Quest

From the first time decades ago he was lampooned as a quirky upstart until now, the final stretch of his unprecedented fourth term as California’s governor, Jerry Brown has reveled in his reputation as a cheapskate.

“Nobody is tougher with a buck than I am,” he boasted during the 2010 campaign that sent him back to Sacramento.

Eight years later, Brown is poised to earn a place in the history books as the leader who helped right the ship of state. His mantra of measured spending could be a standard by which future governors are judged.

“We’re well positioned, but if the next governor doesn’t say ‘no’ at critical moments, things will get worse,” Brown said in an interview with The Times.

His promise of similar straight talk about California’s budget prevailed in the 2010 election, held in the shadow of financial collapse. The projected budget deficit he inherited — even after two years of cuts under Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — stood at $27 billion.

All of which seemed a distant memory Wednesday as Brown signed a budget creating a $13.8-billion cash reserve, the largest in state history. “I think people in California can be proud that we’re making progress,” the 80-year old Democrat said standing beside legislative leaders — the oldest of whom was only 12 when Brown was first elected governor in 1974.

Gov. Jerry Brown displays a playing card with his dog, Sutter, on it during his State of the State speech in 2014. The cards, handed out to legislators, urged them to save — not spend — all of the growing tax revenues.

(Rich Pedroncelli / AP )

While supporters tout his record on combating climate change or raising the minimum wage, the through line of Brown’s second chance as governor has always been the budget, a topic that demanded a fiscal reckoning just days after he took office.

“What surprised me was how deep the deficit became during Schwarzenegger’s last few years,” he said. “We had to get in there and cut, and find some new revenue and work it out the best way we could.”

Brown’s first moves in 2011 were to cancel new cell phones and government vehicles for state workers, political symbolism not unlike the bland Plymouth sedan he chose in the 1970s from the state vehicle pool. By spring, he convinced lawmakers to cut $8.2 billion from programs like higher education, daytime elderly care services and doctor visits for the poor.

When substantive efforts to solve the rest of the problem stalled that June, the governor did something his predecessors had never done: He vetoed the budget ratified by lawmakers.

“For a decade, the can has been kicked down the road and debt has piled up,” Brown said as he signed the veto message. “California is facing a fiscal crisis, and very strong medicine must be taken.”

The veto was a shot across the bow to the Legislature. “It communicated very clearly that there was going to be a minimum standard for the legislative budget, and they just couldn’t slap anything together and put the name ‘budget’ on it,” Brown says now.

“We were frustrated,” remembers John A. Pérez, who was Assembly speaker at the time. “But it laid the foundation for what has become eight years of on-time, balanced budgets.”

Deeper cuts ultimately were made. Within months, ratings agencies moved California’s credit outlook to positive, the beginning of a trend that has driven down interest rates for government borrowing, one way the state has saved money.

Gov. Jerry Brown’s wall of debt crumbles, but more walls are behind it »

He later turned his attention to the short-term obligations that piled up during the financial crisis, from raided school funds to Wall Street-backed deficit bonds. Branded by Brown as the state’s “wall of debt” and once towering at nearly $35 billion, today the balance is less than $5 billion.

“I tell my friends that Jerry Brown is one of the most fiscally conservative Democrats that I know,” said Connie Conway, a Tulare County Republican who served as Assembly GOP leader from 2010 to 2014. She recalls saying at one point that Brown “is the adult in the room because at least he’s admitting we have debt.”

Still, it was Republicans who handed Brown his first real budget setback in 2011, refusing to support a special statewide election to extend temporary taxes. The governor, never a back-slapping kind of politician, nonetheless mounted an intense charm offensive. He hosted private dinners for legislative Republicans where California wine flowed freely. He brought along his affable Corgi, Sutter, for visits. GOP lawmakers wouldn’t budge.

In hindsight, it was a lucky break. Special elections have historically had a disproportionately high turnout of conservative voters who likely would have rejected the plan. When Republicans balked, Brown and a coalition of business and labor leaders qualified a tax increase for the ballot in 2012, a presidential election year with strong turnout from Democrats.

Gov. Jerry Brown holds up a sign in support of Proposition 30 while visiting a San Diego school on Oct. 23, 2012, in San Diego. The ballot measure passed with 55% of the vote.

(Lenny Ignelzi / AP )

The resulting Proposition 30, a surcharge on the state’s sales tax and the incomes of wealthy taxpayers, provided revenue for six years — a more robust plan, Brown now says, than what he asked Republicans to support. “We’d have been right back in the soup” with the original plan, he said. “This way, we got a couple of more years.”

Brown campaigned hard for the ballot measure, shrewdly making it about the budget’s biggest beneficiary — schools — and about his own commitment to balancing the books. On election day, it passed with 55% of the vote.

“There’s no way in hell the voters would have approved those taxes if not for their faith in his fiscal stewardship,” Pérez said.

The taxes and California’s recovering economy have since produced historic tax windfalls. The state Department of Finance estimates the 2012 tax initiative and an extension approved by voters (but not explicitly endorsed by the governor) in 2016 has, to date, generated $50 billion in additional revenue.

Brown’s budget dominance begins with a firm grip on tax revenue forecasts »

Not that all of the modern Brown era has been all about less spending. State government spending has risen by 59% since 2011. Much of that has gone to K-12 schools, as required by law, and Medi-Cal, the state’s Medicaid program. Healthcare spending, in particular, has more than doubled in seven years, to about $23 billion in general fund costs. California has fully embraced Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act. Brown has lashed out at efforts by President Trump to rescind the law.

The rush of revenue also has allowed for a substantial savings account. Brown and lawmakers crafted a robust rainy-day reserve fund, ratified by voters in 2014. “That’s the kind of collaboration you don’t often see between legislators and governors,” Pérez said.

Through lean and flush years alike, the governor’s job approval ratings remained strong. Liberal activists routinely criticized him for not doing more to help those in need, suggesting with an increasing frequency through the years that the scion of a prominent political family had never experienced those struggles first-hand.

Health and human services advocates hold a Los Angeles rally to protest Gov. Jerry Brown’s budget in 2014.

(Ricardo DeAratanha / Los Angeles Times )

“They’re always asking for more,” he said. “There’s no natural limit. There’s no predator for this species of budgetary activity, except the governor.”

Even critics acknowledged that Brown kept listening to advocacy groups. In 2016, he agreed to remove a provision in the state’s welfare assistance program, CalWORKs, that denied coverage to children born while their families were already receiving benefits. The ban had been in place for almost two decades.

“We came a long way,” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles), the chair of the Senate’s budget committee and a vocal advocate for changing the welfare rule. From the beginning, she said, Brown’s advisers said it was about the cost, not the policy.

This year, Mitchell convinced him to go even further — a small increase in the size of CalWORKs’ monthly cash grants, subsidies that failed to rise with inflation for more than a decade.

Mitchell recalled a flight from Los Angeles during which Brown, a voracious reader, spoke at length about a book that chronicled poverty around the world. “And I was able to say to him, ‘Yes, that chapter right there, that sounds like Central California,’ ” she said.

Likening income inequality to his celebrated efforts on climate change, Mitchell said she once told Brown, “By you just making it a priority, you’ve had worldwide impact. So have the same attitude about poverty.”

In recent years, Brown has agreed to expand childcare programs, Medi-Cal coverage for children regardless of immigration status and a state earned income tax credit for the working poor.

“His track record on issues of poverty, inequality and economic security adds up far better [over two terms] than it often looked in individual budget years,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the nonprofit California Budget and Policy Center, which advocates for the working poor.

Looking beyond the one-year-at-a-time approach to state budgets may be an important legacy of the Brown administration. The governor pointed to recently adopted five-year plans as a way to get a better look at what’s over the horizon. “It gets people thinking about the inevitable consequences of the decisions in this budget,” he said.

It also may help break one of the more ignominious traditions of California governors: leaving a fiscal mess for the next person to clean up. It’s the kind of dilemma his father, the late Edmund G. “Pat” Brown, left Ronald Reagan in 1967 and he left the late George Deukmejian in 1983.

“The story is one of governors always hitting a wall and leaving a big, fat deficit,” he said. “I wanted to avoid that if I could.”

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WASHINGTON — President Trump was passed over for the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday despite jockeying from his fellow Republicans, various world leaders and — most vocally — himself.

Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado was awarded the prize. The Norwegian Nobel Committee said it was honoring Machado “for her tireless work promoting democratic rights for the people of Venezuela and for her struggle to achieve a just and peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy.”

Machado, however, said she wanted to dedicate the win to Trump, along with the people of her country, as she praised the president for support of her cause.

The White House responded bitterly to the news of the award Friday, with communications director Steven Cheung saying members of “the Nobel Committee proved they place politics over peace” because they didn’t recognize Trump, especially after the Gaza ceasefire deal his administration helped strike this week.

“He has the heart of a humanitarian, and there will never be anyone like him who can move mountains with the sheer force of his will,” Cheung wrote on social media.

The White House did not comment on Machado’s recognition, but Trump on social media shared Machado’s post praising him.

Her opposition to President Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela aligns with the Trump administration’s own stance on Venezuela, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio previously praised her as “the personification of resilience, tenacity, and patriotism.”

Trump, who has long coveted the prestigious prize, has been outspoken about his desire for the honor during both of his presidential terms, particularly lately as he takes credit for ending conflicts around the world. The Republican president had expressed doubts that the Nobel committee would ever grant him the award.

“They’ll have to do what they do. Whatever they do is fine. I know this: I didn’t do it for that. I did it because I saved a lot of lives,” Trump said Thursday.

Although Trump received nominations for the prize, many of them occurred after the Feb. 1 deadline for the 2025 award, which fell just a week and a half into his second term. His name was, however, put forward in December by Republican Rep. Claudia Tenney of New York, her office said in a statement, for his brokering of the Abraham Accords, which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states in 2020.

A long history of lobbying for the prize

Jørgen Watne Frydnes, chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, said the committee has seen various campaigns in its long history of awarding the peace prize.

“We receive thousands and thousands of letters every year of people wanting to say what for them leads to peace,” he said. “This committee sits in a room filled with the portraits of all laureates, and that room is filled with both courage and integrity. So we base only our decision on the work and the will of Alfred Nobel.”

The peace prize, first awarded in 1901, was created partly to encourage ongoing peace efforts. Alfred Nobel stipulated in his will that the prize should go to someone “who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses.”

Three sitting U.S. presidents have won the Nobel Peace Prize: Theodore Roosevelt in 1906, Woodrow Wilson in 1919 and Barack Obama in 2009. Jimmy Carter won the prize in 2002, a full two decades after leaving office. Former Vice President Al Gore received the prize in 2007.

Obama, a Democrat who was a focus of Trump’s attacks well before the Republican was elected, won the prize early in his tenure as president.

“They gave it to Obama for doing absolutely nothing but destroying our country,” Trump said Thursday.

Wars in Gaza and elsewhere

As one of his reasons for deserving the award, Trump often says he has ended seven wars, though some of the conflicts the president claims to have resolved were merely tensions and his role in easing them is disputed.

But while there is hope for the end to Israel and Hamas’ war, with Israel saying a ceasefire agreement with Hamas came into effect Friday, much remains uncertain about the aspects of the broader plan, including whether and how Hamas will disarm and who will govern Gaza. And little progress seems to have been made in the Russia-Ukraine war, a conflict Trump claimed during the 2024 campaign that he could end in one day.

As Trump pushes for peaceful resolutions to conflicts abroad, the country he governs remains deeply divided and politically fraught. Trump has kicked off what he hopes to be the largest deportation program in American history to remove immigrants living in the U.S. illegally. He is using the levers of government, including the Justice Department, to go after his perceived political enemies. He has sent the military into U.S. cities over local opposition to stop crime and crack down on immigration enforcement.

He withdrew the United States from the landmark Paris climate agreement, dealing a blow to worldwide efforts to combat global warming. He touched off global trade wars with his on-again, off-again tariffs, which he wields as a threat to bend other countries and companies to his will. He asserted presidential war powers by declaring cartels to be unlawful combatants and launching lethal strikes on boats in the Caribbean that he alleged were carrying drugs.

The full list of people nominated is secret, but anyone who submits a nomination is free to talk about it. Trump’s detractors say supporters, foreign leaders and others are submitting Trump’s name for nomination for the prize — and announcing it publicly — not because he deserves it but because they see it as a way to manipulate him and stay in his good graces.

The office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who this summer said he was nominating Trump for the prize, on Friday reposted Cheung’s response with the comment: “The Nobel Committee talks about peace. President @realDonaldTrump makes it happen.”

“The facts speak for themselves,” Netanyahu’s office said on X. “President #Trump deserves it.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin, who sent troops to Ukraine in 2022 and has sought to show alignment with Trump, told reporters in Taijikistan on Friday that it’s not up to him to judge whether Trump should have received the prize, but he praised the ceasefire deal for Gaza.

He also criticized the Nobel Committee’s prior decisions, saying it has in the past awarded the prize to those who have done little to advance global peace.

Putin’s remarks nearly echoed the comments Trump made about Obama, and the U.S. leader responded to his Russian counterpart’s praise by posting on social media: “Thank you to President Putin!”

Others who formally submitted a nomination for Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize — but after this year’s deadline — include Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Pakistan’s government, all citing his work in helping end conflicts in their regions.

Pesoli and Price write for the Associated Press. AP writers Chris Megerian in Washington, Geir Moulson in Berlin and Vladimir Isachenkov in Moscow contributed to this report.

While some flag football teams have been playing for weeks, one of the City Section’s expected top teams, Birmingham, finally debuts on Wednesday at Arleta.

Coach Jim Rose has only two seniors on his team and has been working to get his players familiar with new rules, from punting to the defense getting to be only one yard away from the line of scrimmage before hiking the ball.

Bella Gonzalez, a second baseman on the softball team, will handle quarterbacking duties early while waiting for the No. 1 quarterback to recover from a knee injury.

Rose is particularly excited about freshman Ellie St. Hubert, a safety and receiver. “She is really good,” Rose said.

Banning is the defending City Open Division champion. Birmingham won the first title in 2023.

“We always think we’re going to be one of the top teams,” Rose said. “Athletically we’re better than last season.”

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email [email protected].

Even when inundated with kilted boys and girls, McGinn scarcely lets any annoyance be shown.

For at heart it is clear he remains as chuffed as anyone to be kicking about in Scotland kit. Even if it blows his cover at Tivoli Gardens.

That passion and relatability, along with his high-standard play, has made him a darling of the Tartan Army.

He, like them, has “the dream of being on that plane [to North America] and making history” and he revealed the players do talk of next summer’s tournament.

“Sometimes in little groups…” he explained. “You won’t speak about it too much in big groups.

“We’ve had the experience of going to major tournaments but I think going to a World Cup would eclipse that.

“The excitement’s there. Everyone wants to achieve their own personal dreams and we can only achieve that by being together and being stronger.”

For the first time in three decades, this is a Scotland squad who have major tournament experience.

Many of Clarke’s key men who qualified for Euro 2020 and/or 2024 are still pulling on the jersey, while those who have yet to have a taste are champing at the bit.

From Ben Gannon-Doak to Lennon Miller, and lately Kieron Bowie, the calls for youngsters to transition into first-team regulars have been growing from the stands – and McGinn is sure they are ready, should the nod come.

“The young boys are a lot different to when I was coming into the squad,” McGinn added.

“They’re not as nervous anymore. Football has changed and the boys are a lot more comfortable coming into the environment, which is good.

“They all bring their own humour, characteristics and ability to the group – they’re getting better and better and every time they come away you can see the improvement.

“That can only benefit us because we’re getting older and in the next few years those guys are going to have to take up the mantle and try and knock us off our perch.”

Friday’s performance showed there is still life in the auld dog yet, so McGinn will take some shifting.

When John Beck first watched Jayden Maiava throw a football up close this summer, he could see pretty quickly why USC might hang its hopes on Maiava’s rocket right arm.

“He spins the ball really well,” Beck said. “The talent is there. The ability is there.”

Few are as qualified as Beck to make that assessment. A former NFL quarterback and private quarterbacks coach for 3DQB, he has helped fine tune some of the best passers in the sport, from Tom Brady and Drew Brees to Matthew Stafford and Justin Herbert. And this summer, over “a handful” of sessions at 3DQB’s training facility in Huntington Beach, Beck turned his attention to the mechanics of the Trojans’ starting quarterback.

Beck already had a general idea of how Maiava had risen into the starting role. He knew after impressing as a freshman at Nevada Las Vegas that Maiava had transferred to USC, where, last season, he started at quarterback over the final four games. He knew, too, that USC won three of those four, all while Maiava’s performance oscillated between breathtaking and anxiety-inducing.

That variability is part of what led Maiava to 3DQB — and to Beck.

As he watched Maiava throw for the first time, Beck saw that spectrum. He noticed certain types of passes weren’t maximizing the potential of Maiava’s arm. The later into the progression, the less efficient his mechanics often would be.

“He would make some throws, and you’d go, ‘Oh wow, there’s some real arm talent there,” Beck said. “Then you’d see some others, and the question would be, ‘Why isn’t that arm talent, that efficiency showing up in the same way on those specific throws?’”

USC quarterback Jayden Maiava warms up during practice on July 30.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

All quarterbacks go through that process, Beck said. And while Maiava has plenty of natural talent at his disposal, he hadn’t worked with a dedicated quarterback coach until last spring. That first private coach, Ryan Porter, told The Times last fall that Maiava was “super raw” and was still digesting USC’s offense at the start of last season.

But as Maiava enters this season as USC’s unquestioned starter, his plan was to do everything to elevate his game. That didn’t stop at working with a private coach. Maiava set out to get stronger, to get faster. He devoured cut-ups of past Lincoln Riley quarterbacks, like Baker Mayfield and Kyler Murray and Caleb Williams. He started reading motivational books, recommended to him by USC’s new strength coach, Trumain Carroll. He even started meditating.

“Just doing anything I can to be smarter and get more knowledge,” Maiava said. “Because knowledge is power.”

When it comes to his mechanics, Riley insists there were no “radical problems” for the folks at 3DQB to fix. Beck said their focus with Maiava was largely on the finer points of his mechanics; like how to be more efficient with your footwork; or how to transfer your weight to deliver different types of throws with the same zip.

Maybe most importantly, they repped Maiava in as many different scenarios as possible.

“They just did a great job of putting me in situations that I could be most prepared for,” the junior quarterback said. “Football is a game with a lot of possibilities. Anything can happen within a play.”

A season ago, that certainly felt the case with Maiava at the helm of USC’s offense. He completed fewer than 60% of his passes and threw six interceptions. Two of those picks sank USC’s hopes of upsetting rival Notre Dame, as the Irish returned both for touchdowns. A month later, in the Las Vegas Bowl, Maiava threw three interceptions before leading a wild comeback win over Texas A&M.

The bowl game ran the full gamut for Maiava, the good and the bad. But in the fourth quarter, he believes he found something that can help him going forward.

One of the books he read this offseason, “Winning: The Unforgiving Race to Greatness” by Tim Grover, stresses the importance of maintaining a “neutral mindset,” never allowing oneself to get too high or too low emotionally.

USC quarterbacks Jayden Maiava, left, and Husan Longstreet, center, take part in passing drills at practice on July 30.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

That resonated with Maiava, who had a tendency to dwell on mistakes. Against Texas A&M, he brushed off his performance in the first three quarters to lead USC on three touchdown drives in the fourth. On the final drive, Maiava completed eight of nine passes for 78 yards, including the winning touchdown, with eight seconds remaining.

“That’s something I like to reflect on,” Maiava said. “Just having that neutral mindset and going out there for that last drive.”

That’s the version of himself Maiava is hoping to hold on to this season. So far, the difference in him has been distinct, according to teammates and coaches.

“You can just feel Jayden being more comfortable in his own skin and more comfortable being one of the leaders of this football team and operating this offense,” said Luke Huard, USC offensive coordinator and quarterbacks coach. “You just feel an improved and elevated level of confidence with the way he’s going about his business.”

That was the goal when Maiava set out this summer to take himself seriously — reading and meditating and drilling down the finer points of the position.

“This was his first opportunity to really be trained like a pro,” Beck said.

“Now, it’s just about tying it all together.”

Poised to set a record for player popularity and elite production, the Dodgers had eight finalists for the National League starting lineup in the 2025 All-Star Game as voted by fans.

Voters had 48 hours to choose between the two players at each position who had accumulated the most votes over the last month in what MLB called Phase 1. Dodgers designated hitter Shohei Ohtani already was in the starting lineup because he led NL players in Phase 1 votes.

Who in Blue would join him after Phase 2?

MLB announced the winners Wednesday afternoon, and Dodgers catcher Will Smith and first baseman Freddie Freeman will start along with Ohtani. The other five Dodgers finalists — second baseman Tommy Edman, shortstop Mookie Betts, third baseman Max Muncy and outfielders Teoscar Hernández and Andy Pages — were outvoted and won’t start.

The record of five starting players held by the 1976 Cincinnati Reds, the 1956 and 1957 Cincinnati Redlegs, and the 1939 New York Yankees still stands. The Dodgers fell short, despite the bevy of finalists.

It is the ninth All-Star berth for Freeman, who is batting .308 with 21 doubles, and the third for Smith, who leads the NL with a .320 batting average and .419 on-base percentage. Both players have 10 home runs.

Eleven-time All-Star Mike Trout was the only Angels player among the American League finalists, and he did not finish among the top three outfielders in Phase 2. Thousand Oaks High product and Athletics rookie Jacob Wilson was voted the AL starter at shortstop, beating out Bobby Witt Jr.

Finalists not voted as starters have no guarantee of making the All-Star Game as a reserve. Pitchers and reserves for the 32-man rosters will be determined by a vote of MLB players and the commissioner’s office.

Complete rosters of 20 position players and 12 pitchers will be announced at 2 p.m. PDT Sunday on ESPN. The All-Star Game will take place July 15 at Truist Park in Atlanta. Managers Dave Roberts of the Dodgers and Aaron Boone of the Yankees have no say in the selections.

The teams that boasted five starters included Hall of Famers and also lesser-known players.

The ’39 Yankees had All-Star starters Joe DiMaggio, George Selkirk, Bill Dickey, Red Rolfe and Joe Gordon. Red Ruffing was named the starting pitcher by manager Joe McCarthy, making the ’39 Yankees the only team with six starting players.

The most recent team to land five All-Star starters was the ’76 Cincinnati Reds, known as the Big Red Machine, led by future Hall of Famers Johnny Bench and Joe Morgan. Pete Rose, Dave Concepción and George Foster also started.

The Reds were called the Redlegs from 1953 to 1959 because of a period of intense anti-communism in the U.S. To distance themselves from the Red Scare, the Reds temporarily changed their name.

Cincinnati fans loved their team by any name, casting a deluge of last-minute votes two years in a row that eventually required intervention from MLB commissioner Ford Frick and caused MLB to eliminate fan voting for more than a decade.

Frick stood by the voting in ’56 despite complaints that five Redlegs were voted in, saying, “Everybody had a chance to vote, so there should be no squawks.”

A year later he changed his tune when last-minute voting — remember, all votes were handwritten and manually tabulated — resulted in an all-Redlegs lineup. Frick swiftly stepped in and replaced three Redlegs with future Hall of Famers Stan Musial, Willie Mays and Hank Aaron.

Redlegs fans were incensed, some making an effigy of the commissioner and driving it through Cincinnati tied to a truck. The reaction from players was more muted, with Redlegs center fielder Gus Bell saying, “I’m not exactly burned up about being replaced by Willie.”

Dodgers who finished second likely will have little quarrel with the results. Players who edged them out in voting are having excellent seasons: third baseman Manny Machado, shortstop Francisco Lindor, second baseman Ketel Marte and outfielders Ronald Acuña Jr., Kyle Tucker and Harvard-Westlake High product Pete Crow-Armstrong.

Yoshinobu Yamamoto (8-6, 2.51 earned-run average) of the Dodgers is a strong candidate to make the NL pitching staff. At least one Angels player must be chosen as a reserve or pitcher, and the nod could go to Trout, who has 13 home runs but is batting .230.

Other possibilities for the resurgent Angels are catcher Logan O’Hoppe (17 home runs), shortstop Zach Neto (12 home runs, team-high 2.7 WAR), outfielder Jo Adell (18 homers, 44 runs batted in) and starting pitcher Yusei Kikuchi (2.79 ERA in 96.2 innings).

MLB All-Star Starting Lineups

National League
C: Will Smith, Dodgers
1B: Freddie Freeman, Dodgers
2B: Ketel Marte, Diamondbacks
SS: Francisco Lindor, Mets
3B: Manny Machado, Padres
OF: Pete Crow-Armstrong, Cubs
OF: Kyle Tucker, Cubs
OF: Ronald Acuña Jr., Atlanta Braves
DH: Shohei Ohtani, Dodgers

American League
C: Cal Raleigh, Mariners
1B: Vladimir Guerrero Jr., Blue Jays
2B: Gleyber Torres, Tigers
SS: Jacob Wilson, Athletics
3B: Jose Ramirez, Guardians
OF: Aaron Judge, Yankees
OF: Riley Greene, Tigers
OF: Javier Baez, Tigers
DH: Ryan O’Hearn, Orioles