Petro

Oct. 24 (UPI) — The Treasury Department announced sanctions against Colombian President Gustavo Petro Urrego over cocaine production and smuggling into the United States.

The sanctions include Petro’s wife, first lady Veronica del Socorro Alcocer Garcia, his son Nicolas Petro and “close associate” Armando Benedettie, the Treasury Department announced Friday in a news release.

“Since President Gustavo Petro came to power, cocaine production in Colombia has exploded to the highest rate in decades, flooding the United States and poisoning Americans,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said.

“President Petro has allowed drug cartels to flourish and refused to stop this activity,” Bessent said.

“Today, President [Donald] Trump is taking strong action to protect our nation and make clear that we will not tolerate the trafficking of drugs into our nation.”

The sanctions are imposed in accordance with the president’s Executive Order 14059, which targets foreigners who are involved in the global trade of illicit drugs.

The sanctions freeze all property or interests in property owned by the Petro, his wife, son and associate that are located in the United States or territories controlled by the United States.

All such properties must be reported to the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control.

The Treasury Department said Colombia is the world’s leading producer and exporter of cocaine that often is bought by Mexican drug cartels and smuggled into the United States.

Petro on Oct. 8 said an alleged drug-smuggling vessel that was sunk by the U.S. military in the Caribbean was manned by Colombian citizens.

He has recalled the Colombian ambassador to the United States after the U.S. military sank a vessel that was near Colombian waters and Trump halted U.S. financial support for Colombia.

Petro also met with U.S. diplomat John McNamara on Monday to ease tensions between Colombia and the Trump administration.

Petro is a former guerrilla member who became Colombia’s president in 2022 and “has provided narco-terrorist organizations with benefits under the auspices of his ‘total peace’ plan,” according to the Treasury Department.

Such policies have led to record cultivation of coca and production of cocaine, which the Treasury Department said prompted Trump to declare Colombia a “major drug-transit or major drug-producing country” that has failed to uphold its responsibility to control such activities.

The Treasury also said Petro has allied with Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro‘s “narco-terrorist regime” and the Cartel de Los Soles.

The Colombian president’s activities create a significant risk of the international proliferation of illicit drugs, according to the federal agency.

Petro, however, did acknowledge that a disruption in the two countries’ military cooperation could have serious consequences.

Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro has indicated that a suspension of aid from the United States would mean little to his country, but that changes to military funding could have an effect.

“What happens if they take away aid? In my opinion, nothing,” Petro told journalists on Thursday, adding that aid funding often moved through US agencies and employed Americans.

But a cut to military cooperation would matter, he added.

“Now, in military aid, we would have some problems,” Petro said, adding that the loss of US helicopters would have the gravest impact.

US President Donald Trump had threatened over the weekend to raise tariffs on Colombia and said on Wednesday that all funding to the country has been halted.

Colombia was once among the largest recipients of US aid in the Western Hemisphere, but the flow of money was suddenly curtailed this year by the shuttering of USAID, the government’s humanitarian assistance arm. Military cooperation has continued.

The Trump administration has already “decertified” Colombia’s efforts to fight drug trafficking, paving the way for potential further cuts, but some US military personnel remain in Colombia, and the two countries continue to share intelligence.

Petro has objected to the US military’s strikes against vessels in the Caribbean, which have killed dozens of people and inflamed tensions in the region. Many legal experts and human rights activists have also condemned the actions.

Trump has responded by calling Petro an “illegal drug leader” and a “bad guy” – language Petro’s government says is offensive.

Petro has recalled his government’s ambassador from Washington, DC, but he nevertheless met with the US’s charge d’affaires in Bogota late on Sunday.

Although Trump has not announced any additional tariffs on top of the 10-percent rate already assessed on Colombian goods, he said on Wednesday he may take serious action against the country.

Petro said Trump is unlikely to put tariffs on oil and coal exports, which represent 60 percent of Colombia’s exports to the US, while the effect of tariffs on other industries could be mitigated by seeking alternative markets.

An increase in tariffs would flip a long-established US policy stance that free trade can make legitimate exports more attractive than drug trafficking, and analysts say more duties could eventually bolster drug trafficking.

Although his government has struggled to take control of major hubs for rebel and criminal activity, Petro said it has made record seizures of 2,800 metric tonnes of cocaine in three years, partly through increased efforts at Pacific ports where container ships are used for smuggling.

He also repeated an accusation that Trump’s actions are intended to boost the far right in Colombia in next year’s legislative and presidential elections.

Sept. 5 (UPI) — Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s government has introduced a new tax reform bill in Congress to cover the $6.3 billion shortfall in the 2026 budget. It is the third tax reform of his administration and is intended to secure the $139 billion the state says it needs next year.

In 2022, Petro introduced his first tax reform, which was approved and raised $2.7 billion. In 2024, however, Congress rejected a similar proposal seeking $3 billion, leaving the 2025 budget unfunded and forcing the executive branch to issue it by decree.

The initiative, presented Sept. 1 by Finance Minister Germán Ávila, faces strong opposition in Congress and has become the center of a political battle over fiscal sustainability, public security and the finances of millions of Colombians.

The bill calls for higher taxes on high-income individuals and wealth, along with new levies on fuel, liquor and gambling. It would also tax foreign companies that provide digital services such as Netflix, Amazon Prime and HBO.

Petro contends the bill seeks greater equity and will not affect the middle class or the poor, but will instead target the “mega rich.”

However, opposition leaders have rejected the measure, calling it poorly timed and harmful to the economy.

They argue that higher fuel taxes would raise food prices, directly affecting household budgets. They also criticize the government for imposing new burdens on citizens instead of cutting public spending.

On one of the most criticized points of the reform, Óscar Darío Pérez, a representative of the Democratic Center Party, said raising the income tax surcharge already paid by financial institutions — including banks, insurers and brokerage firms — 50% from 40% — would lead to more expensive loans or less access to the formal credit market.

Bruce Mac Master, president of the National Business Association of Colombia (Andi), has warned of a domino effect from the reform. He said it could raise production and transportation costs, hurting the country’s competitiveness.

“This reform will probably be the one that most affects Colombian families of all the projects presented in recent years,” Mac Master told local media.

Opposition lawmakers in Congress have vowed to block the bill, underscoring the governing challenges facing Petro, who needs support from the economic committees for the reform to advance.

“The government presents this only to follow the same strategy as last year. It puts forward impossible proposals and then blames Congress because this has no chance of passing,” Darío Pérez said.

“Colombia has a long history of tax reforms, with more than 21 attempts since 1990 and at least 14 significant reforms since 2000,” political analyst Mauricio Morris noted.

He added that each administration has pursued changes with different aims, from broadening the tax base to encouraging investment or confronting fiscal crises.

The island of Santa Rosa sits in the Amazon River between Colombia and Peru, with the government in Lima recently naming it a federal district.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro has accused the neighbouring country of Peru of annexing a disputed island on the Amazon River, resuscitating a longstanding disagreement between the two nations.

In a social media post on Tuesday, Petro said that Peru had acted to “unilaterally” assert control over the small island of Santa Rosa in a recent congressional vote.

“The Peruvian government has just appropriated it by law,” Petro wrote on the social media platform X.

He added that Peru’s actions could block the Colombian city of Leticia from accessing the Amazon River. “Our government will resort to diplomacy to defend our national sovereignty.”

Petro’s comments appeared to be a response to a vote in June, whereby Peru’s Congress designated the island of Santa Rosa a district in its Loreto province.

Who controls the island has been a subject of debate between Peru and Colombia for nearly a century.

Peru has claimed ownership based on treaties from 1922 and 1929, and it has administered Santa Rosa for decades.

But Colombia maintains that the island of Santa Rosa had not emerged from the Amazon River at the time of the treaties and therefore is not subject to them.

It has also argued that the treaties set the boundary between the two countries at the deepest point of the Amazon River, and that islands like Santa Rosa have emerged on the Colombian side of that dividing line.

“Islands have appeared north of the current deepest line, and the Peruvian government has just appropriated them by law and placed the capital of a municipality on land that, by treaty, should belong to Colombia,” Petro wrote.

He warned that Peru’s claims to Santa Rosa could inhibit travel and trade to nearby Leticia, which boasts a population of nearly 60,000.

“This unilateral action”, Petro wrote on Tuesday, “could make Leticia disappear as an Amazonian port, taking away its commercial life”.

Petro said he would hold celebrations commemorating Colombian independence from Spain in Leticia on Thursday, framing the island’s status as a symbol of national sovereignty.

The Colombian Ministry of Foreign Affairs also said in a social media post that it would push for further diplomacy in determining the nationality of newly emerged islands.

“For years, Colombia has maintained the need to carry out bilateral work for the allocation of islands,” the ministry wrote. Colombia, it added, “has reiterated the position that ‘Santa Rosa Island’ has not been allocated to Peru”.

The Amazon River is one of the longest waterways in the world, with the most water discharged of any river.

But those powerful currents deposit and rearrange sediment throughout the river basin, forming – and sometimes erasing – islands.

Santa Rosa is one of those newer islands. The land now contains forest and farmland, as well as the village of Santa Rosa de Yavari.

That town is home to a population of fewer than 1,000 people, according to Peru’s latest census, and is largely reliant on tourism, based on its proximity to the Amazon.

The Peruvian government has argued that making Santa Rosa a district was necessary to ensure it received federal funds and could collect taxes.

“Peru is complying firmly with its obligations under international law and with valid bilateral treaties,” the Peruvian government said in a statement.

The Colombian leader opened a new embassy in Haiti, while talks have been focused on security and the fight against drug trafficking.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro has travelled to Haiti for the second time this year in a significant show of support, as spiralling gang violence continues to plague the Caribbean country.

Petro’s visit, which began Friday, has focused on talks on security, commerce, education, agriculture and the fight against drug trafficking, the Colombian government said.

Petro announced the opening of a Colombian embassy in the country’s capital of Port-au-Prince.

He has also pledged to help Haiti strengthen its security, offering to train Haitian officers. Haitian delegations have visited a state-owned arms manufacturing company in Colombia to learn about its defence capabilities.

The Colombian government shared a brief clip of Petro speaking at the new embassy: “The time has come to truly unite.”

Por fin, tenemos embajada en Haití.

¿Qué fuerzas impedían en la cancillería que hubiera una embajada en el país desde donde salió nuestra independencia?

¿Sería porque nuestra libertad salió fue de los esclavos negros que se liberaron a sí mismos? pic.twitter.com/tpdpmBptCz

— Gustavo Petro (@petrogustavo) July 19, 2025

Translation: Finally, we have an embassy in Haiti. What forces in the Foreign Ministry were preventing the establishment of an embassy in the country from which our independence originated? Could it be because our freedom came from the Black slaves who liberated themselves?

Petro landed in Port-au-Prince, where 90 percent of the capital is under gang control. He was accompanied by officials, including Colombian Defense Minister Pedro Sanchez.

During his visit, Petro met with Haiti’s Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aime and its transitional presidential council, which is under pressure to hold general elections before February 2026.

The officials arrived less than a week after Haitian authorities killed four suspected drug traffickers and confiscated more than 1,000kg (2,300lb) of cocaine off the country’s north coast.

The seizure was unexpectedly large for Haiti’s National Police, which remains understaffed and underfunded as it works with Kenyan police leading a United Nations-backed mission to help quell gang violence.

While most of the violence is centred in Port-au-Prince, gangs have razed and seized control of a growing number of towns in Haiti’s central region.

At least 4,864 people have been killed from October to the end of June across Haiti, with hundreds of others kidnapped, raped and trafficked, according to a recent UN report.

Gang violence has also displaced 1.3 million people in recent years.

Petro previously visited Haiti in late January. Before his visit, Haitian officials invested some $3.8m to more than double the runway at the airport in the city of Jacmel, renovate the town and restore electricity to a population living in the dark for at least three years.

The two countries are additionally strengthening their ties as judges in Haiti continue to interrogate 17 former Colombian soldiers accused in the July 2021 killing of President Jovenel Moise.

July 11 (UPI) — With approval ratings falling and key reforms stalled in Congress, Colombian President Gustavo Petro enters the final year of his term facing a surge in illegal armed groups, growing tensions with the United States and continued cabinet turnover.

Petro’s signature “total peace” policy — central to his security strategy — has drawn sharp criticism as Colombia contends with mass displacement, the killings of community leaders and weakened government institutions.

“With 11 months until the May 31, 2026, presidential election, Petro’s administration is entering an early final stage. There’s political fatigue, and many promises have amounted to little more than good intentions,” said Rafael Botero, director of the School of Public Management in Bogotá.

One of Petro’s most persistent challenges has been his strained relationship with Colombia’s Congress. The ambitious reforms he promised during his campaign — focused on healthcare, pensions and labor — have stalled in a fragmented legislature in which the opposition has grown increasingly unified.

“The lack of a solid majority has forced the government into complex negotiations and concessions that have slowed, and in some cases stalled, progress on its legislative agenda. This paralysis has frustrated Petro’s electoral base and has been used by the opposition as proof of the government’s ineffectiveness,” Botero said.

Petro’s “total peace” policy — his central approach to ending Colombia’s armed conflict through dialogue with all illegal groups — has been criticized as vague and ineffective, weakening state authority without securing meaningful progress toward demobilization or territorial justice.

Although Petro reached cease-fire agreements with armed groups, including the National Liberation Army, or ELN, and FARC dissidents, those deals have not led to any meaningful improvement in public safety.

In 2024, violence surged across Colombia. More than 50,000 people were displaced and more than 138,000 confined to their homes and hundreds of disappearances, according to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross. Hundreds of people have gone missing, and attacks on healthcare services have increased.

Mass killings also have increased. Between January and September 2024, 47 massacres left 168 victims, according to the INDEPAZ observatory. The data suggests that violence is not just rising — it is diversifying and spreading into new regions.

In addition, the absence of tangible results on the ground has fueled a perception of impunity and leniency toward armed groups.

Organizations, including Human Rights Watch and the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation, warn that these groups have taken advantage of cease-fires to expand their presence, recruit minors for criminal activities, control illegal economies and co-opt local communities.

The resignation of Colombia’s foreign minister, Laura Sarabia, on July 3 shook the country’s already turbulent political landscape. Political analysts cite tensions with the presidency over sensitive issues, including Colombia’s positions on international conflicts, its alignment with geopolitical blocs such as BRICS and its handling of bilateral crises that may have strained cabinet unity.

“The foreign minister’s departure not only creates a void in the country’s foreign policy leadership, but also signals a possible rift within the government’s inner circle,” Botero said.

Relations with the United States have been strained following controversial remarks by the Colombian president, who criticized Washington’s migration and anti-drug policies. Although Petro recently sent a letter of clarification to President Donald Trump, diplomatic tensions remain high, raising concerns over key bilateral agreements and strategic cooperation.

Meanwhile, public opinion in Colombia shows growing signs of discontent. A June Opinómetro poll found that 63.1% of respondents disapprove of the way Petro is running the country, while just 30.1% approve of his performance.

According to an Invamer poll conducted June 7 to 16, Petro’s disapproval rating rose in June to 64% from 57% in April, while approval fell to 29% — the second-lowest level since he took office.

The shift comes amid growing political and social unrest following the attempted assassination of presidential pre-candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay. The attack deepened political divisions and reinforced the perception of instability in the country.

“Unfortunately, Petro’s government isn’t leaving behind any infrastructure projects people will remember,” said Sergio Escobar, executive director of the Medellín Global Center for Strategic International Studies..

“There were only ideas — like a rail line from Buenaventura on the Pacific to Barranquilla on the Atlantic, a superhighway, passenger trains linking the center of the country to the north, just to name a few. All logical, all necessary — but at no point did the national government show any serious intent to implement them.”

SANTIAGO, Chile, June 5 (UPI) — Colombia is at a democratic crossroads as President Gustavo Petro clashes with Congress and civil society over political disputes, legislative gridlock and stalled reforms.

At the center of the dispute is Petro’s announcement that he intends to call a national referendum by executive decree to revive parts of his agenda — particularly a labor reform bill recently rejected by the Senate.

For weeks, Petro’s proposal to call a national referendum has polarized the political climate.

His administration says the referendum would allow voters to weigh in on key issues, including healthcare and pension reforms, public debt restructuring and the potential formation of a constituent assembly.

The opposition and several legal experts have called the measure unconstitutional and an overreach of presidential powers.

Colombia’s Constitution outlines specific requirements for calling a national referendum, including congressional approval.

Petro’s opponents warn that bypassing this step would set a dangerous precedent, weakening democratic institutions and the separation of powers.

The possibility that Petro could issue a decree to call a national referendum without congressional approval may lead to a legal challenge before Colombia’s Constitutional Court. The court’s final ruling on the legality of such a decree will be critical in determining the future of the initiative and the balance of power among government institutions.

In addition to the referendum controversy, Petro’s labor reform proposal suffered a major defeat in the Senate, where it was rejected and shelved. The bill, one of the administration’s flagship initiatives to “dignify labor and improve working conditions,” failed to secure enough votes to move forward in the legislative process.

The government’s proposed labor reform included cutting the standard daytime work shift to eight hours, doubling pay for work on Sundays and holidays, formalizing employment for digital platform workers, extending paternity leave to 12 weeks and ensuring equal pay for men and women.

Business groups, such as the National Business Association of Colombia and the National Federation of Merchants have been outspoken in opposing the bill. They argue the reform would have negative economic consequences, including job losses, reduced investment and a rise in unregulated employment.

Despite the government’s efforts and intense debate, the bill failed to win over enough senators, many of whom also raised concerns about the reform’s potential impact on job creation and business competitiveness.

Attention now turns to the Constitutional Court, whose decision will be pivotal for the future of the referendum proposal and the broader institutional balance in Colombia.