR San Diego Weekend will go on-sale this fall.