Rivalry

WHEN Gaz Beadle and Emma McVey announced their split in 2023, their fans were shocked. 

Geordie Shore lothario Gaz had always described the model, who he had two children with, as his ‘rock’. But, just months after she underwent heart surgery, Gaz announced their eight-year relationship was over. Now, insiders tell us tension has been bubbling behind the scenes.

Things are said to have reached boiling point after Gaz announced he was expecting a baby with his new girlfriend, Maia, 13 years his junior.  

Our insider says: “Gaz and Emma have both moved on and are in happy, loving relationships with new people.

“But fans have noticed there is a level of competitiveness between them, and they seem to be trying to outdo each other.

“Emma got engaged, and then Gary announced he was having a baby. It was a huge shock and very eye-opening.

“She feels like she has a very small group of loyal friends, and exactly who they are has become very clear since her split from Gary.”

It’s certainly not the first time Emma has been blindsided by Gaz – she was shocked when he announced they had split during a Q&A with fans.

He casually revealed they had split three weeks prior and insisted there was no bad blood between the couple, who share kids Chester, eight, and Primrose, six.

Sources said Emma felt it was ‘unfair’ and was keen to announce it to her own followers herself.

She didn’t shy away from how hard the breakup was, in contrast to Gaz’s laissez-faire attitude.

In a heartbreaking post, she told her followers: “It’s been really hard for me and the kids to be separated. There’s been a lot of crying on FaceTime, which really breaks my heart.

“I’ve been numb and focusing on my children while still trying to work. I’ve honestly not known what to say. I’m hoping this will get easier in time.

“Sending so much love to anyone going through something similar, and thank you so much to everyone who has been checking in on me.”

If Gary took them to the park, the next week Emma took them to a theme park

Our insider

And when she moved on with a new man and a fan accused her of being unfaithful, she shot back with a jibe that appeared to be aimed at Gary: “I was unfaithful? What with someone I met 7 months after my separation? No darlin, you clearly have NO IDEA who was unfaithful.”

Our insider continued: “There was tension from the get-go but they masked it pretty well. They both doted on their kids whenever they had them, but fans noticed how they often posted competing snaps. If Gary took them to the park, the next week Emma took them to a theme park.”

Cheating allegations

Emma and Gaz first started dating in 2016, but just a year later, they called time on their relationship, with Emma accusing Gaz of cheating and dumping her by text.

She ranted: “When he’s been filming Geordie Shore, he decided to send me a TEXT ending things, telling me to move my stuff out of OUR home that I furnished and paid for without explanation.

“After begging me to go to Australia with him and making me leave my career, I still find out he still managed to cheat on me throughout our relationship and continually lie.”

But the pair reconciled, and in 2017, they announced they were having a baby. Their son Chester was born in January 2018, and their second child, a daughter named Primrose, was born in December 2019.

Gary popped the question while she was pregnant with baby number two – the whole thing was filmed.

They tied the knot in 2021 in front of 90 guests and their kids in Cheshire.

Bedding 1000 women

Gary appeared to be a very different man – his wild Geordie Shore days were well in the past.

He once boasted about sleeping with over 1000 women – his tumultuous relationship with Charlotte Crosby was well documented – but after quitting the show in 2017, he turned his life around. 

He told us previously: “My life couldn’t be more different.

“My DM’s have changed dramatically, I can tell you that. It’s gone from mum’s wanting to shag me to mums and dads talking about colic, acid reflux, nappies, and bath toys.

“I had ten-years of partying and doing whatever I wanted. I was so used to life being all about me then I had a baby and quickly realised life wasn’t about me anymore.”

It wasn’t an easy time for any of them, as Emma suffered a series of debilitating health issues 

The model, who once dated Towie’s Mario Falcone, had no idea she’d been born with three holes in her heart until a monitor was fitted following her second pregnancy.

She’d suffered years of seizures, exhaustion and fainting episodes – but while the diagnosis was illuminating, medics were cautious about operating because Emma is also battling ulcerative colitis.

The condition, which affects roughly one in 420 in the UK, causes ulcers and inflammation in the digestive tract.

The steroid treatment used to treat it can lead to bone loss and breakage, which doctors warned could stop Emma’s bones from fusing back together.

I thought, ‘I’m going to get put to sleep and I’m not coming back out’.

Emma, on her heart surgery

Around Christmas time of 2023, her tricuspid valve – the valve between the two right chambers of the heart – further deteriorated, and the decision was made to proceed with the op in spite of the risks.

She later said: “I knew in surgery I’d be connected to a heart machine that would be keeping me alive while my heart was stopped, and I kept thinking, ‘They’re not going to be able to start my heart again’. 

“I thought, ‘I’m going to get put to sleep, and I’m not coming back out’.”

It was a life-changing experience for all the family, and made their split even more surprising. 

It wasn’t long until they both moved on, though. Emma started dating electrician James Staszewsky, and he became a huge part of her life and that of the kids as they set up home. 

Gary had a brief romance with pro golf star Charley Hull, before falling for student Maia.

In what some felt was a dig at influencer Emma, Gary gushed about Maia:  “I like how she’s got a normal job. Like, she got in at 8 o’clock this morning after leaving at half past 7 last night… 13 hours. She’s doing it again tonight, it’s inspirational.

“It almost brings me down a peg and I think that’s why I’m getting more normal and normal.

“I just love to pop to the pub for a bit of food and a walk with the dog, cutting the grass, like, I’ve become quite a normal boring person.”

The romances both came under fire and in a very surprising move they joined forces once again in order to issue a lengthy statement in which they addressed their marriage ending and the attention their new romances had gained.

‘One team’

Gaz hit back to insist they are “really good friends” and that they are both “happy and happy for one another” despite being in “new relationships”.

He added: “Both of us are in new relationships and we all get along well, and we can say we are so proud of ourselves to be able to all stay as one team.”

We’re told it was a brief period of calm for all parties involved but it wasn’t long that changed.

Gaz’s baby news was said to be one of those moments that rocked the boat.

Only a couple of years ago, Gaz had told The Sun he wouldn’t be having more kids, he said: “Two is hard enough. I think if you asked us before we may have said three but that was before we realised how hard it is.

“If we had two boys or two girls, then maybe it would be different but we have one of each, which is perfect.”

A baby bombshell

In a post last week, Gary told fans that nursing graduate Maia, 24, was pregnant.

He told fans: He wrote: “We’ve been keeping a little secret…

“Baby Beadle, you are so loved already.”

He recently returned to Geordie Shore after eight years away, though in a far cry from his wild days on the show he did it all sober.

He insisted that Maia won’t be joining the show because she has her own career, but with a baby on the way that could all change.

Friends are hoping it might put a stop to the one-upman ship.

They tell the Sun: “Everyone knows having a baby changes everything.

“They both have their happy ever afters now and can concentrate on that, and of course, the kids they share.

“There is room for them both to enjoy the limelight, without having to compete.”

March 5 (UPI) — This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Arctic Council, once a hallmark of post-Cold War cooperation in the far north.

For decades, the Arctic Ocean remained at the margins of global power politics — a remote, ice-locked expanse governed largely through scientific collaboration and consensus-based frameworks.

That balance is now shifting. Rapid ice loss is opening seasonal sea lanes, exposing fragile ecosystems and drawing new commercial and strategic interest, even as the suspension of routine cooperation with Russia has strained the council’s role.

The Arctic is emerging as a maritime crossroads where environmental risk, economic ambition and intensifying geopolitical competition increasingly converge.

Established by the 1996 Ottawa Declaration, the Arctic Council — bringing together eight Arctic states from Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Russia, Sweden the United States, Indigenous permanent participants and observers including China — remains the region’s central forum for coordinating science, environmental policy and cooperative governance. Despite mounting geopolitical strain, it continues to provide an institutional platform that could support future U.S.-China maritime cooperation in the Arctic.

Recent diplomacy suggests that even as tensions rise across trade, technology and security, cooperation is still possible when interests align.

The 2018 Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean, in force since 2021, offers a case in point. By imposing a 16-year moratorium on commercial fishing while joint scientific research assesses the ecosystem, the pact places precaution ahead of competition and provides a model for managing emerging Arctic risks.

The significance of the fisheries decision should not be understated. The agreement brought together Arctic coastal states and distant-water fishing powers, including Washington and Beijing, to manage a region where no fisheries regime previously existed.

In doing so, it transformed an ungoverned expanse of high seas into a shared space of stewardship — governed not by territorial claims, but by science, restraint and a shared recognition of ecological risk.

“The Arctic Council is a dedicated body creating a platform for collaboration built on consensus. It is far from perfect, but it has produced a number of highly influential assessments and created an international community devoted to cooperation and shared stewardship,” said Henry P. Huntington, arctic science director of the Ocean Conservancy.

Science diplomacy as a foundation

For the United States, the Arctic is a strategic frontier and an environmental priority, tied to maritime access, national defense, Indigenous livelihoods and ecological protection.

For China, it is an emerging arena of economic opportunity and global governance engagement. Beijing’s self-description as a “near-Arctic state,” combined with its investments in polar research, ice-capable vessels and Arctic shipping studies, reflects a broader ambition to participate in shaping the rules that will govern the region’s future.

International law scholar Michael Byers said China’s Arctic posture differs sharply from its behavior in the South China Sea. While Beijing has strategic interests in the region through its “Polar Silk Road,” it has no territorial claims in the Arctic and has largely operated within the existing legal framework.

In contrast to its role as a resident power in the South China Sea, Byers notes that China presents itself in the Arctic as a “near-Arctic state,” focused on resource access and emerging shipping routes — a presence that Arctic nations are watching more closely as its footprint grows.

Despite competing strategic interests, both countries share a clear objective: preventing a governance vacuum in the Arctic. The fisheries accord underscores that even amid rivalry, Washington and Moscow recognize the dangers of unregulated exploitation in fragile waters and the need for baseline rules. As such, the agreement serves not only as a conservation tool, but as a diplomatic signal that pragmatic cooperation in the Arctic remains possible.

At its center is a commitment to joint scientific research. Participating states will collaborate to monitor fish stocks, map Arctic ecosystems and assess climate impacts, generating the shared data needed to determine whether any future fishing can be conducted sustainably.

“The Arctic Council’s 30th anniversary finds its consensus-based structure severely tested. Western states suspended cooperation with Russia in 2022, effectively paralyzing what was once exemplary post-Cold War diplomacy,” said Pavel Devyatkin, a senior associate at the Arctic Institute. He said the council’s experience offers practical lessons for managing contested waters elsewhere, including the South China Sea.

Arctic marine science has long bridged geopolitical divides, including cooperation with China, showing how shared environmental risks can transcend political tension. As Devyatkin noted, the region offers a clear lesson: ecological disruption can outweigh traditional security concerns. When U.S.-Russia fisheries monitoring was suspended, key data gaps emerged just as warming waters pushed fish stocks northward — a cautionary signal for any contested maritime region facing climate-driven change.

China’s Arctic engagement is anchored in scientific diplomacy. Unlike more securitized theaters such as the South China Sea, Beijing has framed its Arctic role around cooperation, climate research and environmental stewardship. Its Yellow River Station in Svalbard has supported long-term research since 2004, while icebreakers such as Xue Long and Xue Long 2, along with polar-capable satellites, have expanded China’s research reach and technological presence in the region.

At the same time, Western policymakers remain cautious about the potential dual-use nature of these activities. Concerns focus on whether data gathered from satellites, seabed mapping or subsea systems could support military applications. U.S. and NATO officials have questioned how China might use its growing Arctic data capabilities.

The model reflects a broader principle of science diplomacy — one that has long shaped cooperation in contested maritime regions. Scientific collaboration provides a low-politics entry point for engagement, allowing rival states to build trust, exchange data and establish working relationships even when political tensions remain high.

“Marine science is an area that can promote international cooperation. That is true in many contexts, including in relation to the next International Polar Year collaborations currently being planned, that will include China,” claimed Evan T. Bloom, polar governance chair at the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies.

Collaborative mapping of sensitive habitats could inform conservation planning and risk management. Even the design of Arctic marine protected areas, an issue gaining attention as part of global “30 by 30” conservation goals, could become a platform for coordinated policy development.

From fisheries to shipping and conservation

Shipping governance is emerging as the next test of whether U.S.-China scientific cooperation can translate into operational rules in the Arctic. As sea ice recedes, a transpolar route linking Asia, Europe and North America could reshape global trade, but the region remains poorly charted, remote and environmentally fragile, with high risks of accidents and long-term damage.

Analysts say a cooperative framework on Arctic shipping, covering safety standards, environmental protections, data sharing and emergency response, could reduce those risks. Joint monitoring of ice and vessel traffic, coordinated search-and-rescue protocols and agreed-upon environmental rules for polar operations would form the backbone of such an approach.

Marine conservation offers another pathway for cooperation. The precautionary logic underpinning the fisheries agreement aligns with broader global efforts to expand ocean protection and safeguard biodiversity.

The United States and China have expanded marine protected areas domestically and have endorsed international conservation targets. Extending that logic to the Arctic through coordinated conservation zones or networks of protected areas would reinforce ecological resilience while creating a stabilizing framework for governance.

Such initiatives also would resonate with a wider global trend: the recognition that environmental security and geopolitical stability are increasingly intertwined. As climate change accelerates, the management of shared ecosystems is becoming a central component of international relations. The Arctic, like the South China Sea or the Mediterranean, is emerging as a test case for how science-based stewardship can mitigate strategic rivalry.

The obstacles to deeper cooperation, however, remain substantial. The broader U.S.-China relationship is marked by strategic distrust, trade disputes and military competition. Arctic policy cannot be entirely insulated from tensions in other theaters, including the Indo-Pacific. Russia’s war in Ukraine has also disrupted Arctic diplomacy, limiting the functioning of multilateral bodies such as the Arctic Council and injecting new security concerns into the region.

Trust remains a central obstacle.

Washington remains wary of Beijing’s long-term strategic intentions in the Arctic, particularly the dual-use potential of infrastructure and emerging shipping routes.

Beijing casts itself as a legitimate stakeholder in global commons governance and is pressing for a greater role in shaping the rules of the evolving Arctic order.

At the same time, Russia’s continued isolation from Arctic Council processes since 2022 has pushed Moscow to seek new partners, further complicating the diplomatic landscape and slowing meaningful progress on joint conservation efforts for Arctic flora and fauna.

Against that backdrop, any expansion of cooperation will need to be incremental, transparent and anchored in verifiable scientific collaboration. The fisheries agreement provides a template: begin with a shared risk, rely on joint science, build institutional mechanisms and create habits of cooperation over time. That process is gradual, but it can be durable.

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“Every makeup artist has their own style, but it was really important to keep what was passed down,” says Naomi Hibino, the kabuki makeup artist behind director Sang-il Lee’s “Kokuho,” a mesmerizing tale of centuries-old Japanese theatrical tradition told through a lens of friendship, rivalry and the cost of pursuing perfection. Orphaned Kikuo (Ryô Yoshizawa) is taken in by a renowned kabuki actor (Ken Watanabe) and raised alongside his son Shunsuke (Ryûsei Yokohama), as the two devote their lives to mastering the stylized art. Their breakthrough arrives with a performance of Temple Maiden, a dance tracing the love and envy of two maidens who turn into serpents. Together with kabuki hairstylist Tadashi Nishimatsu — Kyoko Toyokawa did the film’s non-performance hair and makeup — Hibino blended faithful Edo era references with visual distinctions between characters. “Shunsuke is from a well-to-do family, so I wanted to give him a vibrant, youthful and also a cute look,” notes Hibino. “The way I imagined Kikuo was to keep it simple, so the simplicity is reflected in the makeup. [In Temple Maiden] it’s really subtle, but the edge of the eye is a little different. I made [Kikuo] look more down-turning.” Hibino applied the white foundation (oshiroi) using methods from the theater, refining it for film to look more “beautiful and delicate.” Hints of pink eye shadow, dark eyeliner, red pigmented eyebrows and crimson lipstick complete the transformation — the next “national treasure” has taken the stage.

Now everyone can go to the cottage.

Shane Hollander’s (Hudson Williams) cottage, featured in the season finale of the HBO Max hit “Heated Rivalry,” will be available to rent starting March 3 at 9 a.m. Pacific, according to a statement by Airbnb. The Lake Muskoka listing can be booked for $248.10 CAD (about $180 U.S.) per night, an homage to Shane and Ilya’s (Connor Storrie) jersey numbers, 24 and 81.

The Barlochan cottage will host four early access bookings from May 8-10, May 16-18, May 22-24 and May 29-31, before opening for regular bookings, with the property listed exclusively on Airbnb.

“Every great story deserves the perfect setting. Airbnb is inviting guests to Barlochan cottage — which has captivated screens big and small this winter — allowing fans to book and experience the private haven in real life on the shores of Lake Muskoka,” Airbnb wrote.

In “Heated Rivalry,” Shane and Ilya escape to the cottage during their off-season for a private, romantic getaway as the couple hides its relationship from the public. Ilya agrees to attend after being inspired by a fellow hockey player, Scott (François Arnaud), who publicly came out after winning the hockey championship in Episode 5. As Scott kisses his partner on live television, Ilya calls Shane to tell him he’ll come to the cottage.

“That’s then part of the structure of giving 5 that big rom-com movie star ending to [Arnaud], so that I can have a quiet ending with Shane and Ilya,” series creator Jacob Tierney told Entertainment Weekly in December.

At the cottage, Shane and Ilya confess their love for one another, swim in the lake and watch the Lake Muskoka sunsets. According to the listing, the three-bedroom cottage features nearly 400 feet of private waterways, outdoor activities like kayaks and canoes and an exercise room.

Connor Storrie as Ilya Rozanov and Hudson Williams as Shane Hollander in the Season 1 finale of “Heated Rivalry.”

(Sabrina Lantos / HBO)

Airbnb also noted that “travelers have been eager to embark on their own private cottage getaway,” with a 40% increase in property searches in Muskoka since the finale aired in late December.

“Heated Rivalry” became a cultural phenomenon this winter despite the project’s small budget. The show, based on the “Game Changers” book series by Rachel Reid, was produced by Bell Media’s Crave in Canada. After the show was licensed by HBO Max, fans flocked to the series, with an average of 10.6 million viewers per episode in the U.S., according to Warner Bros. Discovery.

So while “Heated Rivalry” fans wait for the second season — set to premiere in spring 2027 — they’ll now be able to take their own trip to the cottage.

All of the current Lakers realized that playing against the Boston Celtics on national television really was more than just one of 82 games on the schedule.

It was crystallized even more because iconic former Lakers coach Pat Riley sat courtside after a celebration for the unveiling of his statue on the Star Plaza outside Crypto.com Arena. He was the first Lakers coach to beat the hated Celtics for an NBA championship after eight failed attempts.

So, yes, on this Sunday afternoon, this game meant more if only because it was another game in the long rivalry, a game the Lakers lost, 111-89.

Luka Doncic had 25 points for the Lakers but he was just nine for 22 from the field. LeBron James had 20 points but was just nine for 21 from the field.

It was the second time this season the Lakers scored in the 80s, and that also was a loss.

For a team that entered the game shooting a league-best 50% from the field, it was not a good sign for the Lakers’ offense when their shooting slipped to 36.8% in the second quarter. They shot 39.1% for the game and 30% (nine for 30) from three-point range.

“We had some really good looks,” James said. “I think they had a good game plan defensively, forcing us to take some shots … I mean listen, sometimes you got to make shots. And they made timely shots and we didn’t. We didn’t give ourselves a good chance on the offensive end. I think defensively, we held serve as long as we could. But offensively, we didn’t give ourselves a good chance.”

It was obvious the Lakers felt the intensity of the rivalry when Austin Reaves and Marcus Smart received technical fouls in the second quarter and coach JJ Redick got one in the third.

They were unhappy with the officiating that didn’t go their way against an aggressive Celtics defense.

Perhaps, it was posed to Doncic, the Lakers lost some focus on offense because of the complaints that led to the T’s.

“Maybe. …You’re surprised it wasn’t me, huh?” he said. “Then you know it’s bad.”

Doncic laughed.

But what was of real concern for the Lakers was trying to deal with the Celtics and their three-point shooters.

The Celtics (37-19) entered the game tossing up 42.4 threes per game, the third-highest output in the NBA, and making 15.4 of them, also the third-highest.

On cue, the Celtics shot 14 for 36 from three-point range.

The Lakers (34-22) fell behind by 18 points with 4:46 left in the fourth quarter after Jaylen Brown was fouled while scoring. He made the free throw and then followed that with a three-pointer to put the Lakers in a 21-point hole.

Brown finished with 32 points, eight rebounds and seven assists.

But the real problem for the Lakers was not being able to slow down Payton Pritchard. He had 30 points off the bench, making 10 of 14 shots and six of nine three-pointers.

His three-pointer gave the Celtics a 22-point lead and forced Redick to call a timeout with 3:22 left. Redick pulled his starters, knowing it was over.

“You talk about the personnel and how good Jaylen Brown has been and how good Payton Pritchard has been,” Redick said. “Really where this team kills you is when they can get you in the blender and take catch-and-shoot threes. They can shoot 51 of them and they’re going to make 20. They’re that good. Trying to limit that is the biggest thing when you play these guys. And you have to be willing to live with contested off-the-dribble jumpers. Pritchard made a lot of them tonight. He played a great game.”

James said he watched some of the Riley ceremony that took place at halftime.

James played for the Miami Heat for four years under the watchful eye of Riley. The Heat went to four NBA Finals and won two championships.

Riley left an indelible impression on James.

“I got out there for a little bit, sat on the bench during halftime before our meeting,” James said. “Listen, he’s one of the all-time greats to ever have been a part of this league. Not only player — coach, executive, front office, everything. Obviously what he did here for the Lakers organization in the ‘80s goes without saying and rightfully so, him having a statue outside his building. Obviously I spent four years with him. I have the utmost respect for him, for his family and everything. So, it’s pretty cool.”

Feb. 18 (Asia Today) — South Korea faces mounting strategic pressure as rivalry between the United States and China intensifies across the Indo-Pacific, raising questions about how Seoul should balance its security alliance with Washington and its economic ties with Beijing.

Analysts say the regional balance of power is entering a new phase. U.S. carrier strike groups continue to patrol the Western Pacific and longstanding alliances remain intact. Yet some experts argue Washington’s long-term strategy integrating economic, diplomatic and industrial policy lacks consistency.

In the March-April issue of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Indo-Pacific strategist Jack Cooper wrote that while American military power remains strong, its broader strategic integration has weakened. In an article titled “Asia After America,” he argued that policy shifts between administrations and the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership have left gaps in regional economic leadership.

Cooper said the issue is not U.S. withdrawal but uncertainty over long-term strategic continuity. For allies, he wrote, the question is who shapes the regional order beyond crisis intervention.

Meanwhile, China has continued expanding its footprint through militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea and sustained military activity near Taiwan. Beijing is also deepening regional economic integration through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Belt and Road Initiative, often referred to as the New Silk Road.

South Korea sits at the center of these tensions. Its security rests on its alliance with the United States, while China remains its largest trading partner. Key sectors such as semiconductors, batteries and artificial intelligence are directly exposed to U.S.-China competition.

Jung Seong-jang, vice president of the Sejong Institute, said in an interview that a Taiwan contingency could directly affect South Korea by disrupting critical sea lanes of communication.

A 2023 report by the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy found that 33.27% of South Korea’s maritime trade passes through or near the Taiwan Strait. The institute estimated that disruption of major shipping routes in the area could cause economic losses of about 445.2 billion won ($334 million) per day, based on current exchange rates.

Jung cautioned that direct South Korean military involvement in protecting sea lanes could heighten tensions with China, while North Korea might exploit regional instability to escalate provocations.

Joo Eun-sik, head of the Korea Institute for Strategic Studies, outlined several policy recommendations.

First, he called for deeper integration of the U.S.-South Korea alliance, including coordinated planning in maritime security, missile defense, space and cyber domains to strengthen deterrence against so-called gray-zone threats.

Second, he urged a combined economic and security strategy, strengthening supply chain cooperation and expanding investment in strategic technologies. He said South Korea’s defense industry should function not only as an export sector but as part of a broader strategic network.

Third, he emphasized maritime capabilities, describing sea routes from the Strait of Malacca through the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait as vital to South Korea’s economy. Expanding blue-water naval operations, submarine forces, maritime patrol and unmanned systems, he said, is essential.

Finally, he highlighted the need to build strategic autonomy within the alliance framework by investing in independent intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, space monitoring systems and layered missile defense.

Analysts say the Indo-Pacific order remains unsettled. Whether South Korea becomes a passive bystander or an active architect of its own strategy may depend on how effectively it integrates security, industry and technology into a coherent national plan.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

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Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260218010005435