Features

2026 is shaping up to be a massive year for music fans, with huge names set to drop new albums and singles.

From Lana Del Rey adding a country twist to her latest tracks, to The Rolling Stones promising fresh rock anthems, there’s something for every taste.

Rising stars like Raye and Leigh-Anne will be making waves, while veterans including Paul McCartney, Van Morrison and Bruce Springsteen show no signs of hanging up the microphone.

With this and so much more on the way, here are our top picks for an exciting year ahead.

LANA DEL RAY 

FOLLOWING the likes of Beyonce and Post Malone, Del Rey is set to saddle up and add country nuances to her tenth studio album.  

Previously announced as Lasso and The Right Person Will Stay, expect Stove sooner rather than later in the new year.  

XMAS LEGEND GONE

Driving Home For Christmas singer Chris Rea dies aged 74

NEW TUNE

Legendary band’s unreleased track to be played publicly for first time since 1974

Singles Henry, Come On and Bluebird demonstrated her shift to Americana stylings. 

THE ROLLING STONES 

MICK JAGGER, Keith Richards and Ronnie Wood may be hanging up their touring boots, but it still promises to be a momentous year for rock’s great survivors.  

There was a huge 18-year gap between Hackney Diamonds (2023) and the Stones’ previous album of original songs, A Bigger Bang.  

But in late April, we can expect a new one, again produced by US live wire Andrew Watt. 

RAYE 

WE can expect the much-anticipated follow-up to Raye’s all-conquering, soul-bearing, Brits-winning My 21st Century Blues.

The R&B singer debuted two unreleased songs at this summer’s Glastonbury with one, Where Is My Husband!, becoming the lead single from the as-yet-unnamed album.

Her official site promises an early 2026 release date. 

FOO FIGHTERS 

A NEW album from Dave Grohl and Co is on the cards in 2026, their second since the sad passing of Taylor Hawkins.

With another new drummer, ex-Nine Inch Nails Ilan Rubin, announced in the summer, the first recorded music with him appeared in the shape of single Asking For A Friend.

Two massive UK shows at Liverpool’s Anfield Stadium are set for June. 

ROBBIE WILLIAMS 

INSPIRED by the mid-Nineties period after Robbie left Take That, Britpop is his 13th studio album. 

It begins with the, er, rocket-fuelled Rocket, which is graced with suitably heavy riffing from Black Sabbath’s Tony Iommi. 

Bearing in mind the recent exploits of Oasis, Blur, Pulp and Suede, why not this celebration by one of the era’s favourite singers?  

Out on February 6. 

CHARLIE XCX 

AFTER the Brat summer of 2024, the singer heads in another direction with her soundtrack album for Wuthering Heights.  

Out on February 13, same day as Emerald Fennell’s film version of Emily Bronte’s novel, it has already yielded singles House, with Velvet Underground legend John Cale, and Chains Of Love.

Charli says: “It couldn’t be more different from Brat.” 

PAUL McCARTNEY 

AS far as his epic music career is concerned, Macca will never “let it be”. 

The Beatles legend confirmed work on the follow-up to 2020’s excellent McCartney III.  

In the foreword to a memoir about his other band, Wings, he wrote: “Right now, I have 25 songs that I’m finishing . . . new songs that are interesting.”  

He’s also mentioned in despatches sessions in LA with Andrew Watt (Stones, Lady Gaga). 

THE FACES 

HERE’S a rock ’n’ roll reunion to savour. 

The band’s three survivors, Rod Stewart, Ronnie Wood and Kenney Jones, have been preparing their first album in more than 50 years. 

At least 11 songs have been recorded, which Jones says are “a mixture of stuff we never released but is worthy of releasing and some wonderful new stuff. Rod is writing the lyrics.” 

COURTNEY BARNETT 

THE Aussie rekindles her love of the electric guitar on her forthcoming fourth album.

After decamping to California, she’s been recording in Rancho De Luna, Joshua Tree, home of the legendary hard-rocking Desert Sessions.

First evidence of her labours is recent single Stay In Your Lane, complete with scuzzy bass lines and wonderfully deadpan vocals. 

VAN MORRISON 

HOT on the heels of his sublime return to form, Remembering Now, comes this love letter to the blues, Somebody Tried To Sell Me A Bridge.

Out on January 23, the 20-track album proves Van is still “The Man” at 80.

It includes Fats Domino’s Ain’t That A Shame, Blind Blake’s Delia’s Gone and features stellar 

guests – Buddy Guy and Taj Mahal among them. 

DANNY L HARLE 

AFTER stellar production duties with Dua Lipa, Caroline Polachek and Olly Alexander, Harle steps into the limelight with the genre-hopping Cerulean (released February 13).

“This is my debut album. This is the big one,” says the North Londoner.

Singles already released Starlight (ft PinkPantheress) and Azimuth (ft Polachek) offer much promise. 

BJORK 

THE Icelandic icon has given a strong hint of new material in the new year, her first since 2022’s Fossora. 

She’s involved in a huge exhibition in Reykjavik involving immersive audio and visual installations.

A social media post reveals that the third and last of these is “a new work based on music from her forthcoming album, currently in development.” 

LEIGH-ANNE 

THE impressive former Little Mix singer can finally do things her way when 

she releases her 15-track debut album as an independent solo artist. Following the singles Been A Minute, Burning Up and Dead And Gone, she delivers My Ego Told Me To in February.

Rooted in reggae and pop, it explores personal themes of family and empowerment. 

GORILLAZ 

MURDOC, Russel Hobbs, 2D and Noodle – the brainchildren of Damon Albarn and visual artist Jamie Hewlett – release The Mountain on March 20.

The ninth Gorillaz album brings Indian music to the fore but also finds room for guest appearances by Sparks, Gruff Rhys, Idles and Johnny Marr. Drummer Hobbs calls it “a journey of the soul – with beats.” 

BRUCE SPRINGSTEEN 

THIS was a year when The Boss gave us so much.

Another visit to the UK with the E Street Band followed by two significant raids on his archives – Tracks II with its SEVEN unreleased albums and an expanded Nebraska to coincide with the recent biopic.

Yet he told Rolling Stone: “I have a record finished. It’s a solo record  . . .  I imagine it will come out in ’26 some time.”  

MUMFORD & SONS 

THE trio of Marcus Mumford, Ben Lovett and Ted Deane have reunited with Taylor Swift associate, The National’s Aaron Dessner.

He has produced and co-writes Prizefighter.

Set for release on Feb 13, the band’s sixth studio album arrives less than a year after their UK No 1 fifth, Rushmere. Gracie Abrams, Chris Stapleton & Hozier guest. 

LUCINDA WILLIAMS 

BEARER of one of the most passionate voices in American music, Williams returns with World’s Gone Wrong on January 23.

She addresses head-on the divisions in her country while taking specific aim at the sandy-haired White House incumbent.

She duets with the mighty Mavis Staples on a cover of Bob Marley’s So Much Trouble In The World. 

THE DAMNED 

WHEN the punk pioneers’ founder member Brian James died earlier this year, the current line-up recorded a covers album celebrating the Sixties music loved by their fallen comrade.

Not Like Everybody Else is out on January 23.

Singer Dave Vanian turns There’s A Ghost In My House into a hoot and Captain Sensible takes the lead on Pink Floyd’s See Emily Play. 

Gaza City – The Holy Family Church in Gaza has lit its Christmas tree for the first time after two years of Israel’s genocidal war on the Strip. It is Christmas Eve mass, and the worshippers have packed the main prayer hall. Many of them are excited and happy – not just because it is Christmas but because they are still alive.

The glow of lights on the big Christmas tree and holiday decorations could not hide the harsh reality left by the war on Gaza. The church decided to limit the celebrations to a prayer service and brief family gatherings, but the bells rang loud, and that alone filled people with joy.

One of those people is 58-year-old Dmitri Boulos, who missed celebrating Christmas during the war. He was displaced along with his wife and two children in the early days of the fighting after heavy Israeli shelling hit around his home in the Tal al-Hawa area, south of Gaza City.

“We fled to the church seeking safety at the time, but it turned out there was no safe place,” Boulos said. “The church was hit twice while we were inside, and we lost friends and loved ones during that period.

“Nothing had any taste at all,” he recalled. “There was immense fear and grief for those we lost. How can we celebrate when everything around us is wounded and sad?”

Boulos hopes this Christmas and the new year will bring an end to all the suffering and lift restrictions on Gaza.

“We are trying to make ourselves and our children feel that what’s coming will be better, even though the reality is extremely hard,” he said. “We hope things will return to how they were before.”

The Holy Family Church, the only Catholic parish in Gaza, has long held symbolic importance beyond the Strip. Throughout the war, the late Pope Francis called the parish almost daily, maintaining a direct line to the besieged community.

Most of Palestine’s Christians live in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, totalling approximately 47,000 to 50,000, with an additional 1,000 in Gaza before the war.

The number of Christians in Gaza has dwindled in recent years. Today, there are a few hundred left, a sharp drop from the 3,000 registered in 2007.

During the war, Israeli attacks targeted several Christian places of worship where many displaced Palestinians were taking shelter.

Although the Holy Family Church was not placed by Israel in the zones marked for expulsions, the other churches in Gaza City, including the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Porphyrius and the Anglican St Philip’s Church, were.

But the nearly 550 displaced people sheltering in the Holy Family Church still mistrust the Israeli military. The church has been attacked so many times before – despite Israeli guarantees that it does not target places of worship.

Many of those people remain traumatised and try to rebuild the semblance of a normal life.

“My heart is still heavy with the tragedies and exhaustion we lived through during the war,” Nowzand Terzi told Al Jazeera, as she stood outside the Holy Family Church’s courtyard watching the worshippers without engaging them.

“We were displaced here under bombardment two years ago. I lost my home in an Israeli strike, and then I lost my daughter, who fell suddenly ill last year and passed away,” said Terzi as her voice choked after remembering her 27-year-old daughter – who did not make it on time to hospital because of the war.

“May God help those who have lost their loved ones, and may conditions in the Gaza Strip calm down,” she said, wishing peace and safety for all.

It’s a wish that resonates across the Gaza Strip, where nearly two million people are dealing with continued Israeli attacks and violations of the ceasefire, lack of food, lack of medicine, lack of shelter and basic services.

More than 288,000 families in Gaza are enduring a shelter crisis as Israeli restrictions on humanitarian supplies worsen conditions for Palestinians displaced by the war, the territory’s Government Media Office says.

More than 80 percent of buildings across Gaza have been damaged or destroyed during the war, according to UN figures, forcing enormous displacement.

Edward Sabah is just 18 years old, but he knows well the tragedy of war and displacement. He was forced to leave his home during the war and took shelter in the Saint Porphyrius Church in the Zeitoun neighbourhood of eastern Gaza City. The church was bombed on October 19, 2023, in an Israeli attack that killed 18 people.

“We were gathered in the church courtyard … We were talking normally with other displaced people when suddenly a massive explosion hit one of the church buildings,” Sabah recalls.

“We never expected the church to be targeted, but it happened. Everything unexpected happened during the war. Bombing was everywhere,” he said, adding that he and his family survived and later moved to another church, where they lived for a year and a half.

“During the past two Christmases, we tried very hard to create an atmosphere, but it was extremely sad,” he said. But he is also full of hope and the desire to live.

“This year it’s less intense, but we’re still afraid of what might happen. Still, we decorated the church and tried to create a joyous atmosphere,” Sabah said, adding that he hopes to complete his high school education.

This Christmas has brought joy and a sense of relief to many Christians in the Gaza Strip and in the rest of Palestine. Many Palestinians talk about their sense of belonging and attachment to their land despite all the hardships, tragedies and wars.

That’s why Janet Massadm, a 32-year-old woman from Gaza, decided to style her hair and put on new clothes to celebrate Christmas for the first time in two years.

“We are tired of grief, loss, displacement, and fear that have taken so much from our lives and our years,” Massadm said emotionally.

“Inside, I am completely exhausted because of what we have witnessed,” she added. “But what can we do? We must try to create joy and happiness.”

Like many Christians in Gaza, Massadm was displaced to the church with her family, her parents, brother, and sister, fleeing bombardment in the Remal neighbourhood of central Gaza City.

“I hope the war does not return,” she said. “That people reunite with their loved ones, that we witness a better future, and that Gaza is rebuilt soon.”

THEY were the sweet child actors who made us laugh and cry in our favourite festive films.

But since their big breaks in Christmas movies, few have bagged big parts and many traded fame for ‘normal’ jobs away from our screens.

While the flicks boosted the careers of Matilda star Mara Wilson, whose first role was in A Miracle on 34th Street, and Game of Thrones actor Thomas Brodie-Sangster, who first appeared in Love Actually, not everyone experienced such luck. 

The Holiday star Miffy Englefield told us she was forced out of acting for good because she ‘looked older’ than her years.

And another big name, who starred alongside Arnold Schwarzenegger, Natalie Portman and Ewan McGregor, had quit the profession following a “full-blown psychotic breakdown”.

It can be a tough industry that sees some like high-flying star Thomas, who recently returned to his Love Actually role for a Google Pixel ad, rise to international acclaim while others end up in the depths of despair. 

NOT SO GROTT-O

We’re at Butlin’s for Xmas Day… how it rates with fireworks, panto & turkey

DEADLY GIFTS

Dangers of fake Christmas toys exposed including Labubus with host of hazards

From Christmas gigs to jail for car chases, we explore what became of the kids in your favourite Christmas flicks. 

Nativity! – Sydney Isitt-Ager

In the 2009 film, child actress Sydney Isitt-Ager played little Sadie in Mr Madden’s class.

The film follows Mr Madden – played by Martin Freeman – as he fibs to his class his Nativity performance has been picked up by a Hollywood bigwig. 

Sydney – who is the daughter of Nativity! writer and director Debbie Isitt – starred in all three of the movies.

She went in to study at a theatre college in Epsom, Surrey and bagged her first role as a grown up in a Netflix Christmas film in 2022. 

She played Miss Nerris in the film Christmas On Mistletoe Farm – also starring Nativity! co-star Ashley Jensen.

Sydney, now 26, also appeared in Nativity the Musical, on stage, saying: “Did someone say full circle moment?” 

Most recently she starred in the stage musical Military Wives, directed by her mum.

Elf – Daniel Tay

The child actor starred opposite Will Ferrell in 2003 Christmas flick Elf. 

In the movie, Daniel was just 12 when he played Buddy’s half brother Michael. 

Instead of pursuing a career in Hollywood, the brainbox went to study Economics at prestigious US college Yale. 

Now 34, he also studied Chinese and coaches students taking their SATs while writing on the side. 

The Santa Clause – Eric Lloyd 

Eric played adorable Charlie Calvin in all three of the Santa Clause movies with Tim Allen. 

Aged just eight when he was cast in the role, he finished up the series in 2002 as a teen. 

But now aged 39, he still works in showbiz but opts for a behind the scenes role.

He got into sound engineering and opened his own production studios in Glendale, California. 

In 2022, he revived his role to appear in The Santa Clauses, a TV special based off the films, alongside Allen.

Bizarrely, his film co-star David Krumholtz made a WWE Raw appearance.

Bad Santa – Brett Kelly

As dorky Thurman Merman, Brett Kelly had his first role in Bad Santa and its sequel. 

He went on to have roles in Paul Feig’s Unaccompanied Minors in 2006 and Adrien Brody film High School before studying business in Canada.

But in 2016, he chose to gain 50lbs to bring back his role as Thurman in Bad Santa 2.

He said: “The pain came after. It took about four months to put on and then I’d say about twice that to take it all off.”

For the last four years, the 32-year-old been starring in Canadian legal drama Family Law where he plays paralegal Cecil Patterson. 

Jingle all the Way – Jake Lloyd

The 1996 film was Jake Lloyd’s first Hollywood role – starring as Arnold Schwarznegger’s son Jamie in the holiday romp.

His biggest role came in 1999 when the ten-year-old was cast by George Lucas as Anakin Skywalker in Star Wars: The Phantom Menace. 

In 2001, he quit the industry after bullies targeted him over his role in the Sith vs Jedi epic.

He told The Sun at the time: “My entire school life was really a living hell.”

In 2015, Jake was arrested after a car chase and was held for 10 months while awaiting trial.

He was then diagnosed with schizophrenia and transferred to a psychiatric facility in 2023, where he completed to 18-month inpatient stay. 

Jake, now 36, said he needed to hit “rock bottom” to help him accept his diagnosis, medication and the need to “honestly take part in treatment”.

Love Actually – Thomas Brodie-Sangster

Thomas was 13 when he starred as Sam who seeks advice from his stepdad Daniel (Liam Neeson) after falling for a classmate.

The London-born actor went on to star in Nanny McPhee and The Maze Runner movies, as well as playing Paul McCartney in the John Lennon biopic Nowhere Boy.

He starred as Jojen Reed in two seasons of Game of Thrones and, more recently, he has appeared in the historical TV drama Wolf Hall: The Mirror and the Light.

In June 2024, Thomas, now 35 married actress Tallulah Riley at Anstey village church in Hertfordshire.

Tallulah, who starred in the 2007 movie St. Trinian’s, previously wed Tesla mogul Elon Musk, twice.

They first married in 2010, divorcing two years later, before tying the knot a second time in 2013 and splitting in 2014.

Deck the Halls – Alia Shawkat

She may be better known for playing Maeby Funke in Arrested Development but one of Alia’s first roles was in Deck the Halls. 

She starred as Matthew Broderick’s daughter Madison in the festive flick back in 2006. 

Since, she has had roles in Broad City, sells paintings and provided vocals for band Fake Problems in 2010.

This year, Alia, now 36, notched up eight acting credits on IMDB – including runaway hit Severance, starring Adam Scott, Lego Marvel Avengers and Poker Face.

But in 2019 and 2020, there were rumours she was dating Brad Pitt after the pair were repeatedly spotted together. 

But Shawkat laughed off the story, telling the New Yorker they were just friends.

She added: “It was so weird. Now it’s like a weird dream, where I’m, like, ‘Did that happen?’

“He was, like, ‘I’m sorry. It happens. If you hang out with me, it happens.’ He had no awareness of it at all.”

AS the Osbournes face their first Christmas without Ozzy, his daughter Kelly has a sure-fire way to put a smile on the family’s faces – a new puppy.

The Black Sabbath legend, who died on July 22, age 76, famously hated the festive season.

But that hasn’t stopped Kelly ploughing ahead with plans to try and boost the grieving clan — as 14 of them gather at Sharon and Ozzy’s Buckinghamshire pad for the big day.

And it sounds like Sharon especially will be showered with love.

Kelly said: “I got my mom so many gifts. It’s crazy.

“I did everything bespoke this year.

“I got her all the things that I know that she really needs but with her name on.

“We have a problem with moths in our house so I had these special moth bags made that say, ‘F**k off moths’.

“I got her some new gardening equipment with her name on because she’s been doing a lot of gardening, and a stocking with her name on it.

“She loves chocolate so I bought her a huge new chocolate jar that says ‘Sharon’s Chocolate’.

“I’m also getting her a new puppy because this year we lost Elvis (Sharon’s beloved Siberian Husky, who died in October age 14), which is really hard.

“It’s a Pomapoo (a cross between a Pomeranian and a miniature poodle).

‘I’ll be sous chef – I just point with wooden spoon’

“I don’t even want to go into it all because I keep accidentally telling her what I got her — I get too excited so I tell everyone everything.

“But she knows she’s getting the dog so it’s not going to ruin the surprise.”

There’s no doubt the first Christmas without the Prince of Darkness will be a painful one.

But Kelly is still doing all she can to bring the festive spirit for her mum, as well as her DJ partner Sid Wilson and their three-year-old son Sidney at the mansion where Ozzy is buried underneath an apple tree.

Kelly revealed: “We are going to have a proper English Christmas.

“I always love that.

“They don’t even have crackers in LA.

“You’ve got to go to the (specialty shop) World Market to get them, and they’re not even the best ones.

“So we will have crackers and all watch the King’s speech.

“On the day, there’s going to be 14 of us and I ordered everyone that’s with us a pair of matching pyjamas to wear.

“We are going to be sitting in front of the telly.

We are going to have a proper English Christmas. I always love that

Kelly Osbourne

“My brother Louis (Ozzy’s eldest son who he had with ex-wife Thelma Riley) will cook dinner.

“I’m going to be the sous chef, which means I just point with a wooden spoon. And we’re going to eat tons of chocolates.”

Fresh from his stint on I’m A Celebrity . . . Get Me Out Of Here!, Jack Osbourne, 40, will stay in LA with his wife and children.

“But he’ll be on FaceTime,” Kelly added.

“Then Mom is leaving two days after Christmas to be with him.

“My son is so excited for Christmas.

“Space NK brought Santa Claus to visit us and he couldn’t believe it.

“He kept sneaking into Santa’s sack.

“It was so cute and such a magical moment.

“Me and Mom were sat there going ‘aww’.”

Speaking at Juliet Sear’s Silverwood baking range launch at Fortnum & Mason, Kelly joked that she might even attempt to make her This Morning pal’s gingerbread cookies, saying: “She does make it look easy.

“I’ve been doing a lot of charity work before Christmas to keep me busy because I find it really fulfilling.

“I’m working with Centrepoint as well the King’s Trust, and all the charities from Birmingham that we work with, like the Children’s Hospital, Acorn, and the Parkinson’s charity.”

In a low moment, though, Kelly is ready to admit all her efforts to stay busy don’t mask her grief at losing her dad.

She said: “I just want to get through Christmas without crying.”

Kelly has lost a lot of weight since he died — which cruel trolls have pointed out online.

She previously said in a video on social media: “To the people who keep thinking they’re being funny and mean by writing comments like ‘are you ill?’ or ‘get off Ozempic, you don’t look right’.

“My dad just died, and I’m doing the best that I can, and the only thing I have to live for right now is my family.

“And I choose to share my content with you and share the happy side of my life not the miserable side of my life.

“So to all those people, f**k off.”

‘Being an aunt is the best job in the world’

Now she has hit out at the criticism of how she and Jack, who both shot to fame on MTV’s The Osbournes, have been handling Ozzy’s death.

Kelly said: “I think that people forget that he and I are not the teenagers from that reality show.

“You know what people do now is they’re like, ‘Oh my God, she’s had so much plastic surgery’.

“But you’re looking at a picture of me from when I was 16 years old.

I’m 41 years old now. It’s insane.”

It’s the family that keeps Kelly and the rest of the Osbournes going — and they are all thrilled that Jack is now expecting his fifth child.

Jack has three children from his previous marriage, and little daughter Maple with interior designer wife Aree Gearhart.

Kelly added: “Jack and I have this weird dynamic.

“Even though I am the older sister, he’s the older brother.

We will have crackers and watch the King’s speech. On the day, there’s going to be 14 of us and I’ve ordered everyone a pair
of matching pyjamas to wear. We’ll be sitting in front of the telly

Kelly Osbourne

“I go to him more than he comes to me.

“Unless I have to be protective of him, then I’m the older sister.

“I speak to him every day.

“I’ve already rang him twice this morning.

“Doing the jungle, the hardest thing for me was not being able to speak to him.

“And he is having another baby.

“I try not to make it about me, but I get so excited that I get to be an aunt again because being an aunt is the best job in the world.

“I’ve now got five nieces and nephews now and it’s so good.

“And now that some of Jack’s daughters are getting older, we have a different relationship, where they come to me for things that they don’t go to their dad for.

“It’s really special.”

And with 2026 around the corner, Kelly is not planning to make any resolutions this year.

She said: “No. I’m working on having a farm here.

“I’m setting up barns as we speak, then we’ll get animals.

“The plan is to stay in England now. I wouldn’t leave my dad.

“It’s just one day at a time.

“Grief is a hard thing. It really is.

“You never know when it’s going to take you out.

“It’s the hardest thing you’ll ever go through in your life.

“I’ll never ever be the girl I was before.”

When Qatar helped secure a peace deal to end ongoing conflict between the M23 rebel group and Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) government last month, there was hope among many Congolese that a permanent ceasefire would soon emerge to end the fighting that has uprooted close to a million people in the country’s troubled east, and give war-racked communities some respite as the new year rolls in.

Since late 2021, the group, which the United States and the United Nations say is backed by Rwanda, has clashed with the Congolese army in heavy offensives that have killed at least 7,000 people this year alone. Several regional attempts at resolution have failed. Still, when M23 representatives and Congolese government officials met for negotiations in Doha and proceeded to sign a peace deal in November, exhausted Congolese dared to hope. This deal, some reckoned, could be different.

So when the rebels launched yet another offensive and temporarily seized the strategic city Uvira this month, hopes for lasting peace were painfully crushed, as some concluded that those at the helm of the talks were playing politics.

“It’s clear that they don’t have any will to end this conflict,” Congolese lawyer and political analyst Hubert Masomera told Al Jazeera from the M23-held eastern city of Goma, blaming both sides. “Despite the number of deaths and the extent of the destruction, there is still procrastination over the implementation of the peace agreements and compliance with the ceasefire. People here feel abandoned to their sad fate.”

Fears that the conflict will not only continue, but that it could soon take on a regional dimension, are deepening, too – a sensitive prospect in a DRC where two civil wars in the past were prompted by its neighbours.

Uvira, the newly captured city the rebels then withdrew from as a “trust-building measure” following US pressure last week, is a major transport and economic hub in the huge South Kivu province. It’s strategically located on the border with Rwanda and is just 30 kilometres from the Burundian capital, Bujumbura. The city was the last eastern stronghold of the Congolese army and its allies – local “Wazalendo” militias and about 3,000 Burundian soldiers. Early this year, M23 also seized control of South Kivu’s capital city, Bukavu, as well as Goma, the capital of North Kivu province.

Experts say M23’s advance on Uvira widens the group’s area of control significantly, puts it at the mouth of the mineral-rich Katanga region, and positions Rwandan proxies right at Burundi’s doorstep at a time when both governments are ramping up a war of words and accusing each other of backing rebels.

Rwanda, for its part, continues to distance itself from accusations that it backs M23.

DRC conflict’s complex history

The recent scenes in eastern DRC appear like an eerie playback of a tragic tale, conflict monitors say.

Similar peace negotiations in late 2024, led by the African Union and Angola, seemed ready to deliver peace ahead of a new year. But they collapsed after a highly anticipated meeting between the presidents of Rwanda and DRC was called off. Both sides accused each other of foiling the talks.

“There’s a sense of deja vu,” Nicodemus Minde, East Africa analyst at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), said. “It’s symbolic because we were exactly here last year … the prospects for peace are dire.”

Conflict in the DRC has long been mired in a complex mix of ethnic grievances, poor governance and interference from its much smaller neighbours. It goes back to the 1994 genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda, which displaced millions into neighbouring eastern DRC, making them a minority there. Rwanda has since viewed the DRC as a hiding place for Hutu genocidaires, however, and its hot pursuit of them toppled a government in Kinshasa and led to the first and second Congo wars (1996-2003). The UN also accused the Rwandan and allied Ugandan forces of looting the DRC’s vast mineral wealth, including gold, coltan and tin, during the conflict.

Scores of militias emerged as governments armed and counter-armed civilians in the wars, many of which are still active in the DRC. The M23 itself is only the latest iteration of a Tutsi militia that fought in the Congo wars, and whose fighters integrated into the DRC army. In 2012, these fighters revolted, complaining of poor treatment by the Congolese forces. Now, the M23 claims to be fighting the marginalisation of ethnic Tutsis, some of whom say they are systematically denied citizenship, among other complaints. The M23 and its allied Congo River Alliance (AFC) have not stated goals of taking Kinshasa, even though members of the group have at times threatened to advance on the capital. Officially, the rebels claim to be “liberating” eastern DRC communities.

In 2012, M23 initially emerged with enough force to take the strategic city of Goma, but was forced back within a year by Congolese forces and a special UN intervention force of troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi. When the M23 resurfaced in late 2021, though, it was with much more ferocity, boosted by about 4,000 Rwandan troops in addition to its own 6,000 fighters, according to the UN. Lightning and intensely bloody offensives have since seen it control vast swaths of territory, including the major cities of Goma, Bukavu – and now, Uvira.

On the map, M23 appears to be eking out a slice of Congolese territory wedged between the DRC and neighbouring Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. If it gains control of the two Kivus in their entirety, it would lord over a resource-rich area five times Rwanda’s size with easy access to Kigali and Kampala.

“They are trying to create some sort of buffer zone which the neighbouring countries, particularly Rwanda but also Uganda, have an interest in controlling,” analyst Paul-Simon Handy, also of the ISS, told Al Jazeera.

Kigali officially denies backing M23, but justifies its actions based on accusations that the DRC supports a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR did exist for many years in the DRC, but it simply no longer poses a significant threat to Kigali, analyst Minde said.

Rwanda’s tensions with Burundi have similar historic correlations, as Hutus who perpetrated the 1994 genocide similarly fled there, and Kigali alleges the government continues to back rebels. In 2015, Burundi accused Rwanda of sponsoring an abortive coup in Bujumbura. Kigali denies this.

Does the US deal have a chance?

Several African countries have attempted to help solve the crisis, militarily and diplomatically, but all have failed. The regional bloc, the East African Community, of which the DRC is a part, deployed about 6,500 Kenyan-led peacekeepers to stabilise eastern DRC, as Kenyan diplomats developed a Nairobi Peace Process in 2022 that was meant to see several rebel groups agree to a truce. The agreement collapsed only a year later, however, after Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi grew frustrated over the force’s refusal to launch offensives against M23.

Then, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), of which the massive DRC is also a part, deployed troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi in May 2023. There was hope that the trio, which proved crucial in driving back the first M23 insurrection, would again record success. They appeared no match for the new M23, though, and withdrew this June.

Meanwhile, the Angola-led Luanda Peace Process collapsed after President Joao Lourenco stepped back in March, citing frustration with both sides amid constant finger-pointing.

Qatar and the US stepped in to broker peace in June this year, using a unique two-pronged approach. The Doha peace talks, on the one hand, have focused on negotiations between the DRC and M23, while the Washington talks focus on the DRC and the Rwanda governments. Some experts warned that Washington’s motivation – aside from President Donald Trump’s fixation on being a global peacemaker figure – was a clause in the deal that guarantees US extraction of rare earth minerals from both countries. The agreement was unlikely to hold on that basis, rights groups said.

After a few no-shows and wobbles, the M23 finally agreed to the Doha framework on November 15. The agreement includes eight implementation protocols, including one on ceasefire monitoring and another on prisoner exchange. On December 4, President Trump sat next to a smiling Paul Kagame and Tshisekedi as all three signed the US-peace deal in Washington, which mandated both Rwanda and DRC to stop supporting armed groups. There were pockets of fighting as the signatures were penned, but all was supposed to be largely peaceful from then on.

What happened in Uvira barely a week after was the opposite. The Congolese government said at least 400 people were killed and 200,000 others displaced as M23 fighters pressed on the city. Thousands more were displaced into Burundi, which already homes some 200,000 Congolese refugees. Fleeing Uvira residents shared accounts of bombed villages, summary killings and widespread sexual violence by both sides, according to medical group Doctors Without Borders (MSF).

Is there hope for peace?

Even though M23 began withdrawing from Uvira on Thursday, analysts are still scrambling to understand what the group was hoping to achieve by taking the city, shattering the peace agreements and angering Washington.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio directly scolded Rwanda after Uvira’s capture, saying Kigali had violated the deal. Last week, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau met with DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner in Washington and promised that the US “is prepared to take action to enforce adherence” from Rwanda.

What that action looks like is unclear, but what’s certain, Minde said, was that the agreement seemed to favour Kigali more than Kinshasa.

“If you look at the agreement, the consequences [of either party breaching] were not forthright, and this points to the weakness of the deal,” he said, adding that there is much more at stake for DRC if there is a breach, including escalating conflict and mass displacement within the country. But that was not taken into account, the analyst explained.

Uvira’s fall, albeit on hold, is not only a blow to Trump’s peacemaker reputation but also sharpens tensions between Burundi and Rwanda, with analysts saying it could lead to direct clashes.

Bujumbura accuses Kigali of supporting the antigovernment Red Tabara rebels – a charge Rwanda and the rebels deny – and tensions between the two governments have led to border closures since last year. Last week, M23 announced that it captured hundreds of Burundian soldiers during the Uvira offensive.

Fears of a regional spillover also prompted the UN Security Council to extend the mandate of the MONUSCO peacekeeping mission for a year, ahead of its December 20 expiration. The 11,000 troop force has been in place since 1999, but has a complicated relationship with the DRC government, which says it has not done enough to protect civilians. MONUSCO forces initially began withdrawing in 2024, but then paused that move in July amid the escalating M23 offensive. Ituri, the force’s headquarters, is held by M23, meaning the troops are unable to do much.

Amid the chaos, the finger pointing, and the political games, it’s the Congolese people who are feeling the most despair at the turn of events so close to the new year, analysts say. After more than three decades of war that has turned the green, undulating hills of eastern DRC into a perpetual battlefield, Masameko in Goma said it’s locals, more than anyone else, with the most at stake.

“People have suffered enough and need to breathe, to sleep with the certainty that they will wake up tomorrow,” he said. “[They need] to live in their homes without fear of a bomb falling on them. That is all the people in this part of the republic need.”

New York City, United States – Since the recent termination of the nearly decade-old trade rule called “de minimis,” United States consumers and businesses have been exposed to slower shipping, destroyed packages and steep tariff fees on international goods – foreshadowing what could make for a chaotic holiday shopping season.

For major international carrier UPS, navigating the latest regulatory changes has proved more fraught than for its competitors FedEx and DHL.

Matthew Wasserbach, brokerage manager for Express Customs Clearance in New York, a firm that assists importers with documentation, tariff classifications, valuation, and other federal requirements, has witnessed the fallout as UPS customers seek his firm’s assistance to clear packages entering the US.

“Over the last few months, we’ve been seeing a lot of UPS shipments, in particular, becoming stuck and being lost or disposed of … This all stems from the ending of the de minimis,” said Wasserbach. “Their [UPS’s] whole business model changed once the de minimis was ended. And they just didn’t have the capacity to do the clearance … a lot of people are expecting to receive international packages, and they’re just never gonna get them.”

UPS did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Suspending tariff exemptions

Since 2016, the de minimis trade exemption determined that packages worth $800 or less were not subject to taxes and tariffs. According to US Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the number of shipments entering the US claiming the exemption increased by more than 600 percent from 139 million shipments in 2015 to more than one billion in 2023.

In August, this all changed. President Donald Trump signed an executive order suspending de minimis treatment for all countries, spiralling US imports into a new landscape of paperwork and processes, subject to duties and tariffs based on their place of origin.

Just a month after de minimis ended, while shipping products with UPS, Tezumi Tea, an online Japanese tea and teaware company that sells its products online and through meetups in New York City, fell victim to the tariff backlog at US customs. Tezumi lost roughly 150kg (330lbs) of matcha, totalling about $13,000.

“We responded by increasing buffers in our supply planning across the dozen farms that we partner with,” said Ryan Snowden, a cofounder of Tezumi. “Even with those adjustments, the loss had a severe effect on a number of our cafe customers who suddenly needed to switch to another matcha blend.”

Now, UPS is no longer accepting shipments from Japan, and Tezumi has switched to shipping supplies through alternate carriers such as DHL and FedEx.

Disposing shipments

Wasserbach has witnessed similar instances of UPS losing imports.

“When a UPS package goes uncleared, it’s just basically sitting in a UPS facility, uncleared for a certain period of time,” said Wasserbach. “Then UPS indicates in their tracking that they’re disposing of the shipments without making, really, any effort, from what I’ve seen, to contact either the sender or the receiver, to get information they need to do to get the clearance.”

Wasserbach shared email chains with Al Jazeera from UPS customers who looped in his firm to their customs clearance UPS debacles.

In one exchange, UPS customer Stephan Niznik responded to a notice from the UPS Alternate Broker Team that their packages had been “destroyed”.

“The tracking says on multiple instances that UPS attempted to contact the sender (me), but this is false; aside from a request for more information on September 5 (which I responded to immediately), UPS never attempted to contact me,” wrote Niznik. “It is absolutely disgraceful that my package was mishandled – clothes and children’s toys were destroyed at the hands of UPS.”

In another email chain, UPS told customer Chenying Li that their package was released following an email from Express Customs Clearance stating that the shipment was cleared.

A week later, Li’s package was still showing as “Pending Release”, and when they asked for an update on the shipment, UPS responded, “At this time we are unable to provide an ETA,  as volume is currently backed up and awaiting delivery due to the De Minimis impact.”

‘Impose additional pressure’

In addition to the customs backlog, Virginia Tech associate professor David Bieri says cost prevention may provide one explanation for UPS choosing to dispose of packages rejected by US customs rather than return the shipments to senders.

“All these additional rules and regulations impose additional pressure on already relatively tight margins for these companies – UPS, FedEx, DHL and so forth,” said Bieri. “They need to make money, and sometimes it’s easier not to fulfil a service than to take on the additional cost of customs clearance and making sure that it gets to its final destination.”

Bieri added that UPS resorting to package disposal may indicate that they believe themselves to be in “a sufficiently strong monopolistic position that they can do such horrible practice – unilateral nonfulfillment of contract”.

Wasserbach told Al Jazeera that “with FedEx and DHL shipments, we aren’t seeing these problems”.

When asked whether FedEx has disposed of packages stuck in customs, a spokesperson wrote, “If paperwork is not complete and/or rejected by US Customs and Border Protection, FedEx actively works with senders to update paperwork to resubmit to CBP or return shipments to senders. In some cases, shippers can request that packages be disposed of if they would prefer not to pay to return to sender. In those rare cases, recipients are notified at the direction of the shipper. This is not a common practice. We remain business as usual.”

Final cost of delivery at your doorstep

But FedEx and DHL are encountering some of the same challenges as UPS. Since August, when de minimis ended and small packages were suddenly subject to taxes and tariffs, anyone who ordered from abroad was susceptible to unexpected fees on imported goods.

Without de minimis protecting packages worth $800 and less from import fees, the consumer essentially becomes the importer.

“You might order something you find a bargain abroad, and you don’t pay attention to where things are shipped from … and it might be shipped from China, and you might be in for a rude awakening once that thing arrives at your door,” said Beiri. “You paid the price and thought that this was it. But your deliverer is saying, no, actually, we’re passing that cost on to you. Because you’re acting as the importer.”

These fees could cost equal to or more than the item you ordered itself. “You’ve got to pay extra attention to small prints,” said Beiri.

With looming costs and lost packages on the horizon, Beiri says shoppers will likely make “substitution questions” – are you renovating or are you going on vacation? Are you splashing on Christmas gifts, or are you treating yourself to dining out?

“I think these are interesting times of having to make choices and asking yourself what can we do given that we have an affordability crisis, rent, insurance, making ends meet,” said Beiri. “That’s what’s currently going on.”

In order to better handle evolving trade policy, Wasserbach says that UPS will likely aim to hire a massive number of entry writers to assist with necessary documentation for legal transportation of goods across international borders. However, now that it is the busiest time of year in terms of delivering people their Christmas shopping, Wasserbach doubts an influx of hiring could make much of a difference, given the amount of training required.

The company’s revenue has already taken a hit on account of Trump’s policies. Tariffs on China and the elimination of the de minimis rule saw imports from China, UPS’s most profitable route, drop reportedly 35 percent earlier this year.

“I would assume it’s gonna get better next year,” said Wasserbach. “But as for solving this problem before Christmas, I don’t think that that’s gonna happen.”

Ukrainian military successes and Russian narratives clashed this week, as Moscow’s assertion of inevitable victory flew in the face of facts on the ground.

Ukraine steadily took back control of almost all of its northern city of Kupiansk after isolating Russian forces within it, belying Russian claims to have seized it.

Russian forces were also unable to dislodge Ukrainian defenders from the eastern city of Pokrovsk to back up Moscow’s claims of total control.

And Moscow attempted to deny Ukraine’s successful use of an underwater unmanned vehicle to severely damage a Kilo-class submarine, despite visual evidence.

Ukrainian forces operating in the northern Kharkiv region said they had cut Russian logistics to Kupiansk, surrounded a vanguard of 200 Russians inside it, and cleared Russian forces out of forests north of the city on December 12.

Geolocated footage showed Ukrainian forces advancing in the city the following day and taking back the southern suburb of Yuvileynyi, pushing Russian troops to the northern and western suburbs.

The Russian position had become more precarious by Monday. Ukrainian forces said they prevented reinforcements from entering the city through a gas pipeline, a tactic Russia had used in the siege of Chasiv Yar, and the isolated Russian troops were being supplied solely by drone. Ukraine’s General Staff said its forces were still repelling Russian attacks on Friday.

Russia’s Ministry of Defence insisted it had control of the situation. “Units of the Zapad Group of Forces exercise reliable control over all districts of liberated Kupiansk,” it said on Monday, claiming that Ukraine’s efforts to enter the city from the south were being suppressed.

“The only thing that can be said for sure is that the Russian Armed Forces are still holding part of the centre and north of Kupiansk, but most of it is already either in the grey zone or under the control of the Armed Forces of Ukraine,” wrote a Russian military reporter on the Telegram messaging app.

On Wednesday this week, Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskii, Ukraine’s Army commander-in-chief, told a Ramstein-format of Ukraine’s allies that his forces had taken back 90 percent of Kupiansk. At the same time in Moscow, Russian Defence Minister Andrei Belousov was telling Russian President Vladimir Putin that “the enemy is unsuccessfully trying to regain” the city.

“The Russian Defense Minister, Belousov, continues to lie that Russia controls Kupiansk,” wrote Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, on Telegram. “In reality, most of the city is controlled by the Ukrainian Defense Forces, which are continuing to clear it of Russians. However, all of Putin’s officials, from [commander-in-chief Valery] Gerasimov, who was the first to lie about controlling the city, to Belousov, continue to lie in the presence of Putin himself.”

Contrary to the available evidence, Belousov also insisted that Russia had seized Pokrovsk, which Russia calls Krasnoarmeysk, and was on the cusp of vanquishing neighbouring Myrnohrad, which Russia calls Dimitrov. Both towns are in the eastern Donetsk region, and are almost surrounded by Russian forces to the north, south and east.

“Russian soldiers continue to inflict fire damage on Ukrainian troops in Dimitrov, the last stronghold of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in Krasnoarmeysk agglomeration,” Belousov told Putin.

But Syrskii told allies that Ukrainian forces had regained about 16 square kilometres (6 square miles) in the northern part of Pokrovsk and 56sq km (22sq miles) west of the city. “Logistics in Myrnograd are complex, but the operations continue,” he wrote.

Russia had claimed complete control over Pokrovsk on December 2 and was sticking to its story.

Submarine and oil refinery explosions

A third point of contention was Ukraine’s successful use of an underwater unmanned vehicle (UUV) to strike a Russian Kilo-class submarine on Monday (December 15), in what is considered the first such attack in military history.

Video of the Russian fleet at anchor in the port of Novorossiysk on the Black Sea shows a huge explosion in the stern section of the submarine.

Ukraine’s State Security Service later claimed credit for the attack.

However, Russia’s Defence Ministry said: “Not a single ship or submarine as well as the crews of the Black Sea Fleet stationed in the bay of the Novorossiysk naval base were damaged as a result of the sabotage.”

The ministry published footage of what it said was the attacked submarine, in which it appeared undamaged above the surface, but the video did not show the stern section.

Ukraine’s long-range strikes against Russia scored other successes, on which Russia did not comment.

Ukraine struck the oil refinery in Yaroslavl, northeast of Moscow, on December 12. On Sunday, Ukrainian drones struck the Afipsky refinery in Krasnodar Krai and the Uryupinsk oil depot in Volgograd, causing explosions in both locations. They also struck the Dorogobuzhskaya power plant in Smolensk.

United States and Ukrainian negotiating teams met for two days in Berlin on Sunday and Monday. Russian officials said they would be briefed next week on the results of those talks.

But even as it claimed to be interested in ongoing peace negotiations, Russia clearly signalled that it plans to continue aggressive operations next year.

“The key task for the next year is to maintain and increase the pace of the offensive,” said Belousov in Putin’s presence on Wednesday, at an expanded meeting of the Defence Ministry Board.

“It wasn’t us who started the war in 2022; it was the destructive forces in Ukraine, with the support of the West – essentially, the West itself that unleashed this war,” Putin said. “We are only trying to finish it, to put an end to it.”

Putin said “the goals of the special military operation will certainly be achieved,” and “Russia will achieve the liberation of its historical lands by military means,” suggesting there was little room for compromise on Moscow’s side.

Putin’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov signalled the same thing in an interview with ABC on Tuesday. He said Europe and Ukraine expected a “deep and very wrong” revision of Russian peace proposals, and ruled out conceding seized Ukrainian land.

“We are not able in any form to compromise on this, because it would be, in our view, a revision of a very fundamental element of our statehood, set forth through our constitution,” Naryshkin said.

Russian losses outpace recruitments

Russia has attempted to give the impression that it has inexhaustible manpower with which to prosecute the war it started in Ukraine.

Belousov said almost 410,000 Russians volunteered for military service, exceeding expectations for 2025.

That translates to 32,800 per month. “Data from the Ukrainian General Staff on Russian losses indicate that Russian forces suffered an average of 34,600 casualties per month between January and November 2025 – suggesting that Belousov’s recruitment numbers are not quite replacing Russian losses,” wrote the Institute for the Study of War, a Washington-based think tank.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy suggested most of these casualties were deaths. “[Putin] spends around 30,000 soldiers’ lives on the front every month. Not wounded – 30,000 killed each month… We have drone footage confirming these deaths,” he told Dutch parliamentarians.

Syrski also doubted Russian recruitment quotas were sufficient.

“The number of Russian troops has long been around 710,000,” he wrote on Telegram. “However, the enemy has not been able to increase this figure, despite active recruitment in Russia, because our soldiers are ‘reducing’ the number of occupiers by a thousand every day through deaths and injuries.”

This little village sits within the stunning North York Moors National Park and is the real-life set for a number of popular TV and film productions – but there’s more than meets the eye

Nestled within the stunning landscape of the North York Moors National Park, this charming village brims with character and boasts surprising connections to the entertainment world.

Goathland sits amid the Yorkshire Moors, crafted as a perfectly English settlement with abundant discoveries awaiting visitors. Most will instantly recognise it from its starring role in the beloved television series Heartbeat, where it’s known as Aidensfield. Debuting in 1992, Heartbeat was a British police drama set in this Yorkshire village during the 1960s. The show proved enormously popular with audiences and enjoyed an impressive television run until its concluding episode in 2010. Yet Heartbeat’s finale wasn’t Goathland’s last moment in the spotlight, as it became a key filming location for the Harry Potter movie series.

Indeed, the picturesque railway station served as Hogsmeade Station throughout the films and boasts a fascinating heritage of its own. It stands as a treasured piece of history along the North Yorkshire Moors Railway (NYMR) heritage route, celebrated for its authentic Victorian architecture from the 1800s, drawing countless visitors eager to witness these features.

The location serves as a paradise for train enthusiasts, with the railway operator providing various steam journeys featuring breathtaking trips across the moorland. A recent visitor to the station shared on TripAdvisor: “We enjoyed travelling on the steam trains and made some very special memories. We found all the staff (many of which are volunteers) to be very friendly and more than willing to chat and share stories of the railway. We thoroughly enjoyed our time visiting and would recommend.”

Beyond the station, this charming village boasts an enviable location, nestled near Whitby whilst bordering tranquil countryside. This makes it the perfect retreat for those eager to discover the great outdoors, particularly within Dalby Forest. The park encompasses a staggering 8,500 acres of terrain that provides breathtaking vistas, countless hiking paths and cycling routes for those wanting to explore the region. Part of this includes the Dalby Activity Centre, which boasts an array of adrenaline-fuelled pursuits and several Go Ape courses to challenge your adventurous spirit.

Other delightful features of this concealed village treasure include its nearness to Thomason Foss, a charming small waterfall providing a peaceful stroll and spot for a wild dip during summer.Afterwards, when keen ramblers seek somewhere to pause for a swift drink, they’ll frequently end up at The Goathland Hotel Bar.

Alternatively, guests can unwind with a brew at the traditional village tea rooms, which one recent guest described as a “great find”. They commented: “Excellent food and service, Would thoroughly recommend to anyone visiting Goathland. Plenty of tables to accommodate all sized parties and allowing well behaved dogs is a bonus.”

IT was the year when those noisy Mancunian brothers brought the Britpop Nineties back to packed stadiums everywhere.

It was the year when Pulp made a charming first album in 24 years, with Jarvis Cocker singing about getting older with a wry smile on his face.

But I contest that one band from the era has been the most forward-facing, the most creative and the most kick-ass – Suede.

Which is why their vibrant, visceral, unflinching and wildly adventurous Antidepressants is our Album Of The Year.

Back in September to mark its release, frontman Brett Anderson told me: “We’ve fallen in love with being a rock band again.” And this week I caught up with him again to impart some good news . . . 

Congratulations! Antidepressants is the SFTW Album Of The Year. Does that make you happy?

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Thank you. Very!

In all the years of Suede, where does 2025 rank?

Right up there. Somewhere between 2024 and 2026.

What have been the highlights of the year for you?

The South Bank takeover gigs in September were great – playing those new songs live for the first time was special.

I particularly enjoyed the Clore Ballroom show where we just did post-reformation stuff.

I thought that was an exciting and fairly unique thing to do for a band of our generation.

Also, I just love the South Bank. Walking over the footbridge from Embankment tube and looking at the skyline always gives me a sense of awe, a feeling of London being this big, beautiful, living thing.

Which of the new songs have you enjoyed singing live the most?

June Rain has a nice dynamic and slow sense of build which works great live. Plus the first half is spoken-word so I get to sit down a bit.

I personally think the album’s opening song Disintegrate should be the Christmas No.1 . . . do you agree?

Ha! Yes, love it. A kind of resolutely unseasonal Christmas song full of dread and fear.

Which album, aside from Suede’s, has been your favourite this year and why?

I liked Sprints’ All That Is Over. It was sharp and shouty and brainy and brash. (Sprints are an Irish garage punk band).

You told me that Suede are “the anti-nostalgia band”. What keeps you facing forwards rather than reflecting on the past (unlike some of your peers)?

Hmmm, huge question. I’ve always thought the point of any artist was to create rather than to repeat and consolidate.

That search for the next great song, the next great album, the next great moment has always been the carrot I’ve chased.

I come from a fiscally poor but culturally rich family background. My mum was an artist and a dressmaker and my dad was a classical music-obsessed taxi driver who made our furniture.

When I was a kid, we didn’t have any money, so if you wanted something you made it yourself.

I’m much less interested in what I wrote 30 years ago than in what I’m going to write next.

Have you started work on the third album of Suede’s “black and white” trilogy, following Autofiction and Antidepressants?

Yes, we’ve written a handful of songs already. I want it to be harder and more extreme than Antidepressants, a relentless onslaught, incessant and uncompromising and very rhythmic.

I already have a title which I’m keeping secret.

You also spoke to me of the importance of family relationships. Does that mean Christmas is a special time for you?

My family and my band are of course so, so important to me and in many ways they feed into each other. It’s hard to write about family without coming across as schmaltzy but luckily I can find the cloud in any silver lining.

Among my favourite songs I’ve ever written are Life Is Golden and She Still Leads Me On which have both been inspired by fatherhood and family.

And yes, Christmas is especially great when you have kids.

Happily though, now my son is older, there’s less pressure for me to dress up in a Santa suit.

What are your hopes for 2026 – for you, your family, the band, and for humankind?

For the band to write a great follow-up to Antidepressants and for humankind to stop scrolling. My hope for myself is always the same – to be a good husband and father.

2. ROSALIA

Lux

THE Spanish star known for her reinvention of ­folk and flamenco turned her attention to more bombastic, classical genres on this fourth album.

Backed by the London Symphony Orchestra it was a lavish production sung in a variety of languages. Bonkers but brilliant. JS 

People Watching

WITH its widescreen ambition, driving intensity and visceral lyrics, songs about “the human experience” couldn’t fail to draw comparisons with Fender’s “biggest hero”, Bruce Springsteen.

But it also marked the Geordie’s coming of age as a major artist in his own right. SC 

4. ROBERT PLANT with SUZI DIAN

Saving Grace

FOR six years, Led Zeppelin legend Plant has surrounded himself with acoustic musicians who live near his Worcestershire home, singer Dian among them.

Together, they gave us a ravishing mix of trad and contemporary covers. Rarely has he sounded so sublime. SC 

5. BIFFY CLYRO 

Futique 

A REFLECTIVE album shaped by friendship, family and loss, it captured Biffy Clyro at their most emotionally open.

Goodbye explored mental health, while A Thousand And One and Two People In Love delivered some of the most moving moments. JS 

6. MARGO PRICE 

Hard Headed Woman

FURTHER proof that Price tells it like it is. This was a stirring return to her country roots, following the trippy rock textures of Strays.

It drew comparisons with her beloved debut, Midwest Farmer’s Daughter, but was inspired by another decade of life experience. SC 

7. TURNSTILE

Never Enough

THIS fourth album from the hardcore punks from Baltimore, known for their energetic live shows, crossed into the mainstream.

The title track had a catchy chorus and melodic guitar breaks while at its heart there was still an uncompromising mandate to rock out. JS 

8. THE DIVINE COMEDY

Rainy Sunday Afternoon

WE’VE long been intrigued by Neil Hannon – not just because he once wrote a song called Something For The Weekend.

These 11 tracks assumed a reflective tone, with love and loss prominent themes, and featured some of Hannon’s most sumptuous tunes. SC 

9. YUNGBLUD

Idols

THIS album sees Yungblud questioning hero worship and identity after a life-changing encounter with a fan.

Inspired by Britpop, it’s his most confident work yet, opening with a nine-minute rock opera and driven by limitless self-belief and ambition. JS 

10. LADY GAGA

Mayhem 

GAGA proved why we loved her in the first place, returning to her dance-pop roots.

She recalled the vibe of her 2008 debut The Fame yet delivered an album for the here and now.

It was marked out by strong singles Abracadabra and Disease. SC 

11. GEESE

Getting Killed

THIS was a case of do believe the hype. With mesmerising singer Cameron Winter at the helm, Brooklyn’s indie rock saviours might channel The Strokes, The Stones, or even Nirvana, but they’re too weird and original to be slaves to their influences.

On the brink of greatness. SC 

12. JACOB ALON

In Limerence

FEW debuts arrived so perfectly formed as this one featuring the tender storytelling of Scottish singer Alon.

With an impossibly pure voice which sat somewhere between Bon Iver and Thom Yorke, it was full of fragile hope.

Vulnerable and haunting ambient soundscapes. JS 

13. PULP

More

JARVIS and Co’s first album in 24 years was dedicated to dear departed bassist Steve Mackey – and it summoned the old mischief. “I am not ageing.

No, I’m just ripening,” cried the singer on Grown Ups, a song filled with lyrical twists and turns. SC 

14. CMAT

Euro-Country

WITH songs about Teslas and Jamie Oliver, there was a quirky, kitsch element to Ciara Mary-Alice Thompson’s third album.

It also plumbed deeper depths of emotional pain but was allied to soft pop melodies.

Issues tackled included social media and objectification. JS 

15. MATT BERNINGER

Get Sunk

TALL, elegant, blessed with a sumptuous baritone, The National’s frontman and lyricist is an, er, National treasure.

But he managed to save wonderfully evocative songs for his second solo outing, including the intoxicating ebb and flow of opener Inland Ocean. SC 

16. DAVE

The Boy Who Played The Harp

HIS first album in four years found Dave drawing on the power of his biblical namesake King David to explore vulnerability and masculinity.

With James Blake’s ghostly production on Selfish and Chapter 16 (ft. Kano), it struck a reflective mood. JS 

17. JASON ISBELL

Foxes In The Snow

THE Alabama-born artist recorded his latest offering without his ace band, the 400 Unit, but with an old acoustic guitar for company.

“This is the first time I’ve done an album with just me and a guitar,” he told SFTW of the exquisite, stripped-back song cycle. SC  

18. BILLY NOMATES 

Metalhorse 

METALHORSE emerged from a personal, tumultuous period for Tor Maries.

A loose concept album set in a dilapidated funfair it featured radio hit The Test, while Strange Gift offered hope.

Closing song Moon Explodes was especially moving, written after Maries’ MS diagnosis. JS 

19. BIG THIEF

Double Infinity

FEW vocalists could handle the word “incomprehensible” like Adrianne Lenker on this LP’s fuzzy joy of an opening track.

Though the indie darlings have contracted to a three piece, there was nothing shrinking about their fearless, exilharating sonic adventure .SC  

20. OLIVIA DEAN

The Art Of Loving

MELLOW and sumptuous, the second album from the stylish Londoner was smooth soul to relax into.

Tracks such as Nice To Each Other and Lady Lady were warm and all-enveloping, exploring affairs of the heart with a particular emphasis on self-care. JS 

21. LILY ALLEN

West End Girl

LILY’S fifth album, the first in seven years, was also her most vulnerable and intensely personal.

It came after her split from actor husband David Harbour and the songs laid it all out in heartbreakingly painful detail.

Infidelity and betrayal were constant themes. JS 

22. BON IVER

Sable, Fable

DIVIDED into two distinct halves, the first was an understated return to the folky stylings of Justin Vernon’s wintery debut album, For Emma, Forever Ago.

The second blossomed into more upbeat territory, primed for glorious spring sunshine. SC  

23. THE WATERBOYS

Life, Death And Dennis Hopper

MIKE Scott took us on a wild ride with this 25-track album celebrating “one of the great American lives”, actor and hellraiser Dennis Hopper.

He summoned a blizzard of musical styles and included cameos from Bruce Springsteen, Steve Earle and Fiona Apple. SC  

24. AFRICA EXPRESS 

Bahidora 

EVEN before Blur completed their reunion gigs, Damon Albarn headed to the Mexican jungle with a dizzying array of 70-plus artists from four continents.

The result? A thrilling mash-up of African rhythms, electronic textures, Latin soul, rock, hip hop – everything! SC  

25. MAVIS STAPLES

Sad And Beautiful World

SHE bears one of the greatest living voices . . .  and it remained in towering form.

Well into her Eighties, Staples tackled our uncertain world with unerring compassion.

Guests included Buddy Guy, Bonnie Raitt, Wilco’s Jeff Tweedy and Bon Iver’s Justin Vernon. SC  

26. BRANDI CARLILE

Returning To Myself 

THIS record found Brandi in an introspective, stripped-back mood after a landmark year.

Working with Aaron Dessner, Andrew Watt and Justin Vernon, the album reconnected her with loneliness, self-belief and politics, from the reflective title track to the powerful Church & State. JS  

27. WOLF ALICE

The Clearing

THE fourth album from the Brit award winners was a grandiose affair, a bold and confident leap forward.

Tracks like Bloom Baby Bloom incorporated all their strengths with bombastic choruses and lush melodies, showcasing Ellie Rowsell’s exceptional rock vocal range. JS 

28. STEREOLAB

Instant Holograms On Metal Film

A STRONG return after 15 years from the much-loved Anglo-French combo.

Led, as ever, by Tim Gane and Laetitia Sadier, the album revisited their distinctive blend of art-pop and motorik beats, really hitting the mark on the effervescent Electrified Teenybop! SC  

29. RICHARD ASHCROFT

Lovin’ You

ASHCROFT’S first album of new music since 2018 arrived after he supported Oasis on tour.

From the Joan Armatrading-sampled Lover to the title track, which sampled Mason Williams’ 1968 Classical Gas, it was a vocally focused, emotionally wide record. JS 

30. WET LEG

Moisturizer

MORPHING from duo to fully-fledged band, the follow-up to their debut album was still as oddball as ever, but it came with a tighter focus.

Tracks like Davina McCall and Jennifer’s Body were heartfelt, kooky love songs backed by ragged, punky basslines. JS  

31. SOMBR

I Barely Know Her

A SPECIAL debut full of heartbreak from the bedroom pop star who quit school to make music.

His melancholy voice accompanied by his own guitar, bass and keyboards and drums, made this magical, with Dime and disco-tinged 12 To 12 emerging as standouts. JS 

32. MOLLY TUTTLE

So Long Little Miss Sunshine

THE Grammy-winning singer forged her reputation at the forefront of the bluegrass revival.

Now she has spread her wings with this ravishing work of myriad styles. It also provided her with the confidence to be open about her alopecia. SC  

33. TOM GRENNAN

Everywhere I Went, Led Me To Where I Didn’t Want To Be

THE down-to-earth singer from Bedford laid his feelings bare on this reflective fourth album shaped by growth, friendship and vulnerability.

It balanced anthemic pop with emotional depth, from Shadowboxing to Boys Don’t Cry. JS 

34. TAYLOR SWIFT

The Life Of A Showgirl

RECORDED in stolen moments during the record-shattering Eras tour, it found Swift reflecting on love and life in the spotlight after falling for NFL star Travis Kelce.

Working with Max Martin and Shellback, it was polished, theatrical pop with self-aware glamour and emotional insight. JS 

35. JOHN FOGERTY

Legacy: The Creedence Clearwater Revival Years

FOGERTY celebrated the recent end of his decades-long fight to get his publishing rights back.

It meant he could belt out timeless hits Proud Mary, Born On The Bayou, Bad Moon Rising and Up Around The Bend with unbridled joy rather than lingering bitterness. SC  

36. MIDLAKE

A Bridge To Far

BEST remembered for their second record, 2006’s The Trials Of Van Occupanther, these enduring Texans rekindled their love of melody-rich folk rock. Two decades on, A Bridge To Far might just have been their best since that hallowed album. SC 

37. TATE MCRAE

So Close To What

THE Canadian singer’s third album was slick and polished futuristic pop and highlighted her journey from teenage dancer to arena-selling pop princess.

Tracks like Purple Lace Bra were multilayered with beats, synths and strings, and created a sultry, sizzling mood. JS 

38. BEIRUT

A Study Of Losses

FOLLOWING Zach Condon’s sortie to the Arctic Circle for 2023’s exquisite Hadsel came this work of unerring beauty.

The 11 songs and seven instrumentals, spanning nearly an hour, struck a melancholy tone but they left a lasting and profound impression. SC 

39. ALISON KRAUSS & UNION STATION

Arcadia

TO Robert Plant’s duet pal Krauss, her latest project was “like stepping into an old pair of shoes”.

Her first album with her virtuoso bluegrass band since 2011 evoked bygone times, while still connecting with 21st Century listeners. SC

40. TOM SMITH

There Is Nothing In The Dark That Isn’t There In The Light

AFTER 20 years fronting Editors and two records with Andy Burrows, Tom Smith stepped out on his own.

His first solo album stripped everything back to the core of his songwriting, capturing the honesty, anxiety and hope that shaped this new chapter. JS 

41. FKA TWIGS 

Eusexua 

THE album title was a made-up word taken from euphoria and sexual to describe “a feeling so intense it transcended the human form”. 

And it lived up to its name.

On the arty, left field side of electronica, this third record was her most complete and satisfying. JS 

42. THE DELINES

Mr Luck & Ms Doom

WHEN ex-Richmond Fontaine frontman Willy Vlautin (lyricist/guitarist in this band) is involved, you tend to get songs with disturbing narratives about people from the wrong side of the tracks.

This firmly ticked that box – and then there was Amy Boone’s enriching, expressive vocals. SC 

43. DAVID BYRNE

Who Is The Sky?

THE world may be going to hell in a handcart, but at least Talking Heads legend Byrne kept a smile on his face.

That was the vibe you get from his latest effort, most notably on rousing opening track Everybody Laughs, which came with a cameo from longtime collaborator St Vincent. SC 

44. BLOOD ORANGE

Essex Honey

ECLECTIC and imbued with an aching sense of loss and nostalgia, Dev Hynes’ fifth album as Blood Orange was an exploration of his upbringing in London.

A collection of memories recalled through spindly indie, jazz, chunky beats and evocative soundscapes. JS 

45. DAMIANO DAVID

Funny Little Fears

FOR Maneskin’s Damiano David, this felt the right moment for a solo album, revealing a more personal, previously hidden side.

It was less rocky than Maneskin, confronting fear and identity through piano-led pop inspired by Keane, The Killers, and Elton John. JS 

46. RON SEXSMITH

Hangover Terrace

THE Canadian has assembled a fine body of work, marked out by sumptuous melodies and perceptive lyrics.

He returned with one of his strongest collections.

Recorded in London, the album visited his childhood, his current concerns and much more in between. SC 

47. MY MORNING JACKET

Is

SINGER Jim James hoped the band’s genre-hopping tenth album would help people “navigate the chaos in the world”. 

If the overall vibe was psychedelic rock with plenty of reverb, MMJ employed elements of pop, country, soul, reggae, you name it. SC 

48. ETHEL CAIN

Willoughby Tucker, I’ll Always Love You

FEW artists have been able to express the intimate, sometimes painful, feelings about first love as well as the singer from Florida.

Evoking a haunting, Southern gothic atmosphere, her ambient rock sound-scapes framed a raw, heartfelt song cycle. SC 

49. CAR SEAT HEADREST

The Scholars

THE career trajectory of Will Toledo is nothing short of breathtaking.

He started out making lo-fi DIY albums in his parents’ car and now, as frontman of a fully fledged band, he made this crazily ambitious rock opera in the vein of Tommy or Ziggy Stardust. SC 

50. ADDISON RAE

Addison

THE debut album from the former TikTok star, who rose to popularity with her dance videos, broke the code.

Stepping confidently beyond influencer fame, she moved into sleek, self-aware pop.

Playful hooks and glossy production balanced vulnerability and attitude. JS 

IF the Beckhams expected a heartwarming reunion with their oldest son for Christmas, they could be disappointed.

Recent efforts to reach out to estranged Brooklyn — who has been missing from all the family’s milestones this year — appear to have been met with a frosty reception.

It is fast approaching 12 months since the rift began, but David and Victoria remain optimistic that their icy relationship might still thaw.

The couple had plenty to celebrate in 2025, including David’s long-awaited knighthood and 50th birthday, and Victoria’s Netflix documentary and booming fashion and beauty brand.

However, 26-year-old Brooklyn was absent from them all. In fact, he has not been pictured with his family since Christmas last year.

This week, his brother Cruz, 20, tried to bridge the divide by sharing throwback snaps on Instagram. One showed Brooklyn with an arm around his youngest sibling on a beach in Brazil when they were little.

And last month, their grandmother Jackie left a sweet comment with a heart emoji under one of Brooklyn’s social media posts.

Overnight, David also shared an old snap of him winning the MLS Cup when he played for LA Galaxy.

But so far, Brooklyn has failed to respond. And his most recent online post made no mention of the rest of the Beckham clan.

He was the only member of the family not celebrating last week when David lifted the MLS Cup again — this time as co-owner of Inter Miami.

If the chance to hang out with the squad’s superstar striker Lionel Messi did not tempt him to turn up, few things will.

David and Victoria are not giving up on reconciling with Brooklyn and his wife Nicola Peltz, 30.

Speaking exclusively to The Sun, a Beckham insider tells us Victoria, who is also mum to Harper, 14, and Romeo, 23, is still struggling to make sense of the fallout.

But ever the showwoman, she is focusing on keeping things merry and bright for the rest of the clan.

We are told: “Victoria is determined not to let the argument with Brooklyn ruin Christmas, even though she is absolutely heartbroken by it.

“It’s been a year since they last all saw each other and it’s something she will never come to terms with.

“But she won’t let it get her down over the festive period as she needs to be strong, especially for Harper, as well as her parents and David’s parents.

“They have done nothing in all of this, but it seems like they’re the ones being punished the most.”

Last month, Victoria shared a photo of her mum Jackie’s fireplace adorned with stockings. Each bore the name of one of her grandchildren — including Brooklyn, who has reportedly cut his grandparents out of his life, too.

Victoria is determined not to let the argument with Brooklyn ruin Christmas, even though she is absolutely heartbroken by it

Insider

Days later, David’s mum Sandra left a comment under a festive social media post Brooklyn had shared. In it, he was seen wrapping up a bottle of his own hot sauce brand, Cloud23, to which Sandra replied, “That for me” alongside a heart emoji.

Her question went unanswered, but followers flocked to the comment section begging Brooklyn to reach out to his family before it’s too late.

One raged: “Go and see your parents . . . you only get one set and that’s it,” while another simply said, “Ring your mother!”

Victoria may be famous for not smiling, but now, in a bid to keep the family’s spirits up, she’s plastering on a big one.

Our source said: “Brooklyn spent so much time with her parents Jackie and Tony for the first few years of his life and they had such a special bond, while Sandra looked after him so much growing up. It’s awful they no longer have that close relationship.

“Harper really misses her big brother and Nicola. Victoria is hoping that Brooklyn at least calls his grandparents over Christmas. She’s given up on him calling her.”

We are told that, as usual, the family will spend Christmas Day surrounded by loved ones at their £12million Cotswolds pile.

“They feel it’s a case of the more, the merrier, as it’s then less obvious that Brooklyn isn’t there,” our source revealed.

It’s safe to say that no one could have predicted how bitter things would get this time last year. Granted, there had been simmering tensions between Brooklyn and Nicola and his family since their wedding in 2022.

At the time, there was confusion over Nicola’s decision to wear a Valentino gown instead of one designed by her mother-in-law. It was later claimed Victoria offered to dress her son’s bride, then backed out.

Deafeningly silent

Nicola was also apparently devastated at the reception when the Beckhams’ pal, singer Marc Anthony, referred to Victoria as “the beautiful woman in the room”.

Despite the rumoured tension that followed, Nicola and Brooklyn continued to represent the family brand for a while. But that support is gone.

In May, Brooklyn and Nicola — who live in a $16million Los Angeles mansion — failed to attend David’s birthday celebrations or even acknowledge his 50th online.

She won’t let it get her down over the festive period as she needs to be strong, especially for Harper, as well as her parents and David’s parents

Insider

Brooklyn also did not wish his mum a happy birthday a month earlier, but posted gushing tributes to Nicola, including the pointed comment: “I always choose you, baby.”

Likewise, he stayed deafeningly silent when David was finally awarded his knighthood in June, and snubbed November’s investiture.

Brooklyn also failed to give a nod to Victoria’s Netflix documentary, Victoria Beckham, which came out in October. That month, she debuted her spring 2026 collection at Paris Fashion Week, again without her eldest son’s backing.

But by all accounts, Brooklyn’s biggest two-fingered salute to his parents had to be his very lavish, very loud, vows renewal in August.

According to insiders, he did not even tell them about the event, which was held at his in-laws’ mega-mansion in New York.

Nicola’s billionaire father Nelson Peltz presided over it, and the bride wore her mother Claudia’s wedding dress. The message was clear: They’ve officially jumped off the Beckham bandwagon.

To that end, there have even been whispers in recent weeks that Brooklyn and Nicola — who both go by double-barrelled Peltz-Beckham — are planning to drop the Beckham from their surname.

Nepo baby Brooklyn has long capitalised from his famous family name — and Nicola, who was not that well known before marrying him, has benefitted from it, too.

They don’t need the Beckham name any more and they would like any future babies to be Peltzes

Insider

Her family’s wealth, estimated at $1.7billion, may eclipse the Beckhams’ £500million fortune, but her in-laws’ social cache in showbiz circles has opened myriad doors to the aspiring actress and model.

But now it is feared they are determined to cut ties for good.

‘Ultimate insult’

An insider told Heat magazine: “They both feel their double-barrelled name is associated with the feud and they want to move on.

“They don’t need the Beckham name any more and they would like any future babies to be Peltzes.

“Obviously, it would be the ultimate insult to David and Victoria — they’ve spent nearly 30 years building up Brand Beckham and, if Brooklyn dropped the family name, there would be no going back.

“It feels like he’d be making their current estrangement permanent.”

Ironically, despite the documentary, plus TV and podcast chats, showing Victoria’s more authentic side, she is having to stay tight-lipped about her personal anguish.

However, amid the turmoil, she has been wowing the US, popping up on late-night talk show Watch What Happens Live and featuring on podcast Call Her Daddy.

The Beckhams famously lived in LA when David played football there but, while well received by the celebrity jet-set, they never fully found their footing, with Victoria still carrying the mantle of a WAG.

Now, though, the US is taking her seriously as a fashion designer, beauty impresario and a pop icon with a wicked sense of humour, which she would no doubt love to celebrate with her whole family.

After Christmas, we are told the Beckhams will head to Bath for Holly Ramsay and Adam Peaty’s wedding on the 27th.

They are long-time pals with the bride’s family — Gordon Ramsay, and his wife Tana, plus their six children. But while the Ramsays were all there to see Brooklyn and Nicola say “I do”, it’s unlikely they’ll return the favour.

The fact Olympian Adam’s mum Caroline is banned from the nuptials amid a fallout will no doubt resonate with David and Victoria.

Still, some Beckham fans reckon there is still hope of a reconciliation. Firstly, Brooklyn’s stocking on his grandma’s fireplace proves that he will always have a place in the family.

Then, Cruz’s memories of the siblings as kids may hint he is mellowing after backing his parents and, along with brother Romeo, unfollowing Brooklyn on Instagram.

He has also lashed out at whispers the row erupted as Romeo was dating Brooklyn’s ex, Kim Turnbull — rumours she strongly denied.

Still, the question remains: Will Brooklyn take his cue and bury the hatchet for good? All signs so far point to a stubbornness that’s set to continue into the new year.

Brooklyn has made it clear that Nicola is his priority and, with her also showing little interest in a reconciliation, Victoria knows rooting for a reunion could be futile.

Then again, there’s always hope of a Christmas miracle.

WHEN Helen Flanagan and Scott Sinclair split after 13 years, they vowed to keep things amicable for the sake of their young kids.

But it was not long before the dynamic of the celebrity couple’s co-parenting soon began to show signs of strain.

The former Corrie actress blamed petty squabbles and communication issues, yet still remained tight-lipped about her ex.

But overnight, tensions between the pair appear to have hit DEFCON 1.

Helen, 35, flipped her lid when she spotted photos of Scott, 36, living the high life at the Grand Prix in Abu Dhabi, skipping their four-year-old son’s Christmas nativity play.

Lashing out online at the retired Bristol Rovers footballer, she raged: “You really are a piece of s**t,” ­sharing Scott’s Instagram post.

“How dare you not turn up to ­Charlie’s nativity,” she added.

Scott had posted snaps from his VIP weekend in the United Arab Emirates where he watched Lando Norris secure his maiden Drivers’ Championship title.

Standing in front of a huge F1 sign, he posed gleefully, tagging the post “What a weekend — Abu Dhabi F1.” He added: “Happy Days, blurry nights.”

Meanwhile, Helen shared a sweet snap of her cuddling their young son, captioning it: “Loved Charlie’s nativity. My star, my heartbeat.”

But when she spotted Scott’s jet- setting post, her blood boiled.

Now sources have told The Sun that Helen’s ex’s decision to skip ­Charlie’s school performance was just the tip of the iceberg — a culmination of bad behaviour that has left the telly star fuming.

The former couple share daughters Matilda, ten, Delilah, seven, and four-year-old son Charlie.

Yesterday Helen was spotted looking stony-faced while heading to her latest panto performance in Liverpool, where she is starring as The Wicked Queen in a production of Snow White.

A pal told The Sun: “Helen’s livid with Scott’s behaviour. He’s thinking about himself, not his children.

“She said, ‘I’m done letting him treat his family like this’. At the end of the day Helen is the mother of his kids. He needs to show more respect.”

Another pal said: “Helen is working full-time at the moment in panto so was expecting Scott to cover the nativity and go for her, as she has a lot on her plate and he is retired.

“When he didn’t bother, she wasn’t happy and took to her social media to vent her frustration and make a point.

“Their relationship is difficult at times — co-parenting is hard.”

Boys’ trips

Meanwhile another source close to the couple blames newly single Scott for embracing his “Hot Boy Winter” moment, leaving his family to ­suffer.

“Ever since Scott became single again things started to go downhill,” the source said.

“It’s been an incredibly testing few months for Helen, who feels like she is busting a gut and Scott doesn’t seem to get it.

“To make matters worse he is having the children for Christmas this year, which is another blow.”

Last year The Sun told how Scott was dating family friend Lauren Davies, 32, who is from his home city of Bath.

Things were going well up until the start of this year, when they are said to have decided they were better off as friends.

The source said: “Helen really liked Lauren and thought she was really good for Scotty.

You really are a piece of s***. How dare you not turn up to ­Charlie’s nativity

Helen on Instagram

“She has great values and felt it was important that Scott sees his kids and she wanted everyone to get along.

“But since their split, Scott hasn’t been present. He is constantly showing off his wealth online — with his extravagant boys’ trips. It’s a bit of a kick in the teeth.”

According to pals, tensions between Helen and Scott are so bad that the pair have blocked each other on WhatsApp, only communicating through family members.

The Sun also understands Scott wants to sell the £1.5million family home near Bolton and move Helen and the kids into a smaller property.

The eight-bedroom house went on the market in June, but Helen is standing firm. One pal said: “Scott is trying to sell the family home, but Helen has moved six times since Matilda was born.

“And because she is refusing to uproot the children, he’s stopped some of the money he was giving her for the kids. She’s fuming.

“The house is right next to her mum and dad, who take care of the kids while Helen works.

“Scott’s retired so he could have them, but he’s swanning around in Dubai and London and flashing it all over Instagram.

“At the same time he is claiming he can’t afford to give her the money, but he goes and blows £20,000 on the F1.”

Helen’s livid with Scott’s behaviour. He’s thinking about himself, not his children

A pal

The pal said Christmas will be particularly hard for Helen without her kids.

They said: “She is working full-time at the panto and dealing with the kids, with no help from Scott.

“Then he’ll have them at Christmas and post it all over Instagram, claiming to be dad of the year. He’s picking and choosing when he wants to help, but parenting doesn’t work like that.

“Helen has supported him for his whole football career and moved all over the country, but she’s adamant that she doesn’t want to uproot the kids and cause more disruption in their lives.”

This comes after Helen signed up to star in reality TV show Celebrity Ex On The Beach, in which she intends to “cause fireworks”.

Last month we revealed she was abroad filming scenes — and will not be holding back when it comes to getting what she wants.

Number blocked

It is not the first time the couple’s co-parenting relation- ship has been tested, with Helen previously saying Scott had her number blocked on his phone.

In October 2024 she told a podcast: “I’m on block at the moment on Scott’s phone. I really am. I’m on block.” However, she later said that the couple were on speaking terms so that they could co-parent their brood.

To make matters worse he is having the children for Christmas this year, which is another blow

Source

But in recent months things appear to have taken a turn again, as Helen hinted at trouble.

Earlier this month she told The Sun: “He lives in Somerset and I live in Lancashire. So we live so far away from each other, which is really difficult when you’ve got three young children.

“I hate calling it co-parenting because I don’t really feel like a co-parent, to be honest with you.”

Reflecting on their split in 2024, Helen told The Sun: “It was a mutual decision and personally, I felt as a mum that this was the best thing for my children.

“I want them to see healthy relationships and to be in healthy environments. I think if you’re unhappy then that projects on to them.”

She added: “I love Scott and I know that he loves me, but I suppose we just don’t like each other very much at the moment.

“We don’t really speak and there’s no point in pretending that we’re the best of friends when we’re not.”

Both Helen and Scott were approached for comment.

Yemen’s separatist Southern Transitional Council (STC) is trying to create facts on the ground with its recent advances in the country’s eastern governorates of Hadramout and al-Mahra.

Its military push this month highlights that Yemen’s conflict – ongoing for more than a decade – cannot be reduced to one simply between the internationally recognised government and the Houthis. Instead, an overlapping map of influence is evident on the ground with de facto authorities competing over security, resources and representation.

At the heart of these changes is the STC, backed by a regional power, which now stands as the most powerful actor in Yemen’s south and parts of its east at a time when the government’s ability to impose unified administration over the whole country is distant and the economy is suffering.

In this context comes what the Yemeni government has said is the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) decision to suspend activities in the country. While the IMF has not publicly commented on the topic, President Rashad al-Alimi, the head of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, warned on Sunday that the decision was a “wake-up call” and an early signal of the cost of the STC’s security and military escalation in Hadramout and al-Mahra.

Al-Alimi stressed that Yemen’s economic circumstances – the country is the poorest in the region and has suffered immensely during the war – cannot withstand any new tensions. He added that the security instability in eastern Yemen would immediately affect the distribution of salaries, fuel and services and international donor confidence.

The solution, according to al-Alimi, is for the withdrawal of forces who have arrived in Hadramout and al-Mahra from outside the two governorates, calling it a necessary step to contain tensions and restore a path of trust with the international community.

But that economic warning cannot be understood in isolation from the shift in power in eastern Yemen, where competition for influence has become a direct factor in generating tension that leaves donors wary.

A new balance of power

The STC is clear that its goal is ultimately the secession of the territories in Yemen – its south and east – that formerly made up the country of South Yemen before unification in 1990.

It is opposed to the Houthis, who control Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, and much of Yemen’s populous northwest, and the STC’s leader, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, has a seat on the government’s Presidential Leadership Council, officially as one of its vice chairmen.

The STC and government forces have previously fought, most notably in 2018 and 2019, in Aden and its surrounding governorates.

Its current expansion eastwards, focused on government forces and those affiliated with them, is part of that ongoing division in the anti-Houthi camp but one that redraws the balance of power within it, turning resource-rich Hadramout and al-Mahra into a multiparty arena of competition.

There are three concurrent trends that are emerging as a result: the expansion of STC forces with regional support, a desire by local and tribal forces – independent of the STC – to solidify their presence and the clearly limited tools the government has to confront its rivals.

The result is the further fragmentation of the state on three interconnected levels.

Politically, there is fragmentation within the same anti-Houthi camp with multiple decision-making centres. The government and regional actors are finding it more difficult to unify security and administrative policies, and the idea of a single “chain of command” controlling territory under anti-Houthi control has been eroded.

Geographically, new lines of contact have now been formed. Whereas lines of control were previously between the Houthis and government forces, they are now between Houthi and STC forces as well as grey areas contested by local and tribal forces and multiple military groups.

And then there is fragmentation on the representative level with mounting disputes over who actually speaks for the south and Hadramout and the practical decline of the concept of a single state as a sovereign framework for managing resources and institutions.

In Hadramout and al-Mahra, the fragmentation is particularly sensitive as both governorates include important border crossings with Saudi Arabia and Oman and also have a long coastline with routes tied to trade, smuggling and irregular migration.

Any imbalance here does not remain local; it quickly spills over into the region.

Economy hostage to security

The IMF’s suspension of activities carries not only financial implications but also a political reading that the security and institutional environments no longer provide sufficient conditions for sustaining support programmes.

The Yemeni state relies heavily on its own limited resources and fragile external support, so any disruption in resource areas, ports or supply routes translates into immediate pressure on livelihoods.

The latest military developments increase pressure on the exchange rate and the government’s ability to meet its financial obligations and widen the trust gap between society and the state, prompting non-institutional alternatives based on levies and loyalties.

And it will shrink the room for the government to manoeuvre, meaning the government has to take into account the cost of any escalation because any military move increases an economic bill that it cannot pay and drains what remains of the government’s ability to manage services.

Now that the impression has taken root that Yemen has turned into “islands of influence”, some external actors may be inclined to deal directly with de facto local authorities at the expense of the government, weakening the political centre rather than helping it to strengthen.

That is why the latest developments are so important if not existential to the government and al-Alimi. His call for the withdrawal of outside forces from Hadramout and al-Mahra is part of an attempt to stop the deterioration of trust in Yemen and to present the government once again as capable of controlling the other parties in the anti-Houthi camp if reasonable political and economic conditions are provided.

Houthis gain while rivals stay divided

The Houthis, who overthrew the government in Sanaa in a coup in 2014, have benefitted from the developments in Hadramout and al-Mahra even without being directly involved.

Every struggle for influence in areas outside the group’s control gives it clear gains, including the disintegration of the front opposing it and its rivals being preoccupied by internal conflicts rather than by the Houthis themselves.

In the anti-Houthi camp, the notion of a united front recedes every time a military confrontation between its components takes place, and the discussion shifts from confronting the Houthis to disputes over power and resources within the same camp.

The divisions within the anti-Houthi camp and the regional dimension to them also allow the Houthis to reinforce their narrative that their rivals are working within competing foreign agendas, as opposed to the Houthis, who portray themselves as independent actors able to carry out their own decisions.

Moreover, the recent conflict and its consequences ultimately improve the Houthis’ negotiating position now that the other side is even more fragmented and weak. The Houthis will enter any upcoming settlement from a more cohesive organisational and administrative position, raising the ceiling of their conditions.

The Houthis may have their own economic and social tensions, but divisions among their enemies give them extra time to sustain the war economy and their instruments of control over it and over the people they rule.

Rising risks, domestic and regional

The current course of events in Yemen elevates a number of overlapping risks.

Domestically, there is the possibility of front lines turning into actual borders between adjacent entities, the expansion of security vacuums and declining prospects for producing a unifying social contract.

Regionally, there could be an expansion of the areas considered lawless along the borders with Saudi Arabia and Oman, increasing the risks of smuggling and leading to higher costs for managing border security.

Internationally, the growing need for global powers to communicate with multiple parties in Yemen prolongs the crisis and increases the chances that the conflict is internationalised through competition over ports, resources and shipping routes.

However, the picture painted does not mean there will be a decisive victory for any side and instead makes a mosaic of authorities, all needing external sponsorship, more likely. Inevitably, that will weaken the prospect of establishing a stable state.

A way out?

Lowering tensions by making partial deals on redeployments of forces is not enough. Instead, the path forward needs a broader approach based on three interlinked pillars.

First, the national project needs to be redefined by drafting a vision of the state that guarantees fair partnership for all the regions of Yemen within a viable federal framework and redefines the political centre as a guarantor of rights and services.

Second, security must be based on a model of local forces under a national umbrella. In Hadramout and al-Mahra, this should be done by building professional local forces within a clear national and legal framework with practical arrangements for withdrawing outside forces and ensuring that security decision-making in state institutions is uniform.

Third, an economic deal is necessary to restore trust by concluding a transparent agreement on managing resources in the governorates that produce them, the fair distribution of revenues and the linking of international support to an implementable reform plan with a clear commitment to protecting sovereign facilities under central management.

In the absence of these steps, Yemen will continue towards a gradual model of disintegration from the peripheries in which the most cohesive armed entities advance and contested margins expand.

If that continues, the economy will be the first victim of fragmentation, making conditions even more difficult for millions of Yemenis.

And the governance crisis will eventually turn into a prolonged stability crisis, the repercussions of which will be difficult to contain locally and perhaps even regionally.

Saeed Thabit is the Al Jazeera Media Network’s bureau chief for Yemen

Washington, DC – For the past two years, weekdays for Susanna have meant thumbing through picture books, organising cubby holes and leading classroom choruses of songs.

But her work as a pre-school teacher came to a screeching halt in October, when she found out her application to renew her work permit had been denied.

Susanna, who uses a pseudonym in this article for fear of reprisals, is one of the nearly 10 percent of teachers in the United States who are immigrants.

But while the US has increasingly looked abroad to fill teacher shortages, some foreign-born teachers say the deportation push under President Donald Trump has threatened their livelihoods — and risks traumatising their students.

Susanna, an asylum applicant who fled violence in Guatemala nearly a decade ago, said that losing her permit meant she had to stop working immediately.

She recalls breaking the news to her students, some of whom are only three years old. Many were too young to understand.

“In one week, I lost everything,” Susanna told Al Jazeera in Spanish. “When I told the kids goodbye, they asked me why, and I told them, ‘I can only tell you goodbye.’ There were kids that hugged me, and it hurt my heart a lot.”

Looking abroad for teachers

Estimates vary as to how many foreign-born teachers currently work in the US. But one 2019 report from George Mason University found that there were 857,200 immigrants among the country’s 8.1 million teachers, in roles ranging from pre-school to university.

For the 2023-2024 school year alone, the US government brought 6,716 full-time teachers to the country on temporary exchange visas to fill openings in pre-kindergarten, primary and secondary school education.

Many hailed from the Philippines, as well as countries like Jamaica, Spain and Colombia.

The uncertainty for immigrants under Trump’s second term, however, has proven disruptive to schools that rely heavily on foreign-born teachers.

That is the case for the pre-school where Susanna worked, CommuniKids, which offers language immersion programmes in Washington, DC.

Cofounder and president Raul Echevarría estimates that immigrants — both citizens and non-citizens working with legal authorisation — comprise about 90 percent of CommuniKids’s staff.

But Echevarría told Al Jazeera that the push to rescind legal pathways to immigration has jeopardised the employment of several faculty members.

Five other teachers at the school have seen their ability to work affected by changes to the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) programme.

All five, Echevarría explained, were originally from Venezuela. But in October, the Trump administration ended TPS status for more than 350,000 Venezuelan citizens, including the teachers at CommuniKids.

Their authorisation to work legally in the US will expire on October 2, 2026, according to the US Citizenship and Immigration Services website.

“These teachers lost their ability to make a living,” Echevarria said, noting that his school requires educators with expertise in languages like Spanish, French and Mandarin.

‘Strong bonds’

For the schools themselves, the losses can be devastating. Every state in the US has reported teacher shortages to the federal government.

But advocates say the high stress and low pay of education make teachers difficult to recruit and keep.

That leads some states to look abroad for education workers. In North Carolina, for example, 1,063 foreign nationals worked full-time as grade-school teachers on temporary J-1 visas during the 2023-2024 school year.

The top destinations for such recruits were all southern states: North Carolina was followed by Florida with 996 teachers on J-1 visas, and Texas with 761.

But Echevarria said some of the biggest impacts of the deportation drive are felt by the students themselves.

“Our students develop strong bonds with their teachers, and all of a sudden, overnight, they lost their teachers,” said Echevarría.

“Their number one superpower”, he added, “is their ability to empathise and to create strong, effective bonds with people from any background”.

But when those bonds are broken, there can be mental health consequences and setbacks for educational achievement, particularly among younger children.

A 2024 study published by the American Educational Research Association found that, when teachers leave midyear, children’s language development takes a measurable hit.

In other words, the loss of a familiar teacher — someone who knows their routines, strengths and fears — can quietly stall a child’s progress. The consequences extend to a child’s sense of self and stability.

Mental health consequences

For parents like Michelle Howell, whose child attends CommuniKids, the loss of teachers has also made the classroom environment feel fragile.

“The teachers there aren’t just teachers for these young kids,” Howell said of CommuniKids. “They’re like extended family.

“They hug them, they hold them, they do the things a parent would do. When those people disappear, it’s not just hard for the kids. It’s hard for everyone.”

Howell, who is Chinese American, said the sudden disappearances reminded her of her own family’s history.

“I used to read about things like this happening in China, the place my family left to find safety,” she said. “It’s very disturbing to know that what we ran from back then is our reality now. People disappear.”

School psychologist Maria C, who asked to remain anonymous to protect her work in the Texas public school system, has noticed the children she works with struggling with instability caused by the deportation push.

The disappearance of a loved one or mentor — say, a favourite teacher — could flood a child’s body with cortisol, the hormone meant to protect them in moments of danger, she explained.

But when that stress becomes chronic, the same hormone starts to hurt more than it helps. It interferes with memory, attention and emotional regulation.

“For some, it looks like anxiety. For others, it’s depression or sudden outbursts,” Maria said. “They’re in fight-or-flight mode all day.”

She added that selective mutism, an anxiety disorder, is on the rise among the children she sees, who range in age from five to 12.

“It used to be rare, maybe one case per school,” she said. “Now I see it constantly. It’s a quiet symptom of fear.”

Preparing for the worst

Back at CommuniKids, Echevarría explained that he and other staff members have put together contingency plans, just in case immigration enforcement arrives at the pre-school.

The aim, he said, is to make both employees and students feel safer coming to class.

“We put those steps in writing because we wanted our staff to know they’re not alone,” he said. “We have attorneys on call. We’re partners with local police. But above all, our job is to protect our children.”

But as an added precaution, teachers are advised to carry their passports or work permits with them.

Even Echevarría, a US citizen born in Virginia, said he carries his passport wherever he goes. The fear of deportation has a way of lingering.

“I’m bilingual and of Hispanic descent,” he said. “Given how things are, I want to be able to prove I’m a citizen if anyone ever questions it.”

When armed soldiers in the small West African nation of Benin appeared on national television on December 7 to announce they had seized power in a coup, it felt to many across the region like another episode of the ongoing coup crisis that has seen several governments toppled since 2020.

But the scenes played out differently this time.

Amid reports of gunfire and civilians scampering to safety in the economic capital, Cotonou, Beninese and others across the region waited with bated breath as conflicting intelligence emerged. The small group of putschists, on the one hand, declared victory, but Benin’s forces and government officials said the plot had failed.

By evening, the situation was clear – Benin’s government was still standing. President Patrice Talon and loyalist forces in the army had managed to hold control, thanks to help from the country’s bigger neighbours, particularly its eastern ally and regional power, Nigeria.

While Talon now enjoys victory as the president who could not be unseated, the spotlight is also on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The regional bloc rallied to save the day in Benin after their seeming resignation in the face of the crises rocking the region, including just last month, when the military took power in Guinea-Bissau.

This time, though, after much criticism and embarrassment, ECOWAS was ready to push back against the narrative of it being an ineffective bloc by baring its teeth and biting, political analyst Ryan Cummings told Al Jazeera.

“It wanted to remind the region that it does have the power to intervene when the context allows,” Cummings said. “At some point, there needed to be a line drawn in the sand [and] what was at stake was West Africa’s most stable sovereign country falling.”

Is a new ECOWAS on the horizon?

Benin’s military victory was an astonishing turnaround for an ECOWAS that has been cast as a dead weight in the region since 2020, when a coup in Mali spurred an astonishing series of military takeovers across the region in quick succession.

Between 2020 and 2025, nine coup attempts toppled five democratic governments and two military ones. The latest successful coup, in Guinea-Bissau, happened on November 28. Bissau-Guineans had voted in the presidential election some days before and were waiting for the results to be announced when the military seized the national television station, detained incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embalo, and announced a new military leader.

ECOWAS, whose high-level delegation was in Bissau to monitor the electoral process when the coup happened, appeared on the back foot, unable to do much more than issue condemnatory statements. Those statements sounded similar to those it issued after the coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea. The bloc appeared a far cry from the institution that, between 1990 and 2003, successfully intervened to stop the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, and later in the Ivory Coast. The last ECOWAS military intervention, in 2017, halted Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh’s attempt to overturn the election results.

Indeed, ECOWAS’s success in its heyday hinged on the health of its members. Nigeria, arguably ECOWAS’s backbone, whose troops led the interventions in Liberia and Sierra Leone, has been mired in insecurity and economic crises of its own lately. In July 2023, when Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the ECOWAS chair, he threatened to invade Niger after the coup there.

It was disastrous timing. Faced with livelihood-eroding inflation and incessant attacks by armed groups at home, Nigerians were some of the loudest voices resisting an invasion. Many believed Tinubu, sworn in just months earlier, had misplaced his priorities. By the time ECOWAS had finished debating what to do weeks later, the military government in Niger had consolidated support throughout the armed forces and Nigeriens themselves had decided they wanted to back the military. ECOWAS and Tinubu backed off, defeated.

Niger left the alliance altogether in January this year, forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) with fellow military governments in Mali and Burkina Faso. All three share cultural and geographic affinities, but are also linked by their collective dislike for France, the former colonial power, which they blame for interfering in their countries. Even as they battle rampaging armed groups like Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the three governments have cut ties with French forces formerly stationed there and welcomed Russian fighters whose effectiveness, security experts say, fluctuates.

But Benin was different, and ECOWAS appeared wide awake. Aside from the fact that it was one coup too far, Cummings said, the country’s proximity to Nigeria, and two grave mistakes the putschists made, gave ECOWAS a fighting chance.

The first mistake was that the rebels had failed to take Talon hostage, as is the modus operandi with putschists in the region. That allowed the president to directly send an SOS to his counterparts following the first failed attacks on the presidential palace at dawn.

The second mistake was perhaps even graver.

“Not all the armed forces were on board,” Cummings said, noting that the small group of about 100 rebel soldiers had likely assumed other units would fall in line but had underestimated how loyal other factions were to the president. That was a miscalculation in a country where military rule ended in 1990 and where 73 percent of Beninese believe that democracy is better than any other form of government, according to poll site Afrobarometer. Many take particular pride in their country being hailed as the region’s most stable democracy.

“There was division within the army, and that was the window of opportunity that allowed ECOWAS to deploy because there wasn’t going to be a case of ‘If we deploy, we will be targeted by the army’. I dare say that if there were no countercoup, there was no way ECOWAS would have gotten involved because it would have been a conventional war,” Cummings added.

Quickly reading the room, Benin’s neighbours reacted swiftly. For the first time in nearly a decade, the bloc deployed its standby ground forces from Nigeria, Ghana, the Ivory Coast, and Sierra Leone. Abuja authorised air attacks on rebel soldiers who were effectively cornered in a military base in Cotonou and at the national TV building, but who were putting up a last-ditch attempt at resistance. France also supported the mission by providing intelligence. By nightfall, the rebels had been completely dislodged by Nigerian jets. The battle for Cotonou was over.

At least 14 people have since been arrested. Several casualties were reported on both sides, with one civilian, the wife of a high-ranking officer marked for assassination, among the dead. On Wednesday, Beninese authorities revealed that the coup leader, Colonel Pascal Tigri, was hiding in neighbouring Togo.

At stake for ECOWAS was the risk of losing yet another member, possibly to the landlocked AES, said Kabiru Adamu, founder of Abuja-based Beacon Security intelligence firm. “I am 90 percent sure Benin would have joined the AES because they desperately need a littoral state,” he said, referring to Benin’s Cotonou port, which would have expanded AES export capabilities.

Nigeria could also not afford a military government mismanaging the deteriorating security situation in northern Benin, as has been witnessed in the AES countries, Cummings said. Armed group JNIM launched its first attack on Nigerian soil in October, adding to Abuja’s pressures as it continues to face Boko Haram in the northeast and armed bandit groups in the northwest. Abuja has also come under diplomatic fire from the US, which falsely alleges a “Christian genocide” in the country.

“We know that this insecurity is the stick with which Tinubu is being beaten, and we already know his nose is bloodied,” Cummings said.

Revelling in the glory of the Benin mission last Sunday, Tinubu praised Nigeria’s forces in a statement, saying the “Nigerian armed forces stood gallantly as a defender and protector of constitutional order”. A group of Nigerian governors also hailed the president’s action, and said it reinforced Nigeria’s regional power status and would deter further coup plotters.

Not yet out of the woods

If there is a perception that ECOWAS has reawakened and future putschists will be discouraged, the reality may not be so positive, analysts say. The bloc still has much to do before it can be taken seriously again, particularly in upholding democracy and calling out sham elections before governments become vulnerable to mass uprisings or coups, Beacon Security’s Adamu said.

In Benin, for example, ECOWAS did not react as President Talon, in power since 2016, grew increasingly autocratic, barring opposition groups in two previous presidential elections. His government has again barred the main opposition challenger, Renaud Agbodjo, from elections scheduled for next April, while Talon’s pick, former finance minister Romuald Wadagni, is the obvious favourite.

“It’s clear that the elections have been engineered already,” Adamu said. “In the entire subregion, it’s difficult to point to any single country where the rule of law has not been jettisoned and where the voice of the people is heard without fear.”

ECOWAS, Adamu added, needs to proactively re-educate member states on democratic principles, hold them accountable when there are lapses, as in the Benin case, and then intervene when threats emerge.

The bloc appears to be taking heed. On December 9, two days after the failed Benin coup, ECOWAS declared a state of emergency.

“Events of the last few weeks have shown the imperative of serious introspection on the future of our democracy and the urgent need to invest in the security of our community,” Omar Touray, ECOWAS Commission president, said at a meeting in the Abuja headquarters. Touray cited situations that constitute coup risks, such as the erosion of electoral integrity and mounting geopolitical tensions, as the bloc splits along foreign influences. Currently, ECOWAS member states have stayed close to Western allies like France, while the AES is firmly pro-Russia.

Another challenge the bloc faces is managing potential fallout with the AES states amid France’s increasing closeness with Abuja. As Paris faces hostility in Francophone West Africa, it has drawn closer to Nigeria, where it does not have the same negative colonial reputation, and which it perceives as useful for protecting French business interests in the region, Cummings said. At the same time, ECOWAS is still hoping to woo the three rogue ex-members back into its fold, and countries like Ghana have already established bilateral ties with the military governments.

“The challenge with that is that the AES would see the intervention [in Benin] as an act not from ECOWAS itself but something engineered by France,” Adamu said. Seeing France instigating an intervention which could have benefitted AES reinforces their earlier complaints that Paris pokes its nose into the region’s affairs, and could push them further away, he said.

“So now we have a situation where they feel like France did it, and the sad thing is that we haven’t seen ECOWAS dispel that notion, so the ECOWAS standby force has [re]started on a contentious step,” Adamu added.