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Have you ever wondered what the inside of one of the most expensive hotel penthouses looks like? For a whopping £75,500 a night, it might leave your eyes watering

We all like a bit of luxury every now and then, but for a staggering £75,500 a night for a hotel suite, that’s something else entirely.

For that sum of money, you’d expect your own butler, sprawling swimming pool, private entrance, and some of the best views across Dubai – and that’s exactly what those forking out for a lavish stay at the Royal Mansion at Atlantis The Royal get. The price tag makes a little more sense considering a literal mansion in one of the world’s premier luxury capitals.

Dubai is renowned for its selection of opulent hotels and resorts, but the five-star Atlantis The Royal is one of the city’s most famous and luxurious beach resorts. Frequently named one of the best hotels in the world, it sits on the crescent of Palm Jumeirah, boasting a whopping 795 rooms, 17 restaurants, and 90 swimming pools, with its striking structure of six towers linked by an intricate design.

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For those who want to ‘live like royalty’ during a stay at Atlantis The Royal, the Royal Mansion is one of its signature penthouses, priced at around £75,500 (Dhs370,000 or $100,000) per night. Dubbed the ‘crown jewel’ of the resort, it spans 1,128 square metres across two levels, forming a penthouse that connects to both sides of the iconic hotel.

There’s a private foyer, complete with glass olive trees and sky-high ceilings, and four bedrooms that can sleep up to ten adults and one child, with three king beds and two queen beds. One of its most incredible features is the 476-square-metre terrace with an infinity pool, offering panoramic views across the Palm Jumeirah and the Dubai Skyline from a secluded, and very lavish retreat.

In addition, the penthouse features an outdoor kitchen, bar area, entertainment room, a library, a huge dining room table, both indoors and outdoors, a living area, a family room, a steam room and sprawling bedrooms with en-suites that are easily the size of a flat in London. The interiors are just as sumptuous and bespoke as you would imagine, with every corner designed to ooze indulgence.

As Atlantis The Royal states, “Every detail in the Royal Mansion will make you feel like royalty”. And there’s more.

Guests forking out for a stay in the mansion will also be given the five-star treatment. This includes in-room check-in, 24-hour dedicated butler service, 24-hour room service, a private in-suite lift, a private entrance, and privacy glass.

They can also lap up the benefits of an exclusive in-room celebrity chef dining, complimentary return airport transfers, complimentary minibar and complimentary breakfast, with the option of Gastronomy, in-room dining, or a floating breakfast. If that wasn’t enough, they also have daily access to the resorts’ AWAKEN Elements Retreat and exclusive “premium seating” at Aquaventure World, along with daily fast passes.

That’s just some of the additional benefits of booking the sprawling penthouse, which undoubtedly only welcomes the ultra-wealthy who can justify splashing out on what is twice the average annual salary in the UK for a hotel night away.

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

Tom Steyer is trying to sell himself to voters as an agent of change.

He has vowed to take on entrenched political and economic forces to create affordable housing, make the wealthy pay more in taxes, lower energy bills and protect the environment.

But perhaps the biggest change he is selling is his own.

The hedge-fund billionaire turned climate activist has faced criticism throughout his campaign for past investments in coal plants and private prisons, to name a few, that helped build his fortune and gave him the means to spend more than $150 million of his own money in his quest for the governor’s mansion.

Steyer’s prolific spending has blanketed the airwaves with television ads and helped propel him near the top of an unsettled gubernatorial field in the polls.

The 68-year-old San Franciscan has helped put many Democratic candidates in office as one of the party’s biggest political donors in the past two decades, but has never held public office himself.

He spent more than $340 million in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, but dropped out after placing third in the primary in South Carolina, where he had invested heavily.

There is a long tradition of wealthy, self-funding candidates, and the results are mixed at best. Billionaire Michael Bloomberg spent more than $260 million to win three terms as New York City mayor. But he spent more than $1 billion on a 2020 presidential bid and lasted only four days longer in the race than Steyer. Two years later, real estate developer Rick Caruso spent more than $100 million in an effort to become Los Angeles mayor but lost handily to Karen Bass.

Hoping for a better result in his current race, Steyer has staked out a position as the most progressive candidate in the field — touting an endorsement from the Bernie Sanders-affiliated Our Revolution. He’s picked up other key endorsements, too, from the California Teachers Assn., California Nurses Assn. and numerous environmental groups.

But he faces the challenge of convincing enough liberal voters to support a billionaire with controversial past investments the same year a tax on billionaires, currently enjoying strong support, is poised to be on the November ballot.

“This election is about who you can trust to fight for you,” former Rep. Katie Porter said during an April 22 gubernatorial debate in San Francisco. “One candidate is a billionaire who got rich off polluters and ICE prisons and is now using that money to fund his election.”

Steyer said he understands the broad concerns about his wealth and is willing to vote for the billionaires’ tax in November.

“I know that people are skeptical of billionaires, and I’m skeptical of billionaires,” Steyer said Tuesday in an interview with The Times. “But if you look at this race, I’m the only progressive in the race. I’m the person who’s taking on the corporate special interests.”

He pointed to the millions spent by a super PAC supported by the real estate industry and Pacific Gas & Electric — which Steyer has pledged to break up to bring down utility costs — as evidence that he is the candidate most feared by moneyed interests in the state.

“The companies that are running up the costs are fighting like hell, because that’s how they make their money,” he said. “But somebody’s got to stand up to them.”

The departure of former Rep. Eric Swalwell from the race last month after sexual assault allegations doesn’t appear to have resulted in a major surge of support for Steyer. Rather, it is Xavier Becerra, the former Health and Human Services secretary, who seems to have gained momentum.

But veteran California pollster Mark Baldassare said that he hasn’t counted out Steyer yet.

Tom Steyer, in 2013, as he was campaigning against the Keystone XL oil pipeline.

(David Paul Morris / Bloomberg)

“It would be easy to say that he’s reached his peak, except for the fact that there are so many undecideds and Steyer has so many resources at his disposal,” said Baldassare, the statewide survey director for the Public Policy Institute of California.

Steyer has poured at least $875 million into federal and state political committees since 2010, according to an analysis conducted for The Times by OpenSecrets, and federal and state campaign finance records. That total includes the nearly half a billion dollars he has spent on his two races.

In 2013, Steyer left his investment firm and launched NextGen Climate, a progressive political action group geared toward addressing climate change. He has given nearly $270 million to a super PAC affiliated with the group, which was later renamed NextGen America.

The committee has spent tens of millions of dollars on campaigns opposing fossil fuel interests and supporting progressive candidates, though Steyer’s financial support for the group has decreased as he has run for office.

The billionaire also established his climate bona fides by opposing the Keystone XL pipeline during the Obama administration, which became a national proxy fight over climate policy, and by backing environmental ballot measures in California.

Among them was a $5-million investment in 2010’s “No on Prop. 23” campaign, which defeated a conservative effort to overturn California’s greenhouse gas emission reduction law.

Two years later, Steyer invested about $29.5 million in Proposition 39, a winning measure to recoup money from corporate tax breaks to help pay for clean energy projects.

Privileged upbringing and a ‘desire to compete’

Steyer’s unconventional path to politics began with a privileged upbringing on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. He studied at the elite Buckley School and Philips Exeter Academy before attending college at Yale University, where he captained the men’s soccer team and graduated in 1979.

After a brief stint on Wall Street, he got a master’s degree in business administration at Stanford University, where he met his future wife, Kat Taylor. They wed on the Stanford campus in 1986.

Steyer worked hard — very hard — at making money.

He was one of several “Wall Street Prodigies” featured in a Wall Street Journal profile from the same year he was married.

Steyer’s work began at 5 a.m. in the office and he seldom took days off — he fretted he wouldn’t have time for a honeymoon.

He eschewed the trappings of wealth — driving an eight-year-old Honda — motivated instead by a “desire to compete, excel and keep struggling to do better.”

Steyer began cutting political checks soon after, but his real emergence as a major political donor came during the 2004 presidential campaign, when he pledged to raise more than $100,000 for John Kerry’s campaign and was talked about as a potential political appointee at the U.S. Treasury Department in a Kerry administration.

Steyer hired Kerry to join his sustainable investment company Galvanize in 2024. Steyer stepped down from the company before entering the governor’s race.

The year 2004 was pivotal for another reason.

A group of students at his two alma maters, Yale and Stanford, along with those at a handful of other elite universities, began a campaign to pressure the endowments at their institutions to stop investing with Steyer’s hedge fund, Farallon Capital Management.

They cited concerns about some of the firm’s investments, including a coal burning plant in Indonesia and a joint venture between Farallon and Yale to pump out water from an aquifer in Colorado adjacent to the Great Sand Dunes National Park.

“Stated simply, we do not want our universities to profit from investments that harm other communities,” the students wrote in an open letter to Steyer. “We are concerned about the impact some of Farallon’s recent investments have had.”

Steyer told the students he appreciated “the importance of the issues that you raise,” but defended his firm’s work, saying that it acted “responsibly and ethically.”

Looking back on that time now, Steyer said it was a turning point.

“I think that experience really was a wake-up call to me,” he said. “It’s when I started to very seriously consider leaving Farallon. I really felt like if I was going to be the person with my values, I was going to have to leave and be independent and do what was right.”

Three years later, Steyer and his wife began their initial pivot to public service, opening a bank in Oakland that would cater to low-income customers

Tom Steyer, seeking the Democratic presidential nomination, greets people at an event in Des Moines, Iowa, in 2019.

(Scott Olson / Getty Images)

But this initial venture highlighted the inevitable collision course between Steyer’s burgeoning activism and his firm’s investments.

At an event that year with then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and Oakland Mayor Ron Dellums, Steyer and Taylor pledged $1 million in loans to support vulnerable people in Oakland facing foreclosure in the wake of the subprime mortgage crisis.

Left unsaid was the fact that Steyer’s firm had extensive financial ties to San Diego’s Accredited Home Lenders, one of the biggest subprime mortgage lenders in the country.

The transformation to climate activist

Steyer and his wife began writing bigger philanthropic checks and in 2010 took the Giving Pledge, promising to donate at least half of their wealth before they died.

In 2009, they gave $40 million to endow the TomKat Center for Sustainable Energy at Stanford, the first of several multimillion-dollar gifts to Stanford and Yale to support climate-focused ventures. They pledged $7 million to create the Steyer-Taylor Center for Energy Policy and Finance, also at Stanford, in 2010. It closed last year after its endowment came to an end.

And in 2011, the couple donated $25 million to Yale to help establish an Energy Sciences Institute focused on developing sustainable energy solutions.

But even as Steyer undertook his public transformation from investor to climate activist, his firm continued to make decisions out of step with his newfound commitment.

In 2011, for example, the firm purchased 1.8 million shares of BP, a year after the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, in which a BP-operated project dumped nearly 5 million barrels of oil into the Gulf of Mexico.

Steyer resigned from the firm at the end of 2012, though he still has millions of dollars invested in the firm .

Environmentalists have largely been willing to forgive Steyer’s past investments.

“There’s no question he’d be the most knowledgeable and committed climate advocate that’s ever held really high office in America,” climate activist and author Bill McKibben recently told Politico.

While the nonprofit California Environmental Voters has endorsed both Katie Porter and Tom Steyer in the race, Steyer, in particular, has “taken on Big Oil dollar for dollar, toe to toe, and beaten them,” said Mary Creasman, the group’s chief executive.

“He has made this his career and his investment and his passion, so it’s authentic, and voters see that,” she said.

Leah Stokes, an associate professor of environmental politics at UC Santa Barbara, said she’s impressed by Steyer’s climate track record and progressive campaign platform, noting that he’s been an active presence in California’s climate movement for more than 15 years.

That includes not only his work on ballot initiatives and clean energy technology, but also his focus on biodiversity loss and carbon sequestration at his 1,800-acre TomKat Ranch in Pescadero, where researchers are studying regenerative agriculture.

But Steyer has also played a role in elevating climate into a national political issue — including in the early 2010s when it wasn’t a “politically hot topic,” Stokes said.

“He has been willing to spend an enormous amount of his personal money on elections on climate — whether it’s propositions, whether it’s himself running for president on basically a climate platform, whether it’s the Next Gen giant voter turnout campaign,” she said. “I think he has recognized … that politics is where we have to invest our time if we want to make a difference on the climate crisis.”

Despite concerns raised about Steyer’s early investments into fossil fuels through Farallon, Stokes said she’s more apt to criticize candidates who are taking money from oil companies today, such as Becerra, who accepted a $39,200 donation from Chevron for his gubernatorial campaign.

She was also heartened by the fact that Pacific Gas & Electric has funded a $10-million PAC opposing Steyer, because she said it indicates that he aims to hold utility companies accountable for skyrocketing electricity prices amid soaring profits.

“We could actually have a shot here at having somebody who cares about climate change, who wants to hold utilities accountable, who wants to hold big polluters accountable,” Stokes said. “That would just be transformative.”

Energy costs weigh heavily on voters

Steyer’s focus on climate issues and energy affordability could also be a strategic boon in the governor’s race.

Sixty percent of voters in the state see climate change as a major threat to the country and believe that the government is not doing enough to address it, according to polling from the Public Policy Institute of California.

“Californians connect the dots between what’s going on with extreme climate and wildfires and climate,” said Baldassare, the institute’s survey director.

Recent polling has also shown that voters are very concerned about energy affordability and rising utility costs, with 13% of Americans naming it as the most important financial problem facing their family — a 10-point increase from last year, according to an April Gallup poll.

Overall, energy costs tied housing costs as the second-biggest concern following the high cost of living, the poll found.

In November, Democrats who campaigned heavily around energy affordability swept the field in key races in New Jersey, Virginia and Georgia. Residential electric prices increased nearly 11% between January 2025 and this February, according to the latest available data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

“Voters are supporting candidates who are leaning into these issues,” Creasman said.

Wieder reported from Washington and Smith from Los Angeles.

Free agent NFL receiver Stefon Diggs has been found not guilty of felony strangulation and not guilty of misdemeanor assault and battery in connection with an alleged dispute with his private chef over money she said he owed her for her services.

Diggs remained stoic in the courtroom as the verdicts were announced, following less that two hours of deliberation by the jury.

Diggs was charged Dec. 30 and pleaded not guilty during his arraignment at Massachusetts’ Dedham District Court on Feb. 13, five days after playing in Super Bowl LX with the New England Patriots.

Diggs did not take the stand during the trial, which started Monday in Norfolk County District Court in Dedham, Mass.

His accuser, Jamila Adams, told the jury that the 11-year NFL veteran “smacked me with an open hand” and wrapped his arm around her neck during an incident that is alleged to have occurred at Diggs’ house on Dec. 2.

“When I went up to block him, he took his arms and came around my neck and he began to choke me,” said Adams, who became emotional during her testimony.

Defense attorney Andrew Kettlewell told jurors there was no evidence of an assault, with no one in the house reporting anything of the kind and no medical records, photos or video that documented any injuries.

Adams said she did not take any photos or video that showed any marks on her body that could be used as evidence because she “was in shock.”

According to Adams, her employment dynamic with Diggs was “complicated.” The two of them have known each other for more than four years, she said, and had previously been in a sexual relationship, although they were not at the time of the alleged assault. As Diggs’ private chef, she lived in his home and prepared him meals and snacks, she said.

In reporting the alleged incident to police Dec. 16, Adams said she and Diggs had a dispute over payment she thought she was owed. Kettlewell told jurors that Adams had sought money from Diggs after reporting the alleged incident, in amounts that increased over time and culminated in her attorney seeking $5.5 million.

“She was furious and she wanted Mr. Diggs to pay in every sense of that word,” Kettlewell said.

Asked Tuesday about the $5.5-million claim, Adams answered at various points, “I can’t speak on that,” “I don’t understand the question” and “I don’t know how to answer the question.”

At times during the trial, Judge Jeanmarie Carroll instructed jurors to disregard parts of Adams’ testimony that the judge said went beyond the scope of the questions.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

While a multitude of law enforcement agents sprang into action after a shooter tried to storm a ballroom where President Donald Trump and others were attending the annual White House Correspondents’ Dinner, one well-dressed and cool under pressure plainclothes agent went viral after whipping out a Heckler & Koch MP7. The MP7 is a high-end personal defense weapon (PDW) that is already something of a pop culture fascination, being famously used by SEAL Team Six and featured in countless video games. Unlike many of its counterparts, it also remains unavailable in any configuration on the general firearms civilian marketplace. Regardless, the memes have come fast and furious and have made this still unidentified expressionless agent, and his futuristic-looking weapon, internet stars.

What agency this individual belongs to still is not entirely clear, with the U.S. Secret Service, FBI, and U.S. Capitol Police having been raised as possibilities. The latter is very likely to be the agency in question, having adopted the MP7 for its Dignitary Protection Division following another politically-motivated shooting nearly a decade ago.

Cole Tomas Allen was subdued and arrested at the Washington Hilton hotel in Washington, D.C., on Saturday after authorities say he attempted to shoot his way past security to get to the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. He is said to have been armed with a .38-caliber pistol and a 12-gauge shotgun, as well as knives, at the time. A Secret Service agent was hit by gunfire, but the projectile was reportedly stopped by a combination of their protective vest and cellphone, and they are expected to recover. Allen, a resident of Torrance, California, sent a message to family members stating his intention to target members of the Trump administration right before the attack.

The President and First Lady Melania Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance, and other top members of the administration were at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, and other members of Congress were also present. A host of other dignitaries were in attendance, as well. Trump and other administration officials were moved first to secure locations on site, before returning to the White House after authorities asked everyone to leave the venue.

It was during that initial response that the plainclothes agent emerged carrying the MP7. A photographer actually caught the individual pulling the gun from what looks to be a Crye Precision EXP-series pack. The MP7 in this case was also fitted with a non-magnifying T2 red dot optic on a raised Unity mount, both of which are made by Aimpoint. What appears to be a Surefire XVL2-IRC laser aiming and light module was also spotted mounted on top of the gun in front of the optic. It also had a collapsible foregrip.

Since Heckler & Koch first introduced the MP7 in 2001, it has been presented as ideally suited to being discreetly carried by individuals tasked with VIP protection duties. In its standard configuration with its built-in buttstock collapsed, the gun is around 16 and a half inches long. Without a magazine loaded or any accessories fitted, it weighs just under four pounds. The MP7 is a bit heavier than the smallest version of Heckler & Koch’s famed MP5 submachine gun, the MP5K, but also has far more modern ergonomics and controls.

MP7A1 vs MP7A2: H&K’s Modern PDW

In addition, the 4.7x30mm round that the MP7 fires is designed to offer excellent low-recoil, armor-penetrating, and range characteristics in a very compact package, especially compared to traditional pistol rounds. Due to its relatively tiny rifle-style ammunition, Heckler & Koch’s gun is regularly compared to the FN P90, a very different weapon design-wise, but which was built around a broadly similar cartridge, the 5.7x28mm. Both offer submachine gun size, but with armor-piercing capabilities that their pistol caliber cousins cannot offer. The accessibility to increasingly capable body armor by civilians is a main reason why units have moved from submarine guns to guns in the PDW class, including the MP7 and FN P90, as well as compact assault rifles.

The MP7’s focus on lower felt recoil also helps increase accuracy. Altogether, the gun, with its rate of fire of around 950 rounds per minute, is intended to offer a potent amount of firepower that a shooter can get on target easily and keep it there, even when drawing quickly from concealment under pressure.

Despite still having a relatively small user base today, as noted earlier, the MP7 has attained a certain spot in popular culture, including video games and movies, in large part due to the gun’s use by SEAL Team Six. This is the same unit, also known as the Naval Special Warfare Development Group (DEVGRU), responsible for the raid that led to the death of Al Qaeda founder Osama Bin Laden in 2011.

“I ran with a suppressed MP7 submachine gun on a few missions, but lacked the knockdown power of my H&K 416 [5.56x45mm assault rifle]. The submachine gun came in handy during ship boarding, in the jungle, or when weight, size, and the ability to stay extremely quiet were needed,” retired Navy SEAL Matt Bissonnette (writing under the pen name Mark Owen) wrote in his 2012 book No Easy Day. “Several times we shot fighters in one room with a suppressed MP7 and their comrades next door didn’t wake up. The H&K 416s didn’t compare to the MP7 when you were trying to be extremely quiet.”

SEAL Team 6/DEVGRU kit. MP7 and HK416 in matching camo. The real gem is the ‘Pirate Gun,’ the sawed-off M79 40mm break-open grenade launcher made famous by ‘Mark Owen’s’ book No Easy Day. pic.twitter.com/IzwEwun4ZX

— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) October 6, 2020

MP7s are also in service worldwide with a variety of conventional and special operations military units, as well as law enforcement agencies, including in the United States.

At the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, the agent’s stoic action movie mystique and tailored suit also upped the ‘cool factor’ when paired with his intriguing MP7 armament.

All of this has now also contributed to the images of the MP7 agent at the Washington Hilton this weekend going viral on social media. The general visual of the MP7 being drawn from the pack has also prompted comparisons to iconic photos of Secret Service agent Robert Wanko producing a Uzi submachine gun from a custom briefcase during the attempted assassination of President Ronald Reagan in 1981. The MP7-armed agent spotted over the weekend is already developing a similar following online. 

As noted, there still remains something of a question as to what agency the MP7-armed individual seen at the Washington Hilton on Saturday belongs to.

The U.S. Capitol Police is a particularly distinct possibility based on its very public adoption of the MP7 for use by its Dignitary Protection Division (DPD). Agents from DPD would have had a clear reason to be among those providing security at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, given the presence of Speaker Johnson and other legislators. In the United States, the Speaker of the House is an extremely important position, with whoever is serving in that role being second in line to succeed the President if need be.

The USCP’s Dignitary Protection Division (DPD)

The U.S. Capitol Police first began acquiring MP7s as a result of four people, including then-U.S. House Majority Whip Steve Scalise (another Louisiana Republican), being shot at the annual Congressional Baseball Game in 2017. The gunman, James T. Hodgkinson, was also wounded in the ensuing firefight and subsequently died. Authorities concluded that Hodgkinson had deliberately targeted Republican lawmakers at the event.

“It should be noted that we do have the ability to deploy another weapon, the M4, the [5.56x45mm] assault rifle. We have that ability today, and we deploy that when necessary,” then-Chief of the U.S. Capitol Police Matthew Verderosa told members of Congress at a hearing in 2019. “The MP7 is a pilot program that the Board has directed us to engage in, in terms of providing a weapon that meets the needs that sort of bridges the gap between a true assault rifle and a handgun.”

“We currently have a [sic] MP7 assault weapon that is specifically utilized by our Dignitary Protection Division agents,” Assistant Chief of the U.S. Capitol Police Sean Gallagher also said in 2022. “I believe almost 60 to 70 percent of our entire DPD is trained on that weapon.”

Gallagher’s comments came in an interview with the House of Representatives’ Select Committee investigating the events at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.

The individual with the MP7 at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner may still belong to another agency, though this seems less likely to be the case. The Secret Service has been brought up as another possibility. However, it is known to have adopted the P90, and it is unclear why it would also have the functionally similar MP7 in inventory. Interestingly, on April 24, the Secret Service also awarded a contract to J.P. Enterprises, Inc., for an unspecified “9mm Pistol Caliber Carbine,” which could be based on that company’s existing JP-5 or GMR-15 designs.

FBI has also been put forward based on the badge the individual has on their belt. It features an eagle on top with wings that are not fully connected with the rest of the badge, as is the case with what the FBI issues to special agents. The FBI is also not known to be a user of the MP7, though this does not rule out the possibility. At the same time, members of the U.S. Capitol Police have been seen wearing badges with eagles with similarly detached wings over the years, as well.

TWZ has reached out to the Secret Service, the FBI, and the U.S. Capitol Police for any additional information they can provide. FBI declined to comment.

More broadly speaking, though the response looks to have largely worked as intended, the shooting at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner has raised questions about security protocols, especially around Trump at public events. Trump, both as President and as a candidate, has already been the target of multiple assassination attempts. He was notably wounded during one attempt at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, in 2024. The Secret Service and other law enforcement agencies were widely criticized over that incident.

The White House Correspondents’ Dinner shooting may well trigger further reviews of tactics, techniques, and procedures at the Secret Service and other agencies. Whether it prompts the adoption of new weapons, like the U.S. Capitol Police’s adoption of the MP7 in the wake of the 2017 attack on the Congressional Baseball Game, remains to be seen.

If nothing else, the suit-wearing expressionless agent carrying the MP7 has already been cemented as a core image of the shooting incident at the Washington Hilton this weekend.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com