‘Cycle of terror’ spikes as Higher Planning Council set to advance plans to build 1,985 new settlement units in occupied West Bank.
Israeli forces and settlers have carried out 2,350 attacks across the occupied West Bank last month in an “ongoing cycle of terror”, according to the Palestinian Authority’s Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission (CRRC).
CRRC head Mu’ayyad Sha’ban said on Wednesday that Israeli forces carried out 1,584 attacks – including direct physical attacks, the demolition of homes and the uprooting of olive trees – with most of the violence focused on the governorates of Ramallah (542), Nablus (412) and Hebron (401).
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The research, compiled in a CRRC monthly report titled Occupation Violations and Colonial Expansion Measures, also noted 766 attacks by settlers. The commission said they are expanding settlements, which are illegal under international law, as part of what it called an “organised strategy that aims to displace the land’s indigenous people and enforce a fully racist colonial regime”.
The report said settler attacks reached a new peak with most targeting the Ramallah governorate (195), Nablus (179) and Hebron (126). Olive pickers received the brunt of attacks, according to the report, which said they were the victims of “state terror” that had been “orchestrated in the dark backrooms of the occupation government”.
It described instances of Israeli “vandalism and theft” carried out in cahoots with Israeli soldiers that have seen the “uprooting, destruction and poisoning” of 1,200 olive trees in Hebron, Ramallah, Tubas, Qalqilya, Nablus and Bethlehem. During the violence, settlers have tried to establish seven new outposts on Palestinian land since October in the governorates of Hebron and Nablus.
For decades, the Israeli military has uprooted olive trees, an important Palestinian cultural symbol, across the West Bank as part of efforts by successive Israeli governments to seize Palestinian land and forcibly displace residents.
The spike in Israeli violence comes amid expectations that Israel’s Higher Planning Council (HPC), part of the Israeli army’s Civil Administration overseeing the occupied West Bank, will meet to discuss the construction of 1,985 new settlement units in the West Bank on Wednesday.
The left-wing Israeli movement Peace Now said 1,288 of the units would be rolled out in two isolated settlements in the northern West Bank, namely Avnei Hefetz and Einav Plan.
It said the HPC had been holding weekly meetings since November last year to advance housing projects in the settlements, thus normalising and accelerating construction on land taken from Palestinians.
Since the beginning of 2025, the HPC has pushed forward a record 28,195 housing units, Peace Now said.
In August, far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich drew international condemnation after saying plans to build thousands of homes as part of the proposed E1 settlement scheme in the West Bank “buries the idea of a Palestinian state”.
The E1 project, shelved for years amid opposition from the United States and European allies, would connect occupied East Jerusalem with the existing illegal Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim.
The Israeli far right’s push to annex the West Bank would essentially end the possibility of implementing a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as outlined in numerous United Nations resolutions.
United States President Donald Trump’s administration has been adamant that it won’t allow Israel to annex the occupied territory. US Vice President JD Vance, while visiting Israel recently, said Trump would oppose Israeli annexation of the West Bank and it would not happen. Vance said as he left Israel, “If it was a political stunt, it is a very stupid one, and I personally take some insult to it.”
But the US has done nothing to rein in Israel’s assaults and crackdowns on Palestinians in the West Bank as it trumpets its Gaza ceasefire efforts.
Belarus will deploy Russia’s new Oreshnik intermediate-range hypersonic missile system in December, according to Natalya Eismont, spokesperson for President Alexander Lukashenko.
Preparations for the deployment are nearly complete. Lukashenko stated this move is a reaction to what he sees as Western escalation.
The Oreshnik was used by Russia in Ukraine in November 2024. President Vladimir Putin claimed that the missile cannot be intercepted and has power similar to a nuclear weapon, though some Western experts doubt this.
Lebanon’s military is urgently working to meet a year-end deadline to disarm Hezbollah in southern Lebanon under a ceasefire deal with Israel. The operation marks a dramatic shift in Lebanon’s internal power dynamics, as the army takes on a role that would have been unthinkable during Hezbollah’s peak influence.
Two sources told Reuters that the army has blown up so many Hezbollah weapons caches that it has run out of explosives, forcing troops to seal off sites instead of destroying them until new U.S. supplies arrive.
Why It Matters
This campaign could redefine Lebanon’s sovereignty and reshape the balance between state and militia power. Hezbollah’s disarmament is a key demand from Washington and Israel, and its success could bring stability or trigger fresh unrest. However, moving beyond the south risks sectarian tensions and could fracture the army, reviving memories of Lebanon’s civil war.
Lebanese Army: Leading disarmament under U.S. and international pressure, but facing shortages of explosives and political risks.
Hezbollah: Weakened by Israel’s war last year but still influential, especially in the north and Bekaa Valley, where disarmament remains uncertain.
United States: Providing millions in aid and demolition equipment to “degrade Hezbollah.”
Israel: Supplying intelligence through the truce mechanism but complicating operations with cross-border fire incidents.
UNIFIL: Supporting inspection and clearance operations in southern Lebanon.
Current Progress
Nine arms caches and dozens of tunnels have been uncovered in the south.
The army expects to complete southern operations by December.
Explosives depleted by June, with six soldiers killed during dismantling efforts.
$14 million in new U.S. demolition aid is expected, though delivery may take months.
Challenges Ahead
Hezbollah has agreed to ceasefire terms in the south but refuses to disarm elsewhere without a political deal.
Lebanese officials fear civil strife if the army expands disarmament north without consensus.
Israeli air strikes and occupation of five border hilltops threaten to delay progress.
What’s Next
The U.S. and allies are pressing Beirut to meet the year-end target and expand efforts beyond the south in 2026. But Hezbollah’s warning against confronting the Shi’ite community, and ongoing Israeli pressure, mean Lebanon’s army must walk a political and military tightrope.
As one Lebanese official put it:“The army if betting on time.”
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Army installations within the lower 48 states will have operating nuclear microreactors starting in the fall of 2028 if the Army’s Janus program moves forward on schedule. The addition of nuclear power will diversify the energy sources available on military bases and provide a critical enhancement to their resiliency, the Army says.
“What resilience means to us is that we have power, no matter what, 24/7,” Dr. Jeff Waksman, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Installations, Energy and Environment, said during a media roundtable attended by TWZ at last week’s Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual conference.
Waksman’s comments followed a briefing earlier in the day at which Army Secretary Daniel P. Driscoll and Department of Energy (DOE) Secretary Christopher Wright jointly announced the launch of the Janus Program.
“The U.S. Army is leading the way on fielding innovative and disruptive technology,” Driscoll said. “We are shredding red tape and incubating next-generation capabilities in a variety of critical sectors, including nuclear power.”
Janus is the Army’s plan to realize President Donald Trump’s Executive Order 14299, titled “Deploying Advanced Nuclear Reactor Technologies for National Security,” which directs the Department of War to commence operation of an Army-regulated nuclear reactor at a domestic military installation no later than September 30, 2028.
Some time in the next few weeks, barring a long extension of the government shutdown, the Army will release an Area of Interest (AOI) solicitation with a draft request for proposals (RFP) attached, according to Waksman. An industry day event thereafter will give the Army feedback on potential microreactor approaches and contact with interested companies and startups.
A competition will follow, after which the Army expects to select multiple companies to build and deliver microreactor prototypes to an initial batch of base/installation sites (likely nine sites) yet to be determined. The companies selected will each be given one Army site to deliver their prototypes to, and each firm will be required to build two reactors.
“They will build one, and then in a staggered fashion, build a second,” Waksman explained. “The reason why we’re doing that is because you have to get to Nth-of-a-kind to have a commercial product. [By Nth-of-a-kind Waksman means multiple units of a product or, in this case, reactor.] We want to see that these companies have a path to get from their first prototype to the second one and beyond to the Nth-of-a-kind.”
The program is named for Janus, an ancient Roman god of beginnings, gates, and transitions. Accordingly, its approach is about transitioning from one-off prototypes to multiple-unit commercial systems, Waksman added.
It dovetails with an initiative announced by the Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) last April called Advanced Nuclear Power for Installations (ANPI). It also seeks to field nuclear microreactors that can supplement energy sources at DoW installations, whose power is typically drawn from commercial grids.
DIU is a partner in Janus and will contribute funding to the program. It will also act as the contracting officer, and Janus will use its contracting authorities. However, the Army will conduct program management. Waksman says Janus will have different technical requirements than ANPI and reflect changes in the nuclear power market, including new entrants that have emerged since last spring.
Hovering in the background is yet another nuclear project called Pele, which emerged from the DoD’s Strategic Capabilities Office (SCO) in 2022. The stated intent there was to “design, build, and demonstrate a prototype mobile nuclear reactor within five years.”
(U.S. Army)
Pele was envisioned as potentially transportable operational nuclear energy, and the project continues with integrator BWXT, which is in the process of manufacturing and delivering the first advanced microreactor. The transportable nuclear reactors developed for Pele are designed to be transported within four 20-foot shipping containers, allowing them to be potentially moved to areas where the military or government may need to stand up power generation infrastructure to support military or other operations.
While Pele is developmentally interesting, Waksman said, “We do not at this time see nuclear power as a tactical application.” This is largely because tactical reactor development drives up cost, and there is currently no need for megawatt power at the combat edge, Waksman explained.
As such, Janus microreactors will go to domestic installations to bolster energy supply, and some certainly have unique needs for power beyond redundancy. For example, remote Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska relies on a 70-year-old coal-fired power plant on the base for its primary energy needs. Since 2021, the Air Force has been working to at least demonstrate a small nuclear reactor at Eielson for exactly this reason.
A locomotive from the Central Heat and Power Plant (CHPP) sits outside Dec. 21, 2016, at Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska. The CHPP produces enough energy to power around 9,100-13,000 homes. (U.S. Air Force photo by Airman Isaac Johnson) Airman Isaac N. Johnson
A next step beyond could see the deployment of small nuclear reactors to strategic support areas, which could range from the Indo-Pacific periphery, from Hawaii to Pacific islands, for instance, as well as other locales. However, Waksman stresses the need to complete the first phase before further extending the program.
Energy resilience is the core of Janus. Waksman observed that on Army installations and other service installations, power resiliency is currently 100 percent provided by fossil fuels. Renewable power generation exists on some installations, but is not considered highly resilient, nor a primary source of energy. He added that every grid globally is reliant on a base-load power source – fossil fuel, geothermal, hydropower, or nuclear.
“Unless you’re in one of the few places in the world where geothermal is viable or you have a dam nearby, your only choices are nuclear or fossil fuel at this time…There’s just no ability to have a grid that works solely on solar and wind and batteries at this point.”
The production platform for BWXT’s Pele prototype core reactor assembly. (BWXT)
“Anyone who’s seen big solar arrays on military installations knows that the moment that you have a Black Start exercise and the grid goes down, those are immediately cut off. They do not provide power, so the resiliency is fossil fuels. You have a certain number of backup power days, but that is a huge vulnerability…”
Black Start is a congressionally mandated requirement for DoW installations, testing their ability to operate without grid power in an emergency.
The microreactors that Janus will seek to deploy will be what commercial industry refers to as Generation IV or so-called “Passive Reactors” which, by design, cannot melt down. Utilizing low-enriched uranium (to about 5 percent), they will generally not be higher than 20 megawatt plants. Even so, they’ll likely offer surplus power, which could potentially provide energy resiliency to local communities.
“If everything goes black outside the fence, that’s where most soldiers live, where their families live and where a lot of critical infrastructure is,” Waksman said. “I’ve been to a lot of hardened [military] sites. I’ve yet to see one that is resilient to everything going down outside the fence line. Selling some of this [power] outside the fence line is something that we’re actively interested in doing.”
A cutaway image of BWXT’s mobile microreactor for Project Pele. (BWXT)
Such a scheme is in a legal gray area, Waksman noted, but there is precedent — a military-based reactor sold energy to an adjacent community in the early 1980s. However, the Army believes it could offer excess power commercially with some limitations. Waksman said that the Department of the Army is currently negotiating with Congress on this issue and is seeing bipartisan support.
Thanks to the low-enrichment nature of the small reactors, the Army does not expect a requirement for extra force protection at nuclear-powered installations.
The United States’ existing fleet of reactors runs on uranium fuel that is enriched up to 5 percent with uranium-235, called Low-enriched uranium (LEU). U-235 — the main fissile isotope that produces energy during a chain reaction — is considered safe for use in commercial nuclear reactors.
The ubiquity of LEU makes integration of small reactors on military installations more affordable, Waksman noted. Affordability is a major consideration within Janus. How much the military is willing to pay for resiliency is a hard question, Waksman admits. He offered that the Army doesn’t think nuclear power cost needs to be equivalent with fossil fuels, but just reasonably close. He cites the roughly 40 cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh) that consumers pay in Hawaii and Alaska, rather than the 10 to 12 cents per kWh paid in the continental U.S. to illustrate the point. At the 40 cents per kWh level, the Army expects there will be a significant commercial market over and above military nuclear power generation demand.
Hawaii and Alaska also illustrate the kind of environments, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, where there is current energy scarcity. Such scarcity makes moving a missile defense system, directed energy systems, large radars, or artificial intelligence data centers to an island or a remote Arctic site problematic.
The strain on available local energy infrastructure imparted by these kinds of systems means they are often limited by ad hoc diesel power generation or other arrangements, Waksman explained. Installing advanced microreactors could potentially transform such locales from energy-scarce environments to a state of energy abundance, which could support defense and other infrastructure. This could be critical to U.S. success in the Pacific.
There may be political challenges to placing microreactors on Pacific islands, other foreign territories, or even within the United States, Waksman acknowledged. But he opined that many places don’t necessarily oppose nuclear power. They oppose not being consulted about it. He says there will be pre-engagement discussion with any proposed local community. If they object, the Army won’t go there.
“We’re not here to impose nuclear power on any local communities,” he added. Foreign placements would fall under Status of Forces Agreements. Waksman points to the fact that the Navy has successfully concluded these throughout the Pacific, “so it can be done”.
Critical installations, especially those where energy supplies are more scarce and vulnerable, are eyed as especially well-suited for microreactors. Pearl Harbor, seen above, could be one such facility. (Google Earth)
Janus could also bring second and third-order benefits with it. Introducing advanced microreactors to military installations could kick-start the U.S. commercial nuclear power market and attract new blood to replenish the current critical shortage of nuclear engineers in America, Waksman said.
The model being used for the Janus competition, he explained, is the NASA COTS (Commercial Orbital Transportation System) model, which was the catalyst for the creation of SpaceX. Elon Musk’s company made space engineering cool again, inspiring students to go into the rocketry/space field, Waksman says.
“There’s a feeling [that] nuclear needs a SpaceX. There are innovative, exciting startups, so we’re hoping to cultivate them in the same way that NASA cultivated SpaceX and make nuclear sexy again and encourage more top young engineering talent to go into the field.”
Trump’s Executive Order has put the Army on a tight timeline to make Janus a reality.
“We will do everything in our power to successfully meet the Executive Order,” Waksman affirmed.
Brandon Cockrell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Energy and Sustainability, also attended the roundtable and concluded the meeting by asserting that there is already significant competition among states and municipalities to get advanced microreactors at local bases.
“There are some states across the U.S. that are already leaning forward heavily with tax deferments and resources… This is a whole concerted effort to get the nuclear industry to the next phase in the nation.”
Oct. 17 (UPI) — The Army Corps of Engineers has paused work on $11 billion in low-priority projects while the federal government remains shut down amid a budget impasse in Congress.
The shutdown has deprived the corps of the funds needed to continue work on many projects, some of which might be canceled, Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought said Friday in a post on X.
“The Democrat shutdown has drained the Army Corps of Engineers’ ability to manage billions of dollars in projects,” Vought said.
“The Corps will be immediately pausing over $11 billion in lower-priority projects and considering them for cancellation.”
He said the pauses and potential cancellations would include projects in Baltimore, Boston, New York City and San Francisco.
The Democrat shutdown has drained the Army Corps of Engineers’ ability to manage billions of dollars in projects. The Corps will be immediately pausing over $11 billion in lower-priority projects & considering them for cancellation, including projects in New York, San Francisco,…— Russ Vought (@russvought) October 17, 2025
Vought is the first Trump administration official to announce layoffs of federal workers and project pauses due to the government shutdown, CNBC reported.
Vought and President Donald Trump have called the shutdown an opportunity to reduce the size of the federal government.
The president has suggested Democrat-led cities, states and federal programs would be targeted as the funding fight continues in the Senate.
Vought said more information would be released regarding corps project pauses, which also might occur in locales that are not run by Democrats.
The four cities that Vought announced for pauses are led by Democrats and are located in states that have Democrats for their respective governors and representing them in the Senate.
The Trump administration already has paused $18 billion in infrastructure projects in New York City and $2.1billion in Chicago infrastructure projects, according to CBS News.
The administration also has canceled $8 billion for projects involving the climate in 16 states.
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The Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) annual symposium has seen some notable appearances by autonomous launchers, underscoring the service’s growing interest in this class of system. On show at the event were a new Family of Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicles (FMAV) from Oshkosh Defense, as well as Raytheon’s DeepFires. Between them, these platforms can be armed with a wide variety of offensive and defensive weapons, including Tomahawk cruise missiles and Patriot surface-to-air missiles.
A promotional image shows the three-strong Family of Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicles (FMAV) from Oshkosh Defense. Oshkosh
Extreme Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicle (X-MAV)
The FMAV series from Oshkosh Defense comprises three different truck chassis that can carry a wide variety of weapons. The three vehicles are described as being “production-ready” by the manufacturer and comprise the following:
The largest of the FMAV series, the purpose-built X-MAV is able to support long-range munitions, including a podded launcher with four Tomahawk missiles. The 10×10 wheeled chassis offers off-road mobility, as well as integrated onboard power. Oshkosh is aiming the X-MAV at the U.S. Army’s Common Autonomous Multi-Domain Launcher Heavy (CAML-H) program.
In August, the Army revealed more details of CAML-H, which aims to integrate a launcher onto a 15-ton class chassis that will fire either Tomahawk missiles or the Patriot Advanced Capability 3 Missile Segment Enhancement (PAC-3 MSE) interceptor.
It is also worth noting here that the Army is already fielding the Typhon missile system, which includes tractor-trailer launchers capable of firing Tomahawks and SM-6s. Meanwhile, however, the Army has begun looking at smaller launchers that are easier to deploy as companions to Typhon, something we have reported on in the past.
Medium Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicle (M-MAV). Oshkosh
“M-MAV delivers advanced navigation, remote operation, and automated resupply capabilities to increase survivability, reduce crew burden, and enable dispersed, resilient fires formations,” Oshkosh said in its press release.
Light Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicle (L-MAV)
The L-MAV is derived from the U.S. Marine Corps ROGUE-Fires and is a 4×4 autonomous carrier. It uses a modular design, so it can be rapidly configured for missions. These include counter-uncrewed aerial systems (C-UAS), electronic warfare, or resupply, for example. Examples of payloads shown at AUSA were the AeroVironment Switchblade 600 loitering munition and the Titan C-UAS.
“The Army has been clear on the need for autonomous, payload-agnostic platforms that are ready now,” said Pat Williams, chief programs officer at Oshkosh Defense, as he outlined the FMAV series. “The Oshkosh Family of Multi-Mission Autonomous Vehicles is engineered on proven tactical vehicles, with scalable autonomy and payload versatility to deliver what the Army needs today with the flexibility to adapt as the battlefield evolves.”
Raytheon DeepFires
Meanwhile, Raytheon revealed more details of its DeepFires autonomous launcher, which uses the Oshkosh FMTV A2 — the same platform employed by the middle-tier M-MAV. Raytheon has already been using the FMTV A2 platform for its DeepStrike autonomous launcher, which you can read more about here.
Raytheon’s uncrewed launcher vehicle fires a Joint Reduced Range Rocket (JR3) at the Army’s recent Project Convergence-Capstone 5 (PC-C5) test exercise at the National Training Center (NTC) at Fort Irwin, California, earlier this year. The uncrewed launcher vehicle is also a cooperative development with Forterra and Oshkosh Defense. Raytheon
As for DeepFires, this has been designed for modularity, able to pivot very quickly from offensive or defensive fires. The vehicle is also designed for optionally crewed or fully autonomous operations and has already been tested.
Weapons payloads for DeepFires range from the AIM-9X Sidewinder for air defense all the way up to the Tomahawk. Raytheon has been tight-lipped about exactly how many rounds of each type of missile can be loaded on a single vehicle, although a promotional video from the company shows one of the trucks carrying two containerized Tomahawk rounds. Meanwhile, one of the DeepFires vehicles exhibited at AUSA was loaded with four Patriot missiles.
A still from a promotional video shows DeepFires with two containerized Tomahawk cruise missiles. Raytheon screencap
Speaking to media, including TWZ, at AUSA, Brian Burton, vice president, Precision Fires and Maneuver at Raytheon, hinted at the possibility of carrying significant numbers of smaller weapons, like the AIM-9X:
“One of the big things when we got feedback from the warfighters was more magazine depth. Not a surprise. We hear that all the time. So, this is something that we’ve been looking at from the very beginning — how do we increase that? So, it can vary, but you’re looking at a significant increase in magazine depth, and that’s obviously important to whether you’re putting additional fires down range or it’s just defending your area.”
Another key requirement that emerged from Army feedback on DeepFires was onboard vehicle power. Not only does the onboard power allow for the handling, including reloading, of missile rounds, but it also provides additional mobility, since the vehicle is not tied to a separate generator. “That was a key piece that came out of touchpoints with the customer and feedback that we incorporated, and they’re really excited about that,” Burton said.
Raytheon’s DeepFires at the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual symposium. The vehicle is loaded with a four-round Patriot missile launcher. Howard Altman
Also built into the DeepFires concept, from the outset, is air transportability, including by the C-130 airlifter. “We wanted to put something together that could be very mobile,” Burton explained, “and [to] be able to get on that [C-130] platform gives the warfighters a lot more flexibility as to where they can get to and how quickly they can get there, and how quickly they can get out.”
The air transportability of DeepFires also helps answer broader U.S. military concerns about establishing diverse, distributed logistics chains. These are seen as an essential requirement for supporting future operations in contested environments, especially in the context of a potential future high-end conflict, including in the Pacific.
The relevance of DeepFires to the Indo-Pacific theater is something that was referenced directly by Scott Sanders, chief growth officer at Forterra, the company that provides the autonomous capabilities for the system. “The only thing more terrifying than a fleet of unmanned vehicles hiding in the Indo-PACOM somewhere is probably a B-21,” he said.
Front view of Raytheon’s DeepFires. Howard Altman
At the same time, a system such as this could be highly relevant for contingencies in the European theater, where long-range precision fires are increasingly seen as necessary to offset potential Russian aggression. In the near future, it may also be possible that Ukraine will need a launcher of this kind, should it be approved to receive Tomahawks. Ukraine has some experience in this area, having already been successful with remote Patriot launcher operations.
For autonomous operations, an operator is able to control between one to six DeepFires vehicles, depending on theater requirements. The vehicles can be controlled independently, using a route-following approach. In this mode, they will be given endpoint goals where the firing battery is required, and they will self-navigate from point A to point B.
Alternatively, Raytheon is proposing a “follower technique,” in which the first vehicle is crewed. “You can pick up a string of [uncrewed] vehicles behind you, move really quickly to your firing point, disperse via waypoint-based navigation into your firing points, and regroup,” Burton explained. In terms of command and control, DeepFires is intended to be “relatively comms agnostic,” Burton said, meaning that it can be operated using a variety of different networks and bandwidths, including via satellite link.
When asked whether DeepFires is being pitched directly at the Army’s Common Autonomous Multi-Domain Launcher (CAML) program, Burton said that Raytheon is “100 percent tracking and pursuing the CAML opportunity. They’ve seen this as an opportunity, and they are moving out quickly to get this capability into their hands.”
An Army uncrewed Autonomous Multi-Domain Launcher (AML) fires a rocket during an exercise. U.S. Army
Since DeepFires is designed around scalability, Burton said that the launcher could be optimized for both the Medium and Heavy segments of that program: CAML-M and CAML-H.
“We can scale and, working with Oshkosh and with Forterra, bring that to a larger, heavier vehicle, if that’s what the demand and the means are for the Army,” Burton observed.
Other options for DeepFires could include the possibility of a separate autonomous launcher that would be dedicated to air defense, building upon the planned integration of the AIM-9X and Patriot on the basic platform. “Certainly, we’re looking at both,” Burton said, noting that Raytheon also provides a lot of in-house air defense capabilities, including counter-uncrewed aerial systems (C-UAS). These include the Coyote Block 2, a jet-powered drone-like loitering interceptor that the Army currently fields as part of the mobile and fixed-site versions of its Low, Slow, Unmanned Aircraft Integrated Defeat System (LIDS).
With a growing focus on battlefield survivability in the face of drone proliferation, of the kind that’s been seen in the war in Ukraine, Raytheon says it’s considering C-UAS capabilities that are indigenous to the platform itself, or mounted on a different, dedicated platform.
The appearance of these somewhat-related autonomous launchers at AUSA points again to the U.S. military’s interest in flexible, highly mobile, very hard to target systems that offer significant reach and relevant magazine capacity, and which are optimized for future scenarios in the Indo-Pacific region.
Already, the Army has explored this concept with an uncrewed derivative of the HIMARS launcher vehicle called the Autonomous Multi-domain Launcher (AML).
The Autonomous Multi-domain Launcher (AML) prototype. U.S. Army
Building on the prototype AML, the Army has since put out a contracting notice outlining a potential family of uncrewed launcher vehicles — the aforementioned CAML, which the Oshkosh and Raytheon options may well end up competing for.
Various kinds of autonomous launchers would be particularly relevant in future expeditionary or distributed operations, especially across the broad expanses of the Pacific during a future major conflict with China, or for trying to deter one. This is a reality that is clearly not lost on the various companies presenting systems in this class at AUSA this week.
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Another senior U.S. Army officer has spoken out about the service’s need for Shahed-136 like long-range, expendable drones. The need for the U.S. to procure exactly these kinds of relatively simple, comparatively very cheap and adaptable drones, built at scale, is something that TWZ has recently made a detailed case for.
When asked by Howard Altman of TWZ about a possible Army requirement for Shahed-like drones, the answer from Maj. Gen. James (Jay) Bartholomees, commanding general of the Hawaii-based 25th Infantry Division, was unequivocal.
“Absolutely,” Bartholomees said, speaking this week at the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) annual symposium. “We are behind on long-range sensing and long-range launched-effect strike.”
Maj. Gen. James Bartholomees, commanding general of the 25th Infantry Division, speaks at JGSDF Camp Itami, Japan, in August 2025. U.S. Army photo by Spc. Abreanna Goodrich Spc. Abreanna Goodrich
Bartholomees confirmed that the United States Indo-Pacific Command (USINDOPACOM), the unified combatant command responsible for the Indo-Pacific region, is “learning from what is happening in Ukraine,” where the Pentagon’s tardiness at widely adopting lower-end drones for its own offensive operations has been highlighted.
A Ukrainian explosives expert examines parts of a Shahed-136 drone that came down following an attack on Kharkiv in June 2025, amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Photo by SERGEY BOBOK / AFP SERGEY BOBOK
“I think we can catch up very rapidly,” Bartholomees said. “The formations that we built are ready for those capabilities to land.” Those formations include a launched effects company that the 25th Infantry Division is currently standing up. This will join the launched effects platoon that already exists within its multifunctional reconnaissance company.
As an initial experiment, the launched effects company will be created within the 25th Infantry Division’s artillery unit.
Soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, 11th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division, prepare an M119 howitzer at Schofield Barracks, Hawaii, in September 2025. US Army
“We absolutely need to build this capability quickly,” Bartholomees continued. “We need to test it in our region; we also need to work with our allies and partners to do the same.”
Referring again to the Shahed, Bartholomees noted that, because this kind of drone “is very cheap, easy to produce, and easy to put together,” it makes it “exactly the type of capability that we would love to have for our allies and partners in the region.” Not only would long-range, expendable drones of this kind help regional allies and partners protect their sovereign territory, but they would also be relevant to defend their maritime spaces, something Bartholomees described as “a unique problem set.”
When asked where the U.S. Army was in relation to Russian efforts in the field of long-range one-way attack drones, Bartholomees admitted that “We are behind in that sense, we need to push faster, all the services, frankly, are on this chase to move faster.”
He did, however, note that there are some “defeat mechanism concerns” that have put something of a brake on the development of at least certain types drones.
Fragments of a Geran-2, a Russian-made Shahed-136, are displayed as a symbol of war in the center of Kyiv. Photo by Aleksandr Gusev/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images Fragments of an Iranian-made Shahed-136 drone (named Geran-2 by Russia), displayed as a symbol of war in the center of Kyiv. Photo by Aleksandr Gusev/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
Bartholomees identified the importance of the work being done within divisional innovation labs, specifically the work on a nascent long-range one-way attack capability.
“We’re building our own drones,” Bartholomees said. “We’re already starting to produce one-way attack, fixed-wing [but] the longer range obviously gets harder and harder to do, that’s where you need more airworthiness expertise.”
It should be noted that, with its focus on long range and cost effectiveness, a drone in the mold of the Shahed is of particular relevance to a future contingency in the Indo-Pacific theater in which the 25th Infantry Division would likely be engaged.
The Shahed-136 has a range of around 1,000 miles, depending on variant and payload. The extreme challenges of the Pacific call for strike weapons with long range. In fact, TWZhas advocated in the past for an extended-range one-way attack drone, which would be especially useful for reaching from the Second Island Chain to the Chinese mainland — a one-way trip of roughly 2,000 miles.
Bartholomees said he agreed with Lt. Gen. Charles Costanza, commander of the Army’s V Corps, which has a presence on NATO’s eastern flank, who also discussed drones and counter-drone capabilities at AUSA before talking further with Howard Altman of TWZ.
U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Charles Costanza, the commanding general of V Corps, engages with soldiers at an exercise in Hungary in June 2025. U.S. Army photo by Spc. Sar Paw Spc. Sar Paw
“We aren’t moving fast enough,” Costanza continued. “And it really took Russia’s invasion of Ukraine [in 2022], and the way they’re innovating, and Ukrainians are innovating, to realize, hey, we need to move fast.”
When asked specifically if the U.S. military needed a capability broadly in line with the Shahed drone, Constanza responded: “I think we do.”
Inside a Russian factory where licensed production of the Iranian Shahed-series one-way attack drone is taking place. via X
Returning to Bartholomees, he argued that the rapid pace of drone development in the Ukrainian war is, in no small part, due to the result of an existential threat, which means the Ukrainian industrial base is “pushing incredibly hard for the sovereignty of their entire nation.”
“I have no doubt that we can push further, faster to get there,” Bartholomees, pointing to the partnership the Army is forging with the Marine Corps and Air Force, in this regard.
Soldiers of the Ukrainian 93rd Mechanized Brigade operate a twin-barreled 23mm ZU-23 anti-aircraft gun equipped with a thermal imaging camera, hunting for night-flying drones, in August 2025, in the Donetsk region, Ukraine. Photo by Kostyantyn Liberov/Libkos/Getty Images Libkos
Of course, as we have argued repeatedly in the past, the United States could also find itself facing an existential threat, including an adversary that has a much larger arsenal of long-range, expendable drones. Namely, China.
At the same time, the need for huge numbers of long-range guided weapons that can pierce China’s anti-access bubble is coming to the forefront at a time when existing stockpiles are clearly below the required threshold. This is a reality that is meanwhile driving the development of a wide array of lower-cost, long-range weapons. These include low-cost jet-powered cruise missiles, but these are still significantly more expensive and complex than a Shahed-136 clone and/or they lack range in comparison.
Currently, there are a handful of smaller companies in the United States that are pitching a Shahed copy, or something very similar. While this is a useful starting point, it should be recalled that Russia is already mass-producing these kinds of weapons and is now understood to be building 5,000 a month.
A new U.S.-made version of the Geran/Shahed kamikaze drone appears, called the MQM-172 Arrowhead.
Previously, a similar kamikaze drone design named LUCAS was unveiled by the U.S. company SpektreWorks. pic.twitter.com/gxMBs7FOu4
A new US–Ukrainian drone dubbed Artemis ALM-20, seen as a high-tech counterpart to the Shahed, has been successfully tested against targets in Russia. Built by Auterion, it features AI and self-guidance with a 1,600 km range and a 45 kg warhead. Production is set to begin in… pic.twitter.com/1MJFgiF7Jq
With senior officers like Bartholomees and Costanza making the case for long-range one-way attack drones, we might also start to see some more urgency here, too.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
While both Ukraine and Russia have sustained large amounts of helicopter losses due to dense traditional frontline air defenses, in some cases, drones, and attacks on bases, the U.S. Army is taking a measured approach in applying lessons learned to the future of its own rotary-wing fleet, a top commander told us. Maj. Gen. Claire Gill, commanding general of the U.S. Army Aviation Center of Excellence is adamant that not everything that happens in Ukraine applies to the U.S. Army and it’s absolutely critical that only the right lessons should be heeded.
“When we talk about Ukraine, there are a lot of lessons to be learned,” Gill told us on the sidelines of the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) annual conference in Washington, D.C.. “We focus on the right lessons to be learned.”
“There are some differences between positional warfare with drones – they’re doing World War One with drones right now in Ukraine – and the way that the United States Army fights, particularly as a member of the combined arms team and as a member of the joint force,” he added. “So, there are a lot of things that we should pay attention to there, but they’re not flying at night. They don’t plan like we plan. They don’t bring all the collective elements that we could bring to bear when we execute our operations.”
Paratroopers assigned to “Cavemen” Bravo Company, 2-82 Aviation Regiment, 82nd Combat Aviation Brigade, 82nd Airborne Division prepare and take off for night flight on April 24, 2024. (U.S. Army photo by Sgt. Vincent Levelev) Staff Sgt. Vincent Levelev
Ukraine and Russia are likely using deception as part of their operations, “but…using the night, using the terrain, using the degraded visual environment, we’ve got some pretty exquisite capabilities, and some well-trained folks, as do the Ukrainians,” Gill noted.
Gill is less convinced about Russian training.
“On the Russian side, I’ve seen some shoot downs that make me wonder, flying around the daytime, at altitude, flying the same routes. That just makes me think you can’t equate the way that they’re flying with the way that we might fly. So I think there’s a lot of opportunity there for us to learn some things, but not throw the baby out with the bathwater.”
“This is something when I talk to young aviators about what we should take away from some of the decisions that are being made in terms of divesting aircraft out of the army and investing in [unmanned aerial systems] UAS,” Gill added. “We have to make changes, right? We have to see the world the way it is. I know we’re not done with rotorcraft like I told you. Everything that we’re flying right now is going to be on the ramp for a long time.”
The Army’s AH-64E Apaches will be operating for years to come, a top general says. (US Army)
The fate of helicopters in Ukraine has hammered home the need for missions to be mapped out with excrutiating detail before launching, Brig. Gen. Philip C Baker, the Army’s aviation future capabilities director, told us.
“We’ve got to have that ability to have really good planning tools going into mission sets,” Baker explained. “And planning tools is really driven by our data integration across all of our combat systems, intel, maneuver, fires. So when you look at NGC2 [Next Generation Command and Control] that provides us an integrated data path to bring in as much of information early on to planning, so our crews, both manned and unmanned, can plan them out right mission sets so they understand enemy, they understand the electronic spectrum, they understand weather, they understand all that before they go in.”
Soldiers testing the Next Generation Command and Control system. (Army)
In addition, “when you look at the battlefield data and the speed of data that passes around the battlefield, we’ve got to be able to have that inside of our operation cells, and we’ve got to have that inside of our aircraft. And so we’re doing a lot this year onboarding new communication capability onto platforms that will bring into our experiment in March, that brings in satellite-based communication, that brings in mesh networks onto platforms to be able to drive that data flow onto platforms inside of our operation cells.”
Having standoff munitions capabilities is also key, Baker posited, pointing to the Army’s developing launched effects effort, a broad term that the U.S. military currently uses to refer to uncrewed aerial systems configured for different missions, like reconnaissance or acting as loitering munitions, which can be fired from other aerial platforms, as well as ones on the ground or at sea. For the Army, one example of a longer-range weapon being fielded for Army helicopters is the Israeli-designed Spike-NLOS. It gives Apaches the ability to hit moving targets far away with exacting precision. Far longer-ranged launched effects will also become available, including those that can decoy, jam, and attack targets many dozens, or even hundreds of miles away.
“The role of launched effects is to provide that standoff capability, not like a Hellfire at eight kilometers, but multiple, multiple kilometers out, so we can make contact with the enemy early, understand what the enemy is doing, and then have an effect on the enemy,” Baker suggested. “So that’s really the role of launched effects.”
New and improved sensors will also help rotary-wing aircraft survive by making them better able to operate in a degraded visual environment, Baker added.
“As we bring new sensors onto the aircraft, we want to be able to truly operate in those environments that give us the highest capability and survivability,” Baker pointed out. “So during darkness hours, during dust, during, you know, the environment where we need we can operate not in daytime. So we’re bringing on sensor capability to our platforms that allow us to even enhance our ability to operate at night.”
Asked about what the right lessons from Ukraine are, especially for a potential fight against a peer adversary like China, Baker said they are “really tied to that standoff range. We know standoff is going to be critical to be able to stay outside of weapon engagement zones so we can operate kind of a sanctuary.”
The Army also wants “to rely on that data network to be able to pass information quickly so we can strike quickly and affect the enemy,” Baker added.
Lessons learned from Ukraine are informing how the Army is developing the Valor, Brig. Gen. David Phillips, program executive officer of aviation, told TWZ.
“I would offer, from equipment perspective and a sustainment perspective, you can look at the equipment decisions that we’re making on MV-75 and tie them directly to these lessons learned, how we integrate launch effects, how we integrate networks, how we integrate the survivability on the platform, the survivability off board the platform, and just the aircraft survivability itself. I think we’re absolutely integrating those into our design efforts today, as we’re headed toward the critical design review that’s coming up in the spring.”
The U.S. Army’s Future Long-Range Assault Aircraft (FLRAA) tiltrotors will be designated MV-75s, the service announced today at the Army Aviation Association of America’s annual Mission Solutions Summit. (Bell) Bell
With many Russian helicopters being lost from attacks on their bases, Maj. Gen. Lori Robinson, Commanding General of Army Aviation and Missile Command, said it will be important to keep an eye on the skies.
“I think the right lesson is that everyone does have to look up,” Robinson told us. “And that includes your sustainment footprint on the ground. So we’re looking into how to make that mobile. We don’t have a mound of stuff on the ground. And then every soldier out there, whether you’re in the aircraft or you’re sustaining the aircraft on the ground, is going to have to be aware of what is above them.”
When it comes to thinking about lessons learned from Ukraine, Gill said one thing stands out. While crewed rotary wing aviation will be in the mix for years to come, uncrewed systems will ultimately be at the pointy tip of the spear.
“The Army made a decision to move toward unmanned capability,” he noted. “And so I think the lesson that I take from Ukraine and this nature of warfare is you lead with unmanned systems, right? So whether you want to create an effect, whether you want to create a diversion, whether you want to find something, and then you introduce people. When you need humans to do the things that humans are really good at doing,”
Leonardo DRS has revealed a new capability in its range of what it calls Maneuver Air Defense payloads. The new Air Defense Light Variant (ADLV) is based on the Joint Light Tactical Vehicle (JLTV) as a lighter-weight member of its counter-unmanned aerial system (C-UAS) and short-range air defense family. It comes hot on the heels of the counter-drone directed-energy Stryker armored vehicle that the company unveiled last year at the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual conference in Washington, D.C.
The ADLV revealed this week at AUSA blends a different set of sensors and effectors, with the Leonardo DRS RPS-42 MHR radar for detection and the EOS R400 Slinger remote weapons station equipped with an electro-optical sensors, laser designator and a 30mm cannon. APKWS laser-guided rockets and Stinger missiles in a four-pack launchers make up the type’s longer-reaching effectors that can also engage traditional aircraft and other threats. The AV Titan 4 provides electronic warfare support and a Skyview system offers passive detection of unmanned aircraft. This is all packed into an extremely mobile and supportable platform that the JLTV provides.
Leonardo DRS’ Joseph Ralwes talked us through the company’s approach to the latest U.S. Army C-UAS needs, and how he sees this in-demand role evolving in the coming years.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
The U.S. Army continues to lag behind global trends when it comes to fielding drones and systems to counter their use by hostile forces, according to a top general overseeing soldiers in Europe. Units forward-deployed in the European theater are trying to break a cycle of seemingly endless experimentation to actually operationalize relevant capabilities, especially within smaller units, buoyed now by major U.S. military-wide initiatives.
Army Lt. Gen. Charles Costanza, commander of V Corps, talked about issues relating to drones and counter-drone capabilities at a panel discussion at the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual symposium yesterday. TWZ‘s Howard Altman was in attendance and had a chance to talk further with Costanza immediately afterward. From World War II through the Cold War, and for years afterward, V Corps was a key component of the Army’s presence in Europe. Inactivated in Germany in 2013, it was reestablished at Fort Knox in Kentucky in 2020, and a forward headquarters in Poland was subsequently stood up.
A soldier assigned to 2nd Cavalry Regiment, which falls under the command of V Corps, launches a quadcopter drone during training. US Army
“We’re behind. I’ll just be candid. I think we know we’re behind,” Costanza said in response to a direct question at the panel from our Howard Altman. “We’ve been talking about counter-UAS [uncrewed aerial systems] and UAS capability for a better part of a decade, since, really, we watched the war in Armenia and Azerbaijan go on, and saw very much the beginning of the drone UAS capabilities.”
A Stryker light armored vehicle fitted with a counter-drone sensor system assigned to 2nd Cavalry Regiment, which falls under V Corps. US Army
The propaganda video below from the State Border Service of Azerbaijan highlights how much of a fixture kamikaze drones were in the 2020 war between that country and Armenia.
“We aren’t moving fast enough,” Costanza continued. “And it really took Russia’s invasion of Ukraine [in 2022], and the way they’re innovating, and Ukrainians are innovating, to realize, hey, we need to move fast.”
A Ukrainian drone from the 79th Air Assault Brigade drops a 40mm HEDP grenade on a Russian UR-77 Meteorit, causing a catastrophic payload explosion. pic.twitter.com/SsaQCKXsNL
Many were surprised yesterday by the news that a Russian fiber-optic FPV drone flew into Kramatorsk and attacked a car.
But there is nothing surprising here. The war of 2025 is already very different from the war of 2024. From LBZ to Kram — 20 kilometers. Enemy FPVs can fly even… pic.twitter.com/hTfhJFPcxZ
“I think we do,” Costanza also said when asked specifically if the U.S. military needed a capability broadly in line with the Iranian-designed Shahed-136 long-range kamikaze drone. The Shahed-136 has become something of a household name as a result of Russia’s heavy use of variants and derivatives, including types it now produces domestically, in attacks on Ukraine. Last month, TWZ laid out a detailed case for why the U.S. military should already be buying tens of thousands of Shahed-136 clones, which you can find here.
A view inside a Russian factory producing versions of the Shahed-136 kamikaze drone. Russian Media
As part of his response to the questions from our Howard Altman, Costanza highlighted Project Flytrap as a prime example of efforts underway to try to reverse these trends. Flytrap is an ongoing series of Army-led training events in Europe focused on counter-drone capabilities and tactics, techniques, and procedures to go with them.
“I think Flytrap is the start point to that, right? So I think Flytrap is taking the capabilities we have right now, identifying how we layer those capabilities, and then taking that, giving it back to the Army, and saying, here’s how you do it now, go make the acquisition purchase,” Costanza said. “Flytrap is just really trying to figure out what the systems are that we need. The scope and scale piece goes back to the Army.”
Members of the 2nd Cavalry Regiment aim a counter-drone jammer during a Project Flytrap event. US Army Staff Sgt. Christopher Saunders
“What we learned is that there’s really no one system solution. It takes a layered approach. And you know, the way to think about it is, you have to detect what’s in the air, what’s a threat. You have to decide what you’re going to do about it, and that you need the means to actually do something about it,” Col. Donald Neal, commander of the Army’s 2nd Cavalry Regiment, which falls under V Corps, also said yesterday while speaking alongside Costanza. “There’s no one system solution to protecting the air above you.”
A key “challenge has been getting the network straight, being able to have the data in a cloud-based environment that we can process it in a way that’s integrated, not just with the counter-UAS systems, but the larger, integrated air and missile defense network, and how we do that. So we’re working through that,” Costanza further noted. “What we need to do now is take those systems, integrate them with an AI [artificial intelligence] capable, data-driven mission command system, [and] sync it all together, not just [for the] U.S., but across all our NATO partners.”
The 2nd Cavalry Regiment has been taking a leading role in Project Flytrap, as well as separate but adjacent efforts to step up the fielding of uncrewed aerial systems, including weaponized types, within the service’s own formations.
Stryker light armored vehicles assigned to 2nd Cavalry Regiment seen configured for a Project Flytrap event. US Army Sgt. Alejandro Carrasquel
“2nd Cavalry Regiment is standing up what they call Delta Company,” Costanza noted during the panel. “It’s taking all the different systems that can have effects, lethal, non-lethal – so not just kinetic, but EW [electronic warfare] – counter-UAS, [as well as] UAS, [and] creating one organization to synchronize those capabilities faster than what we’re able to do right now.”
The Army has already been experimenting with similar units, which have been referred to as Strike Companies and Multi-Purpose Companies (MPC) in the past, outside of 2nd Cavalry, which you can read more about here.
“I think Putin feels he’s in conflict with NATO right now,” Costanza told our Howard Altman in the interview after the panel. “I think he’s just going to continue to ramp that up until we stop it, and NATO knows that, but we still haven’t done that yet.”
US Army Gen. Charles Costanza, head of V Corps, meets with soldiers. US Army Spc. Sar Paw
When it comes to the broader issue of the Army lagging in the fielding of drones and counter-drone systems, Project Flytrap and the other work V Corps is involved in are clearly aimed at operationalizing new capabilities. The Pentagon has publicly lauded Flytrap as an example of the services moving to act on the new direction from the Secretary of War intended to address increasingly worrisome capability and capacity gaps that extend well beyond American forces in Europe.
In July, the Pentagon announced a sweeping array of policy and other changes structured around the central goal of getting huge numbers of drones, including weaponized types, into the hands of units, especially smaller ones, across the entire U.S. military. In August, Joint Interagency Task Force 401 (JIATF 401) stood up as the newest U.S. military organization intended to act as a focal point for the accelerated development and fielding of counter-drone systems for use on the battlefield, as well as to defend facilities and assets within the homeland.
At the same time, what Gen. Costanza talked about yesterday still sounds very much like the kinds of test and evaluation efforts that have been going on for years already. As he himself acknowledged, much of the work that has been done to date has not translated into major new operational capabilities, even as Ukraine and Russia, and many other countries globally, particularly China, have pushed ahead. The Army faced pointed criticism in July after touting the test of a grenade-dropping drone in Europe, a capability that has been in daily use for years now on the battlefield in Ukraine.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
Sig Sauer says it has been able to trim the weight of the Army’s new 6.8x51mm M7 service rifle by nearly a pound, or just over 10 percent, in response to feedback from servicemembers. The M7’s weight compared to the gun it is set to replace, the 5.56x45mm M4A1, was among the criticisms that an Army captain very publicly leveled against the gun earlier this year. Sig had subsequently issued a vehement rebuttal, but acknowledged that the design was still evolving.
Jason St. John, senior director of strategic products for the Defense Strategies Group at Sig Sauer, gave an update on the M7 rifle, as well as the companion 6.8x51mm M250 machine gun, to TWZ‘s Howard Altman on the show floor at the Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual symposium today. Sig Sauer has also been working on a shorter and lighter carbine variation of the M7 for the Army. Sig Sauer did show the lightened “product-improved” M7, also known as the PIE M7, at the biennial Defense and Security Equipment International (DSEI) exhibition in London earlier this year, but does not appear to have had the carbine on display at that event.
The new lightened M7, at rear, and the carbine version, in front, on display at the 2025 Association of the U.S. Army (AUSA) symposium. Howard Altman
The M7 and M250 (previously designated the XM7 and XM250), together with the associated family of 6.8x51mm rounds and the computerized XM157 optic, form the Army’s Next Generation Squad Weapons (NGSW) ‘system.’ The service selected Sig Sauer as the winner of its NGSW competition in 2022 and now plans to replace a substantial portion of its M4A1s and M249 Squad Automatic Weapons (SAW) with M7s and M250s, respectively. Sig is also supplying the ammunition, but the XM157s are being procured separately from Vortex Optics.
The M250 machine gun, at top, and the M7 rifle, at bottom. Sig Sauer
“So, we’re talking about the Army’s and our continued teaming effort to improve the M7 and the M250, based on our recommendations, and their suggestions, and feedback from the field,” Sig Sauer’s St. John said.
“There’s basically two combined efforts going on within the M7,” he continued. “We have a carbine version, and then we have a lighten, improved version of the M7. And so when you look at the standard M7 that’s been issued to the troops, the overall weight of the firearm was 8.3 pounds. Now, the improved M7 is 7.6 pounds, and the carbine version weighs 7.3 pounds. So we’re getting closer and closer to [a] rifle weight system similar to the M4.”
The PIE M7 also has a 13.5-inch barrel, while the one on the carbine version is 10 inches long. A standard M4A1 with its 14.5-inch barrel, as well as just a sling and a loaded magazine, weighs in at 7.62 pounds, according to the Army. It is important to note that optics and other accessories add appreciable weight to both the M7 and M4A1. The XM157 optic is notably larger and heavier than the ones the Army typically issues for use on M4A1s.
A member of the 101st Airborne Division trains with an M7 rifle fitted with an XM157 optic. US ArmyA US Army soldier fires an M4A1 carbine. US Army
In terms of how the PIE M7 was lightened, “there’s the upper receiver, we’ve redesigned and taken some weight out of it. We’ve lessened the barrel profile slightly to get some weight out of it,” according to Sig’s St. John. “We’ve done some lightening efforts within the operating system, as well as remove the folding stock hinge. By removing that hinge, we save some weight.”
The original M7 featured a stock that was both adjustable in length and could be folded to one side. The M4A1’s stock is only adjustable in length.
“What we just found is really that the Army and the soldiers have fed back … [that] they’d rather have the weight savings than the folding stock,” St. John added. “They aren’t using the folding stock enough to justify that additional weight.”
The video in the Tweet below shows a placard with additional details about the PIE M7 and the carbine version at around 0:41 in the runtime.
As one of the @USArmy’s premier Air Assault units, I saw firsthand how the @101stAASLTDIV is leading the charge to make Transformation in Contact a reality. From air assault missions to next-gen weapons, UAS integration, and robust tactics, they’re setting the pace for a faster,… pic.twitter.com/vS96zYFhj7
A screen grab showing the placard with details about the PIE M7 and carbine version from the video above. US Army capture
Sig Sauer has also made important changes to the M250’s design based on discussions with the Army and feedback from soldiers.
“You’re going to see, instead of having a removable front handguard, now you have a hinged captured handguard, so it stays on the weapon system – rotates forward and away,” St. John explained. “The feed tray cover is extended with the big rail, so that now I have more adjustability for the optics that I put on there, and eye relief to the individual soldiers, and now I can move my optic further back or forward depending on what’s wanted.”
“I’ve got improved bipods. I’ve got [an] improved gas valve,” he continued, also highlighting improvements to how the M250 can be fitted to a tripod and how ammunition is carried on the gun. “Basically the feedback from everyone is, what can we do to improve this weapon system, make it more easy [sic] to use, and more robust and reliable.”
A US Army soldier fires an M250 during cold-weather testing. US Army
Work has also been done to improve the common sound suppressor for the M7 and M250.
“We’ve also redesigned our suppressor to make it shorter,” per St. John. “We’ve added a titanium heat shield on it that does two-fold [things].”
The heat shield helps reduce the chance of contact burns as the suppressor heats up during use. It also reduces thermal bloom, which could make it easier for enemies to spot friendly forces from their heat signature. St. John cautioned that no one should be rushing to grab the suppressor, especially with bare hands, after sustained use, even with the new heat shield.
When it comes to the M7, St. John said that the Army is now in the process of deciding how to proceed in fielding the PIE and/or carbine versions.
“You could see there’s probably a couple of decision points. Do they stick with the standard length M7 that’s been lightened by 0.7 pounds? Or do they and or do they move to the carbine completely?” he said. “Do they keep the carbine for specialty troops and still issue the M7, or do they take the carbine and utilize that as the new rifle across the board? So they’re trying to make those decisions.”
Another soldier seen in training with an M7 rifle. US Army
St. John pointed out that the Army had gone through a similar evolution in thinking in the decades that followed the fielding of the A1 variant of the M16 in the 1960s. The service adopted a succession of full-size rifle versions before transitioning to the shorter and lighter M4A1 as its standard service weapon.
That the Army is looking at lighter variations of the M7 at all is significant. The weight of the rifle was among the criticisms that Army Capt. Braden Trent had highlighted in an unclassified report he wrote while he was a student at the Expeditionary Warfare School, which is part of the Marine Corps University in Quantico, Virginia. Trent also called attention to the comparative size and weight of the 5.56x45mm and 6.8x51mm rounds, as well as the shorter barrel on the M7 compared to the M4A1. Trent’s findings, which raised safety concerns about the rifle and cited other issues that called its operational utility into question, came to more widespread attention after he presented them at the annual Modern Day Marine conference earlier this year.
There is one particular “major fault in the XM7, and that’s the UBL … or universal basic load. It’s a metric that can be applied to almost any weapon system, and it essentially means the amount of magazines and associated ammunition that a system uses and is expected to be carried into battle,” Trent said at Modern Day Marine. “So the XM7 [and] the M4A1 actually have the same number of magazines in their UBL seven, but remember, we’re talking about that capacity difference. The total round count a soldier carries into battle with the XM7 is 140 rounds compared to the 210 rounds of the M4A1. Now again, a 70-round difference may not seem significant, but to the soldier in the fight, it absolutely is a difference. Not to mention that every magazine added to the XM7, each 20-round loaded magazine adds another 1.25 pounds to the soldier’s load, meaning that if troops equipped with the XM7 tried to match their old UBLs [in terms of round count], they’re going to have even more weight being carried.”
“The final thing I’d like to mention is the Chief of Army Infantry’s stated goal of a 55-pound total soldier load,” he added. “If we just take the XM7 and its seven UBL magazine load, we’re almost at half that weight, and that’s before the soldier is put on body armor, water, a rucksack, or anything else that they’ll need in the fight.”
A US Army soldier reloads an M7 rifle. US Army
The Army’s position has been that the M7 and its new cartridge offer improved accuracy, range, and terminal effectiveness that are worth the added bulk. Concerns about soldiers being outranged, as well as improvements in adversary body armor, were key drivers behind the NGSW program. Trent’s report also calls this into question based on data he collected regarding expected infantry combat engagement distances.
Sig Sauer had also provided a lengthy rebuttal to the technical issues that Trent raised. You can read more about all of this in TWZ‘s in-depth report on the ensuing controversy following his presentation.
“I think that soldiers and citizens should want Sig Sauer, the U.S. [Army] program office to continue that practice of continually evolving and developing and improving their soldiers’ weapons systems. And I think we anticipate that we’re going to undergo those improvement processes for the next 25 to 30 years,” the company’s St. John had told TWZ at the time. “There’s going to be improvements in manufacturing [and] materials processes. The soldiers on the ground and the U.S. Army are going to dictate different operational requirements and standards for the weapons systems, and we’re going to have to react to those modifications that are going to optimize that weapon system as that evolves through time and history.”
“It should be no surprise, in my opinion, that specifically in the infancy of a weapons program that there’s a very aggressive improvement effort to ensure that the Army and the soldiers get the weapon system that they deserve,” he added.
From what we know now, the Army’s plans for the M7 are already evolving significantly, with criticisms about the rifle’s weight, in particular, having been taken to heart.
Pakistan Taliban claims responsibility for attack on military convoy, leading to a deadly gunfight.
Published On 8 Oct 20258 Oct 2025
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Eleven military personnel have been killed in a gunfight with armed fighters in the country’s northwest, according to the Pakistani army.
The gun battle erupted early on Wednesday during an intelligence operation in the Orakzai district near the Afghan border, the army said in a news release.
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During the intelligence raid, the military said, an “intense” exchange of fire broke out with “Khawarij”, a term it uses for banned groups such as the Pakistan Taliban, which claimed responsibility for the attack.
Among the dead were Lieutenant Colonel Junaid Arif and his deputy, Major Tayyab Rahat, along with nine other soldiers. The army said 19 fighters were also killed.
The Reuters news agency, citing Pakistani security officials, reported that the fighters ambushed a military convoy with a roadside bomb before opening fire.
In a statement, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif lauded security forces for their service and paid tribute to the troops who lost their lives.
In recent months, the Pakistan Taliban, which wants to overthrow the government and replace it with their hardline brand of Islamic governance, has stepped up attacks on Pakistani security forces.
Islamabad says the group uses neighbouring Afghanistan to train and plan attacks against Pakistan, while archrival India funds and backs them, charges denied by both countries.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
The U.S. Army has handed the American division of the Belgian gunmaker Fabrique Nationale (FN) a contract for further development of its semi-automatic Multi-Purpose Tactical Launcher-30mm (MTL-30). This comes as the service is still pushing to acquire a new Precision Grenadier System (PGS) that will give soldiers a new way to engage a wide range of targets, including lightly armored vehicles, enemy personnel behind cover, and drones in the sky.
FN America announced yesterday that it had secured what it called a Prototype Project Opportunity Notice (PPON) contract, valued at $2 million, for work on the MTL-30. The Army first put out the PPON in relation to the PGS effort in February. The service described it as a call for prototypes to support a “risk reduction effort separate from the Precision Grenadier Program of Record with the goal of developing technologies associated with the current capability gap.”
The MTL-30 grenade launcher. FN America
“This program is a U.S. Government priority with the shift in modern warfare and engagements, and FN is honored to be selected to develop this new, innovative solution,” Mark Cherpes, President and CEO for FN America, said in a statement. “Once developed and implemented, this weapon system could radically change future battlefield strategies. It will offer new capabilities at the squad level and upgraded tactical options, giving the warfighter a more effective system.”
“The FN MTL-30 shoulder-fired launcher can engage in close-quarter warfare, defeat targets in defilade, and engage unmanned aerial systems (UAS). It could also be networked with FN remote weapon stations to create a multi-layered defense against UAS,” John Bungard, Senior Director of Military Development Programs at FN America, also said. “Providing solutions that can counter multiple threats is critical for future battlefield engagements. We are excited that the Army is interested in maturing our PGS solution. We are fully committed to this system and its development.”
Though not explicitly mentioned in FN America’s release today, the MTL-30 looks very clearly to be an evolution of a previous design called the PGS-001. The Army picked the PGS-001 as one of two finalists in the xTechSoldier Lethality challenge to “showcase their innovative concepts for a Precision Grenadier System” last year. The service subsequently declared the other finalist, the Squad Support Rifle System (SSRS) from Barrett Firearms and MARS, Inc., as the winner.
The prototype of the Barrett-MARS SSRS that was entered into the xTechSoldier Lethality challenge. Barrett Firearms
Like the PGS-001, the current MTL-30 has the general outward appearance of an oversized assault rifle. The semi-automatic weapon is 35 inches long and weighs around 10 pounds. It feeds 30mm cartridges from three or five-round detachable box magazines.
The MTL-30 has a Picatinny-type accessory rail along the top, as well as additional accessory attachment points on the handguard utilizing the increasingly popular M-LOK system developed by another American firm, Magpul. No particular accessories are shown in the images FN America has released so far. The Army has not yet publicly stipulated the need for the future PGS to make use of any particular optics or other attachments. A computerized sighting system of some kind would be needed to make the most optimal use of the weapon.
“Real time soldier feedback has led to a prototype that is far more user-friendly, incorporating a footprint users will be familiar with due to the M4-style controls, grip and buttstock,” according to FN America’s release. “The system features a soft shooting launcher with low-felt recoil, enabling rapid target engagement with effective payloads from an extremely controllable system.”
A close up look at the MTL-30’s pistol grip, trigger, and fire controls, all of which mimic those found on M16/M4-series guns. FN America
More specific details about the rounds the MTL-30 fires are currently limited. PGS requirements that the Army has previously released have called for a family of ammunition that at least includes a “Counter Defilade Round” capable of engaging personnel behind hard cover and a companion round for use in training. The service has also expressed a desire for armor-piercing, dedicated anti-drone, and “Close Quarters Battle” cartridges, the latter of which could refer to some kind of buckshot-like canister round.
FN America has said the weapon has an effective range of 1,640 feet (500 meters), which is another known PGS program requirement, and that the ammunition it uses flies along a flat trajectory. The Army’s existing M203 and M320 grenade launchers both fire 40x46mm rounds that travel along a trajectory with a very pronounced arc. A flatter trajectory can be more advantageous for engaging certain target sets.
It is worth noting here that the Army primarily fields the M203 and M320 as under-barrel attachments for existing M16/M4-series guns, though the latter can also be employed in a stand-alone configuration. The maximum effective range of the M203 and M320 when firing typical high-explosive rounds is 1,148 and 1,312 feet (350 and 400 meters), respectively.
A US Army soldier fires an M203 grenade launcher attached to an M4 carbine. US ArmyA US Army soldier fires an M320 in its stand-alone configuration. US Army
“The PGS will be a man portable integrated weapon system that enables precision engagements to destroy personnel targets in defilade and in the open with increased lethality and precision compared to the legacy M203/M320 grenade launchers,” according to another Army PGS contracting notice from February 2023. “The PGS will provide overmatch to comparable threat grenade launchers in near peer formations in future operating environments (jungle, urban, woodland, subterranean, desert, day/night/obscured). The PGS is envisioned to consist of a weapon, a fire control, and a suite of ammunition which enables the user to engage targets in defilade/cover, hovering UAS targets, conduct door breaching, engage close combat targets, and light armored targets.”
What timeline the Army might be currently targeting to start actually fielding PGSs is unclear. The program traces back to at least 2020.
Between the mid-2000s and the late 2010s, the Army had also pursued the development of a very similar weapon, designated the XM25, and known variously as the Individual Semi-Automatic Airburst System (ISAAS) or Counter-Defilade Target Engagement (CDTE) System. Also nicknamed “The Punisher,” the XM25 had itself evolved from next-generation infantry weapon efforts dating back to the 1990s.
The XM25 grenade launcher. US Army
A key feature of the XM25 was the advanced (and costly) programmable 25mm airbursting ammunition that it fired. The weapon’s computerized fire control system used a laser range finder to determine the distance to the target and then set the round to detonate at the optimal point in its flight.
The Army announced in 2018 that it had canceled work for good on the XM25, citing the weapon’s 14-pound weight and its physical bulk, as well as rising costs.
As has already been noted, FN America is also not the only company already angling to supply the Army with a new advanced grenade launcher. In addition to SSRS from Barrett and MARS, the American subsidiary of German firm Rheinmetall has been developing the Highly Advanced Multi-Mission Rifle (HAMMR), and Northrop Grumman and Colt are working together on their own as-yet-unnamed design.
The Northrop Grumman-Colt weapon is chambered to fire 25mm rounds, and you can read more about it overall here.
A mockup of the Northrop Grumman-Colt precision grenade launcher on display at the Modern Day Marine exposition in April. Howard Altman
American Rheinmetall’s HAMMR is a version of its Squad Support Weapon 40 (SSW40), which was first unveiled in 2022. The SSW40 fires 40x46mm cartridges that are similar to the ones used in the M203 and M320, but have a higher muzzle velocity and, by extension, maximum range.
Rheinmetall’s SSW40, on which the HAMMR design is based. Rheinmetall
American Rheinmetall had also competed in the xTechSoldier Lethality challenge, along with two other companies, Knight Technical Solutions (not to be confused with Knight’s Armament Company) and Plumb Precision Products. At the time of writing, whether any other firms have received PPON contracts related to PGS is unknown.
The announcement of the PPON contract does show that the Army is continuing to lay the groundwork for a new semi-automatic grenade launcher that it hopes will give soldiers a major boost in capability over the M203s and M320s they have now.
Emergency services say two people seriously injured in the southern Israeli city after failure to intercept.
Published On 24 Sep 202524 Sep 2025
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Israel’s military says a drone launched from Yemen has struck the southern city of Eilat, and rescuers report that at least 20 people are wounded, including two in serious condition, as Israel conducts its genocidal war on Gaza.
A military statement said the drone “fell in the area of Eilat” on the Red Sea coast on Wednesday after air defences failed to intercept it.
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“The public is requested to continue to follow the Home Front Command’s defensive guidelines and further guidelines issued,” it said on Telegram.
The Magen David Adom emergency medical service said two people were seriously injured while others sustained moderate to minor injuries.
Police said bomb disposal experts were examining the nature of the object and warned the public to avoid approaching the crash site or touching any remnants that may contain explosives.
Al Jazeera’s Hamdah Salhut, reporting from Amman, Jordan, because Al Jazeera has been banned from Israel, said it was worth noting that this is not the first time Eilat has been struck or targeted. “In fact, just last week another drone launched by the Houthis made an impact,” she added, referring to the Yemeni group that has been targeting Israel in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.
“In that instance, Israel said it was investigating why the interceptors did not go off. So surely there will be an investigation as to how the interceptors failed this time around.”
Since Israel launched its war on Gaza in October 2023, the Houthis have carried out drone and missile attacks against it. They have also targeted vessels linked to Israel in the Red Sea, disrupting maritime trade passing through the water channel.
Most of the dozens of missiles and drones launched have been intercepted or fallen short of Israeli territory.
Israel has carried out numerous attacks across Yemen, including on the capital, Sanaa. Earlier this week, Israel was accused of killing 31 journalists in Yemen.
Late last month, Israel assassinated Houthi Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi in an air strike in Sanaa. The group promised “vengeance” for his death and the deaths of almost half of his cabinet.
HE was the down-to-earth Yorkshireman with one of the most famous gestures in sport.
The way cricket’s most famous umpire Dickie Bird gave batsmen their marching orders — lifting his arm, oh so slowly, index finger outstretched — became his trademark.
The former cricketer became a legend at Yorkshire CCCCredit: Shutterstock Editorial
Miner’s son Dickie, who has died at the age of 92, was as much a part of British summers as, well, the sound of bat on ball.
He will be remembered as the man whose popularity broke down the divide between the game’s officials and players — also winning him a huge army of fans way beyond the boundary rope.
Generation after generation watched as Dickie, real name Harold Dennis Bird, umpired 66 tests and 69 one-day internationals, including three World Cup finals, with fairness and humour while reining in the most cantankerous of players.
Dickie, who never married, is expected to leave his multi-million- pound fortune — most of it made when he published his autobiography in 1997 — to children’s hospitals which he often visited.
After his death was announced by Yorkshire County Cricket Club, tributes flooded in for the lord of LBW — when umpire adjudges ball to have hit leg before wicket.
A club statement read: “Dickie Bird enjoyed an illustrious career as an international umpire, writing his name into history as the most famous and popular official in the game’s history.
“He is synonymous with Yorkshire cricket, where he has been one of the most loyal supporters.”
The club named the former Yorkshire batsman as its president in 2014 and said it was a role he held with “pride and distinction” as the club won two country championships during his tenure.
It added that Dickie, awarded an MBE in 1986 and OBE in 2012, had become known “not only for his umpiring excellence but also his eccentricities and warmth”.
The legendary opening batsman said of the umpiring great: “Dickie was a character, always fun. He was respected, admired and loved. A cricket icon.
“He was brilliant because he made a lot of good decisions but also he had humour and a firmness. He could handle players.
“You could talk to him. He would listen. But chatting him up did not change his mind. No chance. He would laugh with you instead.
“He would never be officious. He just had a way of defusing situations. That was his strength, why he was rated all over the world as the best.”
Boycott first met Dickie in 1955, when they played for Barnsley Cricket Club — and the pair were also friends there with another Yorkshireman who later found fame, the late TV host Sir Michael Parkinson. The three would remain pals for life.
He added of Dickie’s cricket: “I was slightly in awe, nearly every time he went out to bat he would score a 50.
“I was shocked when he would come up to me and say, ‘Put my gloves on for me, Gerald’. I would say, ‘My name’s not Gerald, it’s Geoffrey’. It made no difference because he would say, ‘OK, put the gloves on for me Gerald’. He called me Gerald for years.
Former England captain and opening bat Graham Gooch also has fond memories of Dickie — and the time one of his shots struck him during a match against Australia at Old Trafford in 1985.
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Dickie after being hit in the ankle by a Graham Gooch shot in 1985Credit: Shutterstock Editorial
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Dickie with Sir Michael Parkinson and Sir Geoffrey BoycottCredit: Shutterstock Editorial
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Dickie once said his afternoon with Queen Elizabeth was the best day of his lifeCredit: Dickie Bird
Gooch told talkSPORT: “He tried to get out of the way of the straight drive but it hit him on the ankle. He wasn’t averse to making a bit of a song and dance about things — and he had to go off for treatment.”
Dickie was also in the middle when Gooch played his most famous innings — scoring 333 against India at Lord’s in 1990.
But Gooch added: “Things always happened to Dickie in the field. At Headingley, once they had a leaking pipe, right where he was standing, coming up like a sprinkler. It could only happen to him.”
BBC cricket correspondent Jonathan Agnew said of Dickie: “He was a terrific umpire, the players loved him.”
Others taking to social media to pay respects ranged from ex-Prime Minister David Cameron to former Liverpool and Nottingham Foreststriker Stan Collymore.
Dickie was born in Barnsley — where he still lived before his death, although he swapped a two-up, two-down terrace with outside toilet for a luxury 16th-century four-bedroom cottage on the edge of the Pennines.
His dad Harold worked in the coal mines from the age of 13 until 65, but wanted better for his son.
Dickie was a character, always fun. He was respected, admired and loved. A cricket icon.
Sir Geoffrey Boycott
Dickie said: “My father would not let me go down the mine. ‘No way!’ he said. He instilled in me that I would play sport for a living.
“He would get up at four each day and go to the pit and when he came home in the afternoon, although tired, would spend hours with me playing cricket and football.”
Dickie’s teenage years at Barnsley Cricket Club were happy ones, as were the friendships he made with Boycott and Parkinson.
He wept as he recalled his final conversation with Parky, the day before his friend’s death in August 2023, aged 88.
Dickie said: “We cracked a few jokes together, we had a few tears in our eyes and we said goodbye, goodbye to each other at the end of the phone call as if we had this feeling that we wouldn’t see each other again and we said goodbye and that was it.
“It was so sad when I heard the news [of his death]. I slumped in my chair and shed tears.”
Another childhood pal was Tommy Taylor, the England and Manchester United centre forward, who died in the Munich air crash of 1958.
Two years earlier, Dickie had made his first-class debut for Yorkshire as a right-hand batsman.
Fervent royalist
He left the club after three years, and spent three more years with Leicestershire before a knee injury forced him to hang up his bat and he switched to umpiring.
He became the first umpire to attract queues of autograph hunters and was so popular with the females that women hung pairs of pants on his statue in his home town.
So popular was he in Barnsley that a local car dealership gave him a motor emblazoned with his name, urging drivers to follow him to their showroom. On the driver’s side they painted him sat at the wheel in his umpiring whites.
Dickie was a fervent royalist who met Queen Elizabeth II 29 times and remembered the time he had lunch with her in 1990.
He also told how he was so nervous about lunch that he turned up at the gates of Buckingham Palace more than four hours early.
He said: “The Queen laughed when I told her and said, ‘You better have a drink’.
“Prince Edward joined us, we had a magnificent lunch, and then it was just the Queen and I in the lounge all afternoon.
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Dickie officiated in 66 Test matches and 69 One Day Internationals, including three World Cup finalsCredit: AFP
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Dickie in 1985 match against Australia at Old TraffordCredit: Getty
“She had a lovely sense of humour. We talked about cricket and horse racing. She said, ‘We think the world of you and we think you do a good job’. That were the best day of my life.”
The pair then kept in touch. “I had a letter from her a fortnight before she died,” Dickie said after her death in September 2022, aged 96.
“She asked about my health, ‘How are you keeping?’, I used to write back and say, ‘You need to keep going, Ma’am. You’ve got to get there — 100 if you can.
“She was the rock of this country. Magnificent.”
It was just the Queen and I in the lounge all afternoon. We talked about cricket and horse racing. She said ‘We think the world of you and we think you do a good job’. That were the best day of my life.
Dickie Bird
Dickie was an ambassador for the Children’s Heart Surgery Fund at Leeds General Infirmary and is expected to leave his money to kids’ hospitals after being reduced to tears during visits across the UK.
It is not known how big his estate is but humble Dickie — who counted a £5 glass of wine at his local restaurant as a treat — donated £35,000 to London’s Great Ormond Street Hospital, £70,000 to Barnsley Hospital and £30,000 to the children’s fund at Leeds General.
He said: “When I visit these hospitals and see sick little babies needing surgery, or cut from their groin to their neck after heart operations, I break down in tears. I am not ashamed to admit it.”
His money-spinning, self-titled autobiography sold more than a book about Princess Diana, after her death the same year.
But ever-modest Dickie said: “Never in my wildest dreams did I think it would go to the bestsellers’ list, and beat even Diana’s book.”
His devotion to cricket left little time for much else, and he admitted he regretted never marrying and having children.
He said during the Covid lockdown: “If I miss having something in life, it’s having a family. I’ve had girlfriends. I nearly married twice. But I never married because in cricket you are never at home. I thought it would never work.
“It would have been wonderful to have a lad and watch him play. I missed that. But you can’t have everything. I gave myself to cricket, and it has given me a real good life.”
CELEB TRIBUTES POURED IN
Graham Gooch: “We all remember him as a brilliant umpire, respected all over the world. He got on with all the players. We didn’t always agree with his decisions but he was a good umpire if you were a batter. You had to be a plumb for him to give you out [LBW].”
David Cameron: “So sorry to hear that the great Dickie Bird has pulled stumps. He was a national treasure and I was fortunate to have shared some hugely enjoyable times with him over the years. At 92, he had a good innings. Farewell, friend.”
Stan Collymore: “For several generations his name simply meant cricket, such was his association with the sport he served so well and loved so much. Rest in peace, Dickie.”
Jonathan Agnew: “Mishaps would occur. Bad light would always come when Dickie was umpiring. The pitch flooded one time because there was a problem with the drainage system. He took players off once because it was too light at a Test match at Old Trafford as sunlight was shining off the glass roof.”
Piers Morgan: “He loved the game with a rare all-consuming passion and the game loved this brilliantly professional, ebullient, emotional and perfectionist Yorkshireman.”
Megha MohanBBC World Service Gender and Identity correspondent
Wanjiru Family
Agnes Wanjiru, who was 21 when she was killed, had just recently become a mother
More than a decade after Agnes Wanjiru, a 21-year-old mother, was killed in Kenya, allegedly by a British soldier, a Kenyan court has issued an arrest warrant for a UK national. If there is an extradition, it would be the first time a serving or former British soldier is sent abroad to face trial for the murder of a civilian – a move her friends would welcome.
On the night she went missing on 31 March 2012, Agnes begged her childhood friends Friend A and Friend B to come out with her.*
Agnes and Friend A were both new mothers, both 21-years-old, both wanting to let off some steam.
Friend B was eager to go out too, and agreed to meet them at the bar at Lions Court Hotel – located in the business district of Nanyuki, a market town in central Kenya, around 124 miles (200km) north of Nairobi.
That evening, Friend B’s mother agreed to watch over Agnes’s five-month-old daughter for a small babysitting fee. With childcare settled, Agnes and Friend A set off, making their first stop at a bar called Sherlock’s.
“There were a lot of muzungu (white) men there,” says Friend A. “I remember some were in plain clothes and some were in army clothes.”
The British Army has a permanent training support base in Nanyuki, and white men, many of them soldiers, were a familiar presence. Locals referred to them as Johnnies, a nickname that carries unsavoury connotations.
“They made me uncomfortable because I’d heard bad things about muzungu men,” Friend A recalls.
“Muzungus don’t treat us Kenyan women well,” adds Friend B. “Johnnies, especially, mistreat us. They disrespect us.”
For young women like Agnes, the risks of engaging with these men were often weighed against the struggle to make ends meet.
“When women are financially desperate, they will do almost anything to survive,” Friend A says. “I don’t believe Agnes was a sex worker though. I never saw her do that. She was very poor.”
Wanjiru Family
The young Agnes struggled to make ends meet to provide for herself and young child
Her friends say that on a good day Agnes would earn around 300 Kenyan shillings – less than £1 ($1.35). On a bad day there was nothing at all, and she relied on the goodwill of her loving elder sister.
Agnes did not have any financial support from the father of her child, and her friends say she was constantly trying to earn money, mostly working in salons and braiding people’s hair, at times turning to more unconventional means.
One method, Friend A recalls, was simple: Agnes would befriend someone who offered to buy her a drink, then quietly ask the bartender to skip the drink and hand her the cash instead.
At Sherlock’s bar that night, Friend A was scrolling through Facebook when she noticed Agnes in what appeared to be a tense exchange with a white man.
“When I approached her to ask her if she was OK, she told me to go to Lions Court as planned and that she would join me shortly.”
Friend A continued on to the hotel, where Friend B and several others were already dancing. A crowd of white men was also present.
Agnes joined them a little while afterwards.
She told her friends she had “cheekily” tried to take a muzungu’s wallet, but a bouncer had intervened. The matter seemed resolved, her friends say. And to her friends, Agnes seemed relaxed.
“She was in high spirits,” says Friend A. “She was joking around.”
At around midnight, Friend A left for home, leaving Friend B and Agnes and their friends dancing.
“The muzungus were buying us drinks, and Agnes was returning them to the bar in exchange for money,” Friend B adds. The two started mingling with other friends. A little while later, Friend B says she saw Agnes leave the bar with one of the white men and assumed that they had come to a consensual arrangement. Other reports say that Agnes was seen leaving with two men.
The next morning, Friend B went to Agnes’s house and saw her worried sister, who told her that Agnes had not returned. She rushed to her own mother’s house, where she found Agnes’s baby still in her care.
By early evening when Agnes had still not returned, Friend B and another friend went to Nanyuki police station to report her missing, and return the baby to Agnes’s sister.
For days, Agnes’s friends searched for her. At Lions Court, a watchman told them there had been “a big fight” in one of the hotel rooms that weekend and a window had been broken.
Nearly three months later, Agnes’s body was discovered in a septic tank near the hotel. She had been stabbed. Friend B and another friend went to the mortuary to see Agnes’s body.
“I felt terrible,” Friend B says. “I couldn’t imagine something like this could happen.”
It would take years before Agnes Wanjiru’s murder drew wider attention.
This prompted an internal investigation in August 2025, which revealed that some soldiers at the base were still engaging in transactional sex with women, many of whom were vulnerable, coerced, or trafficked into sex work.
In April this year, UK Defence Secretary John Healey met Agnes’s family, in Kenya to offer his condolences and issue a statement saying the British government “will continue to do everything we can to help the family secure the justice they deserve”.
British High Commission Nairobi
John Healy met Esther Njoki in April – the first time any UK government minister had met the Wanjiru family
If extradited, it would be the first time a serving or former British soldier is sent abroad to stand trial for the killing of a civilian.
“It is highly welcome and a positive step towards the arch of justice,” says Kelvin Kubai, a lawyer at the African Centre for Corrective and Preventive Action. “However the battle isn’t yet won, given the legal hurdles of extradition proceedings, and we hope the relevant government institutions of both states shall continue cooperating to meet the ends of justice.”
Agnes’s niece, Esther Njoki, has created a GoFundMe page in order to raise money to support the family, travel to the UK and create more awareness about the murder of her aunt.
“We need to push for financial security for Agnes’s daughter,” Esther says, adding that she is now a teenager.
And Agnes’s friends agree that justice has been delayed too long.
“The British Army cannot keep ignoring the murder of our friend,” Friend A says. “We want justice for Agnes and her daughter.”
The BBC has asked the Ministry of Defence for comment.
*The BBC has changed the name of all people listed as witnesses by a Kenyan High Court
Sept. 19 (UPI) — Four U.S. Army special operations soldiers who were aboard an MH-60 Black Hawk helicopter that crashed likely are dead, Army officials announced on Friday.
The helicopter crashed in Washington state at about 9 p.m. PDT Wednesday and caused a 1-acre fire that hampered efforts to reach the four Army soldiers that it carried, including its pilot.
The soldiers were assigned to the Army’s 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment that is headquartered at Fort Campbell in Kentucky and often operates at night, earning its soldiers the “Night Stalkers” designation.
“Our hearts are with the families, friends and teammates of these Night Stalkers,” said Lt. Gen. Jonathan Braga, commanding general of the U.S. Army Special Operations Command, as reported by CBS News.
“They were elite warriors who embodied the highest values of the Army and the Army Special Operations,” Braga added. “Their sacrifice will never be forgotten.”
The Army has not released the four soldiers’ names, according to The Seattle Times.
The helicopter crashed in a rural location about 40 miles west of Joint Base Lewis-McChord, which is about 50 miles south of Seattle.
The 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment has two battalions based at Fort Campbell and one each at Hunter Army Airfield in Georgia and Joint Base Lewis-McChord.
The unit lost five soldiers during a training exercise accident in the eastern Mediterranean Sea in November 2023.
Israel has repeatedly entered Syria since the fall of al-Assad and has carried out air raids across the country.
Published On 14 Sep 202514 Sep 2025
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Israeli troops have carried out a ground operation in Syria’s southeastern Deraa province, Syria’s state news agency reported, the latest incursion in the neighbouring country as it also continues air raids against Damascus in various locations.
Soldiers also carried out searches in the Saysoun and Jamlah towns on Sunday, which are adjacent to the 1974 ceasefire line that was meant to separate Israeli and Syrian troops.
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On Saturday, Ahmed al-Sharaa, the country’s interim president, said talks with Israel have begun to re-establish a 1974 agreement which was concluded after the 1973 war between the countries.
Israel and Syria have held direct talks in recent months, and al-Sharaa has ruled out normalisation. The talks are aimed at halting Israel’s aggressive actions towards Syria and reaching some kind of security deal.
Israel has launched hundreds of strikes on military sites and assets across Syria since the fall of former leader Bashar al-Assad in December. It has also expanded its occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights by seizing the demilitarised buffer zone, a move that violated the 1974 disengagement agreement with Syria.
On Tuesday, Syria “strongly condemned” Israeli attacks on several sites in and around Homs city in the west of the country and around the coastal city of Latakia.
The Israeli air attacks represent “a blatant violation of the sovereignty of the Syrian Arab Republic”, the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.
While Israel had for years waged a secretive campaign of aerial bombardment against Syria’s military infrastructure, its attacks on its neighbour have ramped up since the war on Gaza and the fall of al-Assad.
In late August, six Syrian soldiers were killed in an Israeli drone attack on Damascus, which came a day after a ground incursion into Syrian territory by Israeli troops.
The attacks on Syria come amid Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s promotion of a vision for a “Greater Israel“, a concept supported by ultranationalist Israelis that lays claim to the occupied West Bank and Gaza, as well as parts of Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Jordan.
After violence in southern Syria’s Suwayda on July 13 between Bedouin tribal fighters and Druze factions, government forces were sent in to quell the fighting. But the bloodshed worsened, and Israel carried out strikes on Syrian troops and bombed the heart of the capital, Damascus, under the pretext of protecting the Druze.
Palestinians face mass arrests, displacement in the occupied territory as Netanyahu pushes settlement expansion.
Israeli forces have sealed off entrances to Tulkarem in the northern occupied West Bank, further escalating a campaign of raids, arrests and collective punishment that has displaced thousands of Palestinians as the military relentlessly destroys Gaza.
Footage from Thursday night shared by residents showed soldiers marching Palestinians in lines through the streets in what many described as a humiliating show of force.
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Tulkarem Governor Abdullah Kamil appealed to the international community on Friday, urging the United Nations General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and humanitarian groups to act against what he called “crimes” being committed against the city’s nearly 100,000 residents.
Kamil said Israeli forces were “arbitrarily and unjustly” carrying out mass arrests, storming homes, destroying property and “terrorising children and women”, according to the Palestinian news agency Wafa.
On Thursday, Israeli forces in Tulkarem were allegedly struck by what Israel called an explosive device that injured two Israeli soldiers.
Al Jazeera’s Nida Ibrahim, reporting from Doha, described “videos of the Israeli forces dragging hundreds and hundreds of Palestinians from their homes, from their cafes, from even a garage … in a show of humiliation”.
“They’re trying to remind everyone that if there is any incident in any place in the occupied West Bank that they do not like … they’re going to crack down, not just on the perpetrators … but on everyone in that vicinity,” said Ibrahim.
She added that Israel’s crackdown has displaced “tens of thousands of Palestinians out of their homes … rendering the city, the refugee camps into ghost towns”. Ibrahim said Palestinians see this as part of a broader policy, with Israeli forces trying “to crack down on Palestinians and really … remind them who has the upper hand and control in the occupied West Bank”.
Elsewhere in the West Bank, five young Palestinians were shot and wounded by Israeli forces in the village of Deir Jarir, Wafa reported. One of the injured was arrested before receiving medical treatment, according to the village council. Israeli soldiers also closed the village entrance for several hours.
Israeli troops stormed Nablus and the nearby town of Beit Furik at dawn on Friday, raiding several neighbourhoods in the Old City and surrounding areas.
Witnesses said shops were ransacked, while in Beitin, east of Ramallah, Israeli soldiers seized a house and converted it into a military barracks.
The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned the raids, saying international silence had emboldened Israel to press ahead with unilateral measures aimed at destabilising the territory.
‘There will be no Palestinian state’
The escalation comes as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu advances an illegal settlement expansion plan that would all but eliminate the possibility of a Palestinian state.
On Thursday, he signed an agreement to push forward with construction in the so-called E1 area near the illegal Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim, several kilometres to the east of Jerusalem.
“We are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us,” Netanyahu declared at the signing ceremony, adding: “We are going to double the city’s population.”
The project, which has been driven by far-right ministers in the government, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, covers a 12sq km (4.6sq mile) stretch of land and foresees 3,400 new homes for Israeli settlers. Critics say the plan would cut off large parts of the occupied West Bank from East Jerusalem while linking together major settlement blocs.
Palestinians view East Jerusalem as the capital of their future state. Under international law, all Israeli settlements in occupied territory are illegal, regardless of whether they have Israeli government approval.
Five Shia ministers walk out of cabinet debate as Hezbollah remains adamant it will hold onto its weapons.
Published On 5 Sep 20255 Sep 2025
Lebanon’s army has presented a plan to the government’s cabinet to disarm Hezbollah, saying the military will begin executing it, as some ministers staged a walkout before the session began.
On Friday, Lebanon’s cabinet met for three hours, which included the plan’s presentation by army commander Rodolphe Haykal. The plan did not set a timeframe for implementation and cautioned that the army had limited capabilities.
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Lebanese Information Minister Paul Morcos told reporters after the session that the government welcomed the plan, but stopped short of saying the cabinet had formally passed it.
He said the army would begin implementing the plan according to its logistical, material and personnel capabilities, which might require “additional time [and] additional effort”.
Morcos said the plan’s details would remain secret.
A national divide over Hezbollah’s disarmament has taken centre stage in Lebanon since last year’s devastating war with Israel, which upended a power balance long dominated by Hezbollah.
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (centre), Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and members of the cabinet stand as they attend a cabinet session to discuss the army’s plan to disarm Hezbollah, at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon [Mohamed Azakir/Reuters]
Five Shia ministers, including those from Hezbollah and its ally the Amal Movement, walked out of the cabinet meeting, with the Lebanese armed group adamant it will hold onto its weapons.
The walkout happened as Lebanon’s army chief Haykal entered the meeting to present a plan for disarming the group, local media reported.
Hezbollah and Amal ministers have now walked out of cabinet meetings three times over the disarmament issue.
Hezbollah-aligned Labor Minister Mohammad Haidar told local media before the cabinet’s session had concluded that any decision taken in the absence of Shia ministers would be null and void, as it would be considered in contravention of Lebanon’s sectarian power-sharing system.
Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem last month raised the spectre of civil war, warning the government against trying to confront the group and saying street protests were possible.
Military and political analyst Elijah Magnier says it is not possible for the Lebanese army to confront Hezbollah, adding that it did not “have the appetite to start a civil war”.
“It [also] doesn’t want a partition in the army, because the Shia members within the army would not side by the Lebanese army if it attacks Shia strongholds,” he told Al Jazeera.
Calls grow to disarm
The United States and Saudi Arabia, along with Hezbollah’s primarily Christian and Sunni opponents in Lebanon, have ramped up calls for the group to give up arms.
US Senators Jim Risch and Jeanne Shaheen, members of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued a joint statement in support of Hezbollah’s disarmament on Friday.
“Lebanon deserves a free, prosperous, and secure future. That will only be possible if Lebanon is freed from the influence of Hezbollah and the Iranian regime,” the senators said.
“We recognize that Lebanon’s government has made important progress in the past year, and we applaud the recent decision by Lebanon’s Council of Ministers to approve disarming militias in Lebanon. This commitment must be carried out to its full conclusion, including approving the Lebanese Armed Forces’ disarmament plan for Hezbollah.”
The bipartisan statement underscores growing pressure from Washington on Beirut to curb Hezbollah’s influence, a longstanding demand of both the US and international partners.
However, Hezbollah has pushed back, saying it would be a serious misstep to even discuss disarmament while Israel continues its air strikes on Lebanon and occupies swathes of territory in the south. Four people were killed in Israeli strikes on Lebanon on Wednesday.
Israeli forces have continued to carry out air attacks across Lebanon in near-daily violations of the November truce, causing deaths and injuries among civilians, including Syrian refugees, and destruction of properties and infrastructure.