unification

SEOUL, Oct. 20 (UPI) — South Korea’s special prosecutor has launched an internal probe after investigators found a confidential roster of law enforcement officers inside a Unification Church office during a recent raid — a discovery that has intensified a widening corruption case linking religion, politics and the state.

The list, first reported by The JoongAng Ilbo newspaper, contained the names and assignments of police officers temporarily working at the Special Prosecutor’s Office. Such documents are normally restricted even within the agency.

Officials said they are investigating whether a retired police officer, identified only by the initial A, leaked the file to church officials.

An special prosecutor’s spokesperson said the office is “verifying how the document was obtained and whether any ongoing investigations were affected.” If confirmed, prosecutors say, the breach would mark one of the most serious leaks of investigative information in years, potentially allowing suspects to anticipate raids or destroy evidence.

Indictments for embezzlement, political-fund violations

The leak inquiry comes just days after prosecutors indicted Unification Church leader Hak Ja Han and two senior aides, Jung Wonju and Yoon Young-ho, on charges of embezzlement and illegal political donations.

According to charging documents filed Oct. 10, Han and Jung allegedly diverted money from church accounts earmarked for missionary work to finance luxury purchases and covert political activity.

Between May and August 2022, about 500 million won (about $380,000) was allegedly used to buy designer jewelry and handbags for Han, disguised through falsified expense reports. One transaction dated May 9, 2022, shows Jung instructing a finance officer to spend 42 million won on jewelry “for Hak Ja Han.”

Another section of the indictment cites roughly 900 million won ($700,000) moved from the “2027 Project Support Fund” into accounts controlled by Jung without approval from the church’s finance board. Prosecutors believe the funds were used for non-religious or political purposes, violating internal rules.

Donations to ruling party before 2022 election

Investigators also allege that the Unification Church, directed by Yoon Young-ho, its former secretary-general, channeled money to all 17 provincial branches of the ruling People Power Party around the time of the 2022 presidential election.

According to the special prosecutor’s findings, Yoon called regional leaders to a meeting in early March 2022 and instructed them to distribute “missionary support funds.” Roughly 2.1 billion won ($1.5 million) was withdrawn from church accounts, and 144 million won (about $105,000) was later delivered through split donations made under individual members’ names.

Prosecutors say the arrangement violated the Political Funds Act, which bars corporate or religious entities from contributing to political organizations.

A special prosecutor’s official, speaking on condition of anonymity because the investigation is continuing, said the case “shows signs of coordinated funding activity at a national level.”

Church denial

In a written statement, the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification — the church’s official name — denied wrongdoing, asserting that “all expenditures were legitimate and related to global missionary work.” Han’s defense team said she would cooperate fully while seeking to have the charges dismissed as “politically motivated.”

Han was indicted under the Act on the Aggravated Punishment of Specific Economic Crimes and the Political Funds Act. Jung was indicted without detention. Their first hearings are expected later this month at the Seoul Central District Court.

Broader implications for institutions, trust

The twin controversies — alleged embezzlement and the suspected leak of a classified roster — have raised alarm over the integrity of state institutions, as well as the political reach of major religious movements.

Legal commentators in Korean media have warned that, if verified, the leak could amount to obstruction of justice or a violation of the Public Official Information Protection Act, both of which carry heavy prison terms.

Local editorial writers have described it as a test of transparency — whether the rule of law can withstand influence from powerful organizations that straddle the line between religious authority and political power.

The Special Prosecutor’s Office said it has strengthened internal data-security protocols and restricted access to sensitive records.

SEOUL, Oct. 20 (UPI) — Fewer South Koreans than ever say their country should reunify with North Korea, according to a new survey released Monday, reflecting a growing acceptance of permanent division and deepening public indifference toward the North.

Just 49% of South Koreans said unification is necessary, the survey by the government-funded Korea Institute for National Unification found. The figure represents a drop of 3.8% from last year and marks the lowest level since the Seoul-based think tank began its annual poll in 2014.

It is the first time support has fallen below a majority, representing what researchers called a “structural shift” in how South Koreans view the decades-old goal of national reunification.

“These results suggest that perceptions of the necessity of unification have entered a phase of structural change, rather than short-term fluctuation,” the report’s executive summary said. “The decline appears to reflect the compounded effects of North Korea’s hostile ‘two-states’ claim, the continued suspension of inter-Korean relations and domestic political dynamics.”

KINU noted that the decline cuts across all age groups but is most pronounced among younger generations, many of whom see North Korea as a separate state rather than part of a divided homeland.

Some 63.2% of respondents said unification was not needed if the two Koreas could maintain peaceful coexistence, the highest level recorded since the question was introduced nine years ago. At the same time, 47% agreed that “it is better to stay divided as we are now,” reflecting what KINU described as a normalization of both peaceful and “hostile” coexistence.

“The rising preference for hostile coexistence does not indicate a desire for conflict but rather a psychological inclination to maintain the status quo in the face of uncertain change,” the report said.

The survey also found indifference toward North Korea at a record high, with 68% of respondents saying they had little or no interest in the North, up sharply from about 51% in 2015. The trend has persisted regardless of political ideology or shifts in inter-Korean ties, KINU said.

South Koreans still favor limited engagement, however. Nearly 70% backed sports and cultural exchanges with the North, and 54% supported continued economic cooperation even during political tensions. Support for another inter-Korean summit remained high at 69%, including a majority of conservatives.

Support for humanitarian aid took a negative turn this year, with 39.5% against compared to 36.8% in favor — a shift that KINU linked to perceptions that North Korea’s economic conditions have improved amid strengthening ties with Russia and China.

The administration of South Korean President Lee Jae Myung has made efforts to rehabilitate relations between the two Koreas since he took office in June, with conciliatory gestures such as removing propaganda loudspeakers from border areas.

Last week, Seoul resumed an excavation project for the remains of soldiers killed in the Korean War at a battle site near the inter-Korean border, in what the military called “a practical measure to transform the DMZ into a zone of peace.”

Pyongyang, however, continues to reject Seoul’s diplomatic gestures while advancing its nuclear weapons program.

The 2025 KINU survey was conducted July 10 to Aug. 13 through face-to-face interviews with 1,000 adults.

SEOUL, Sept. 2 (UPI) — Hak Ja Han, leader of the Unification Church, publicly denied she had ever directed aides to undertake illicit influence peddling.

“False claims are being spread that, under my direction, our church provided illegal political funds,” she said Sunday. “I have never instructed any unlawful political solicitation or financial transaction.”

Her remarks came as a special prosecutor deepened investigations into the religious movement’s political ties, bringing renewed attention to allegations involving conservative legislator Kweon Seong-dong.

Han issued her statement as prosecutors examined claims that the church, formally known as the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification, provided illicit financial support to sitting lawmakers. Kweon, a longtime ally of former President Yoon Suk-yeol, has admitted to meeting Han but denied receiving any funds.

According to indictment documents cited in South Korean media, prosecutors allege that, in October 2022, Kweon warned Yoon Young-ho, then director of the church’s global headquarters, that authorities were preparing to investigate possible illegal overseas gambling linked to the church.

He allegedly told Yoon to prepare for a search, after which church officials reportedly ordered staff members to alter financial records from 2010 to 2013.

Separately, Yonhap News reported that the Unification Church has filed an embezzlement complaint against its former finance chief, who also is the wife of Yoon Young-ho. The complaint accuses her of misappropriating about 2 billion won (approximately $1.4 million) in church funds, part of which allegedly was used to purchase a luxury Graff necklace.

Han’s categorical denial has drawn further attention from prosecutors, who now must determine whether her statement conflicts with testimony or documentary evidence.

SEOUL, Aug. 15 (UPI) — South Korean President Lee Jae Myung pledged to “respect” North Korea‘s political system and said Seoul would not seek unilateral reunification in a speech to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the Korean Peninsula on Friday.

“We affirm our respect for the North’s current system, aver that we will not pursue any form of unification by absorption and assert that we have no intention of engaging in hostile acts,” Lee said in a ceremony at the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts in Seoul.

Liberation Day commemorates the end of Japan’s 1910-1945 colonial rule of Korea. The holiday is also celebrated in North Korea.

Lee’s administration has made efforts to improve relations between the two Koreas since he took office in June. In his speech Friday, he drew a sharp contrast with his predecessor, ousted President Yoon Suk Yeol, who took a hardline approach in dealing with the North.

“Inter-Korean dialogue, which had been maintained through countless ups and downs, was completely halted during the previous administration,” Lee said. “Going forward, our government will take consistent measures to substantially reduce tensions and restore trust.”

Lee said he would take “proactive and gradual steps” to restore the 2018 inter-Korean military pact that was suspended amid tensions between Seoul and Pyongyang during the Yoon administration in 2024.

The pact established buffer zones along the border and included measures such as the removal of some guard posts in the DMZ and the banning of live-fire exercises in certain areas.

Seoul has already made conciliatory gestures such as removing its propaganda loudspeakers from border areas and calling on activists to stop floating balloons carrying anti-Pyongyang leaflets into the North.

The South’s military reported that North Korea began dismantling its own speakers, but Pyongyang denied the claim on Thursday.

Kim Yo Jong, the influential sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, called the military’s assessment “unfounded” and rejected overtures from Seoul as a “pipedream.”

In his speech, Lee said the 80th anniversary was “an opportune time to end the era of confrontation and hostility and jointly usher in a new era of peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula.”

“I hope that North Korea will reciprocate our efforts to restore trust and revive dialogue,” he added.

SEOUL, July 21 (UPI) — South Korea’s special prosecutor is intensifying its probe into the Unification Church, focusing on its top leadership over allegations of financial crimes and unlawful political activities.

The team led by Special Prosecutor Min Jung-ki conducted a second raid Monday at the church’s headquarters in Seoul’s Yongsan District, during which investigators seized additional internal records and digital data.

The operation followed a broader crackdown Friday, when authorities searched more than 10 church-affiliated sites, including the Cheon Jeong Gung palace in Gapyeong and the private residence of former church executive Yoon Young-ho.

According to the Hankook Ilbo, the search warrants identified several senior officials as criminal suspects: Han Hak-Ja, the church’s current chairwoman; Jung Wonju, executive secretary to Hak and vice president of the Cheon Mu Won, the church’s highest administrative body; and Lee Cheong-woo, director of the Central Administration Office.

Jung Wonju has emerged as a central figure in the case, with prosecutors focusing on her behind-the-scenes coordination of operations, reportedly enabled by her close ties to Han.

All three are being investigated for alleged violations of the Act on the Aggravated Punishment of Specific Economic Crimes, particularly involving brokered bribery and influence peddling.

Yoon Young-ho is accused of offering cash and luxury gifts to lawmaker Kweon Seong-dong in return for political favors. Rep. Kweon, a close ally of then-presidential candidate Yoon Suk-yeol, allegedly played a key role in facilitating the candidate’s appearance at an event hosted by a Unification Church-affiliated organization on Feb. 13, 2022.

Yoon Young-ho served as the co-organizing chair and delivered the opening declaration at the event, raising suspicions that Kweon may have acted as an intermediary between Yoon Young-ho and the Yoon presidential couple.

Beyond the financial and political charges lies a deeper theological rift within the church. According to multiple former insiders, a group of church leaders and members who remained faithful to the original teachings and spiritual mission of founder Rev. Sun Myung Moon were systematically expelled by the current leadership.

These reformers opposed what they described as opportunistic reinterpretations of Rev. Moon’s core teachings — altered, they argue, to legitimize the centralization of power and the silencing of dissent, while elevating Han to a quasi-divine status.

Prosecutors are now examining three years of financial records and digital evidence seized during the raids, seeking to trace suspicious financial flows and uncover evidence of systemic wrongdoing.

Analysts say the outcome of the investigation may determine not only the legal future of the Unification Church, but also its spiritual legitimacy in the eyes of its followers and the public.

July 18 (UPI) — South Korean prosecutors on Thursday executed coordinated raids on more than 10 locations connected to the Unification Church, including its Seoul headquarters in Cheongpa-dong, the Cheonjeonggung Palace in Cheongpyeong, a foundation office in Mapo, and the private residence of former church executive Yoon Young-ho.

The large-scale operation marks a significant escalation in a widening political influence scandal involving the church and top government figures.

During the raid at Cheonjeonggung, Lee Cheong-woo — the church’s director of central administration and its third-ranking official — allegedly mobilized approximately 600 young members to physically obstruct investigators. According to JTBC, Lee issued verbal threats and threatened to ram his vehicle into media reporters in an attempt to intimidate and disrupt coverage of the raid.

JTBC also reported that investigators discovered large bundles of cash and high-end luxury items inside a hidden safe, possibly intended for use in lobbying operations.

Prosecutors allege that the Unification Church sought to secure political favors in exchange for luxury goods and financial support, including lobbying for public development assistance (ODA) projects along Cambodia’s Mekong River and South Korea’s bid to host the United Nations’ Fifth Secretariat Office.

The church has denied all allegations, characterizing the investigation as a case of “individual misconduct” by Young-ho Yoon. However, the hierarchical nature of the Unification Church makes it unlikely that Yoon acted alone. Many observers expect the seized materials to provide more definitive evidence implicating higher-ranking officials.

At the center of growing scrutiny is Jung Wonju, Executive Secretary to Chairwoman Hak-ja Han and Vice President of Cheon Mu Won, the Unification Church’s highest administrative body. Though Han remains the official spiritual leader, Jung is widely regarded as the church’s de facto second-in-command and is believed to have overseen high-level political outreach and internal consolidation of power.

Jung began her rise within the organization as Han’s personal hairdresser but gradually leveraged her close relationship with the chairwoman to sideline rival figures and accumulate influence behind the scenes. In recent years, she is believed to have effectively replaced senior leadership, quietly assuming control over key decision-making processes.

She left South Korea for the United States in early June — more than a month before the July 18 raids — reportedly citing her husband’s illness. Despite being subject to a de facto travel restriction, she has not returned since. Her prolonged absence is widely viewed as compelling circumstantial evidence of her central role in the alleged scheme.

Further intensifying public scrutiny, Jung’s family ties have raised concerns over media influence and nepotism. Her husband’s younger brother, Tom McDevitt, currently serves as chairman of The Washington Times, a U.S.-based newspaper with long-standing ties to the Unification Church. Additionally, Jung’s younger brother, Hee-taek Jung, is CEO of Segye Ilbo, a major South Korean daily also affiliated with the church.

Critics argue that these familial connections have enabled Jung to exert behind-the-scenes influence over both domestic and international media. Just a day before the raids, The Washington Times published a glowing profile of Chairwoman Hak-ja Han, prompting allegations that the outlet — though publicly operating as an independent journalistic institution — was being privately leveraged to defend and legitimize church leadership amid mounting legal pressure.

As the investigation widens, calls are mounting for Jung Wonju to return to South Korea and face legal proceedings. Many within the broader religious community argue that assuming responsibility is not only a legal duty but a spiritual obligation.

The special prosecutor’s office has indicated that additional indictments and arrests are likely as evidence is reviewed. International cooperation may also be sought if Jung continues to remain overseas.

July 15 (UPI) — As South Korea’s special prosecutor’s office expands its investigation into the Unification Church’s alleged political lobbying and financial misconduct, rising attention is turning to Won-joo Jung, deputy director of the Cheonmu Institute — the church’s top administrative body.

According to a report by The Hankyoreh, Jung is widely recognized as the de facto second-in-command, operating directly under church head Hak-ja Han.

In a notarized letter to church authorities, Young-ho Yoon, the former director-general of the church’s World Headquarters and now under investigation, named Jung in connection with the delivery of luxury gifts — including Chanel handbags and a Graff diamond necklace — to former First Lady Keon-hee Kim, wife of the recently impeached former President of South Korea Suk-yeol Yoon.

The gifts allegedly were funneled through Seong-bae Jeon, a spiritual figure known publicly as “Geonjin Beopsa.”

Yoon claimed to submit internal records linking Jung to the operation and requested that she face equivalent disciplinary action. His statement challenges the official church narrative that the gift transfer was merely an isolated case of individual misconduct.

The Hankyoreh reported that Jung, as deputy director of the Cheonmu Institute, is considered internally to be “the effective No. 2 figure in the church hierarchy,” suggesting she wields considerable influence over the organization’s strategy and finances.

Although subject to a travel restriction, Jung was granted permission to leave South Korea to visit her critically ill husband in the United States. It appears she has not yet returned from the United States to South Korea.

Meanwhile, in South Korea, there is ongoing investigation and growing public demands for accountability. Her prolonged absence amid escalating legal exposure has led to speculation that she may be avoiding potential legal consequences.

While she has not yet been formally indicted, prosecutors are believed to be examining her role in key decision-making processes and internal coordination, including allegations of document destruction tied to ongoing investigations.

Public scrutiny of Jung has intensified due to her close connections to major media outlets affiliated with the Unification Church. Her younger brother, Hee-taek Jung, is currently the president of Segye Ilbo (Segye Times), a South Korean daily owned by the church’s media arm. Jung’s husband’s younger brother is Tom McDevitt, the current chairman of The Washington Times, the U.S. newspaper funded by the church.

These family ties have raised concerns about potential conflicts of interest and the influence of internal media networks in shaping narratives surrounding the ongoing investigation.

Prosecutors have already executed search and seizure operations at the National Police Agency and Chuncheon Police Station on July 8, targeting communications and financial records tied to earlier church-related investigations.

While no formal indictments have been announced against Jung, Special Prosecutor Sang-jin Park confirmed — according to a DongA Ilbo report on July 8 — that his office is preparing to summon senior Unification Church figures, including Won-joo Jung and former World Headquarters director Young-ho Yoon, for questioning as part of its expanding investigation into alleged bribery, embezzlement, and obstruction of justice.

Though Hak-ja Han remains the public face of the Unification Church, insiders and former members describe Jung as a behind-the-scenes operator with sweeping authority over the church’s administration, finances, and crisis management. She has reportedly been involved in overseeing responses to allegations involving the misuse of church funds — some of which were allegedly spent on gambling trips in Las Vegas.

Her high-level authority, absence abroad, and looming summons suggest she may be a pivotal figure in unraveling the deeper structure of influence within the church’s leadership.

April 30, 1975, marked a brilliant milestone in the history of the Vietnamese nation when the country was officially reunified after more than twenty years of protracted resistance. Since that sacred moment, national defense and security have always played a key role in protecting the achievements of the revolution, rebuilding the country, and affirming Vietnam’s position in the international arena. After half a century of development, Vietnam has transformed from a country suffering many consequences of war into a dynamic entity, contributing to peace and stability in the region.

This article analyzes the development process of Vietnam’s defense and security over the past 50 years, from the focus on protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity to the increasingly clear role of creating a regional position. During his lifetime, the then Deputy Prime Minister Vu Khoan wrote an essay titled “Security, development, and influence,” which are not only the three strategic goals in the process of “building and protecting the homeland” during the Doi Moi period but also strongly affirm the role of security for Vietnam in the current “era of rising up.” With guaranteed security and defense, the economy is developed in the highest and most sustainable way. With strong security and defense, it creates a strong voice in the international arena, weighing down on bad wills that threaten national sovereignty.

After national reunification, Vietnam entered a post-war recovery period with numerous socio-economic difficulties. In that context, the primary task of national defense was to maintain revolutionary achievements and protect independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity from external threats. During the 1980s, Vietnam faced border wars in the North and Southwest and was subject to embargoes from Western countries. This was a period that demonstrated the bravery, resilience, and absolute loyalty of the people’s armed forces to the cause of defending the Fatherland.

The turning point came after the 6th Congress in 1986, when the Communist Party of Vietnam initiated the Doi Moi process. In the national development strategy in the new period, national defense and security were placed in correlation with the tasks of economic development and international integration. The policy of national defense and people’s security was consolidated, closely combining the people’s hearts and military and security positions. Vietnam shifted from a defensive mindset to a preventive mindset, taking stability as the foundation, cooperation as the tool, and development as the motto.

Entering the 21st century, especially since 2010, Vietnam’s defense and security have recorded many significant advances, reflecting flexible adaptation to the changing regional and global security environment. In the context of increasing sovereignty disputes in the East Sea, Vietnam has always persevered in resolving disputes by peaceful means , on the basis of international law, especially the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982). At the same time, Vietnam has actively modernized its army, focusing on building a strong enough navy and air force to protect its sovereignty over its seas and islands. According to the 2019 Vietnam Defense White Paper, Vietnam maintains a defense policy of “no military alliances, no use of force or threat of force, no participation in military alliances, and no foreign military bases on Vietnamese territory.” This is a principle that demonstrates the peaceful, autonomous, and transparent nature of Vietnam’s defense.

In the context of the Asia-Pacific region, especially the East Sea, becoming the focus of strategic competition between major powers, Vietnam must both strengthen its defense capacity and persist in its independent, multilateral, and diversified foreign policy. The “four no’s” defense policy continues to affirm Vietnam’s commitment to peace and stability.

A highlight in the defense and security policy over the past 50 years has been the expansion of international defense cooperation. Vietnam has continuously strengthened bilateral and multilateral defense cooperation with many partners, from traditional Russia and India to “former enemies” such as the United States, Japan, and France, demonstrating Hanoi’s skillful strategic balancing role in a period of complex geopolitical competition. In addition, Vietnam is currently an active member of regional defense cooperation mechanisms such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM+), the Shangri-La Dialogue, etc. Vietnam has also sent forces to participate in United Nations peacekeeping operations since 2014 in South Sudan and the Central African Republic. This is evidence that Vietnam not only focuses on protecting domestic security but also actively contributes to the common security of the region and the world.

In addition, ensuring national security and defense has also undergone major changes. In the context of non-traditional security emerging as a transnational challenge, Vietnam has promptly adjusted its awareness and response methods. Risks such as cybercrime, terrorism, energy security, environmental security, epidemics, etc. are included in the national security strategy. Vietnam has strengthened cooperation with INTERPOL, ASEANPOL, and major partners in preventing transnational crimes, ensuring social order and safety, and strengthening people’s trust in the national security apparatus.

On the basis of socio-political stability and firmly protected national sovereignty, Vietnam has increasingly affirmed its role in creating and promoting a stable, peaceful, and rule-based regional order. As the 2020 ASEAN Chair and a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2020-2021 term, Vietnam has actively proposed initiatives on preventive diplomacy, security dialogue, and trust building in the region. Vietnam’s extensive participation in new-generation trade agreements such as CPTPP, EVFTA, and RCEP is not only an economic achievement but also a lever to enhance economic security and national comprehensive strength.

In addition, Vietnam is gradually investing heavily in military science and technology and applying technological achievements in protecting national sovereignty and security. Fields such as digital technology, artificial intelligence, big data, remote sensing, and cybersecurity are gradually being integrated into smart defense strategies. The construction and deployment of cybersecurity operations centers, organized cyberattack prevention, and the development of high-quality human resources in the defense and security sector are opening up a new step of development in depth and breadth.

At the same time, defense policies also play a fundamental role in enhancing soft power, creating the image of a peace-loving nation, ready to cooperate and responsible to the international community. Vietnam’s efforts in humanitarian initiatives, disarmament, humanitarian assistance, and regional disaster response have contributed to enhancing the country’s prestige and position. In particular, Vietnam has always promoted its role as a mediator and coordinator in regional and international disputes, which shows that its capacity for conflict management and defense diplomacy is increasingly mature and professional.

In conclusion, after half a century of unification, it can be affirmed that national defense and security have always been a solid pillar of the cause of “building and defending the Fatherland.” At the same time, Vietnam’s national defense and security have transformed from a model tasked with protecting territorial sovereignty in the early post-war years to participating in shaping the regional and global security structure. Vietnam has gradually enhanced its strategic position, affirming its role as a partner of peace, stability, and cooperation. The achievements are clear evidence of the effectiveness of the national defense and people’s security policy under the correct leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam. In the future, Vietnam’s national defense and security will not only stop at protecting sovereignty but also aim to create a peaceful environment for development, making a more positive contribution to global security.