Latin

Latin America At A Turning Point

Analysts expect continued slow growth this year, with inflation moderating. But the region’s biggest economies present a mixed outlook.

The US operation to capture and oust Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro from power in January put Latin America back in the spotlight. But the surprise intervention has not yet translated into larger political or economic shifts in the region.

Instead, a familiar, business-as-usual outlook appears to be trending: modest growth; economies linked to external demands for commodities; and persistent structural vulnerabilities tied to public debt, infrastructure, and diminishing but persistent legal and political risk. The silver linings: stabilizing macro indicators and a broad trend toward moderating inflationary pressure. The key question is: Which way will the region head?

Sustainable growth and development remain elusive. Upcoming electoral contests in Brazil, Colombia, and Peru add to the backdrop of geopolitical realignment, along with US tariffs and the evolving roles of the US, China, and Europe in the region. Cautious optimism related to economic indicators and innovation remains overshadowed by structural fragility.

The baseline expectation is continuity rather than acceleration, with growth projections by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank converging toward a 2.2%-2.3% average, respectively—positive, but not transformative.

Patricia Krause, chief Latin America economist at Coface, a French trade-credit insurance company, expects regional GDP to grow at 2.3% this year. The figure matches forecasts by the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and is slightly more optimistic than those announced by Goldman Sachs (1.9%) and Fitch Solutions’ BMI (1.7%).

“We see a more challenging economic environment for the region,” says Ash Khayami, senior country-risk analys for Latin America Country Risk at BMI, “although growth is broadly in line with prepandemic run rates, going from 2.1% in 2025 to 1.7% in 2026, mostly driven by weaker growth in Brazil and Mexico.”

Political volatility remains a central theme in Latin America, and BMI expects a shift toward more conservative or right-of-center governments across the region. “We see a broad turn to right-wing governments in most elections we cover,” says Khayami. “More-conservative governments with stronger fiscal discipline should boost investor sentiment domestically.”

According to a recent study by the Eurasia Group political-risk consultancy, while political volatility has long been considered Latin America’s defining risk, the character of that volatility is now increasingly episodic instead of ideologically linked. For financial markets, this is good, since episodic risk can be priced more easily than structural regime changes.

Perhaps the most underappreciated regional trend—and success story—is inflation normalization as major Latin economies are returning to or remaining within target ranges.

Regional commonalities are only part of the story. The economic outlook for major Latin American economies is varied.

Argentina

“Argentina is entering an investment-driven cycle supported by commodity exports and lower taxes, which underpins our positive outlook,” says Khayami. “The country risk is down 500 base points, the lowest since 2018. Still, the growth rate is slowing down from 4.3% to a consensus rate of approximately 3.2% this year.”

The Central Bank of the Argentine Republic’s hard-currency accumulation and narrowing country-risk spreads are major positives, he adds: “The central bank accumulating over $1 billion in January is a strong signal from an external-accounts perspective.”

Brazil

Brazil’s growth should slow slightly this year compared to last, says Krause, mainly due to still-elevated interest rates. The market expects the central bank’s Selic benchmark interest rate to begin declining: It’s still projected to end the year at 12.25%, down from its current 15%. Household consumption is expected to support growth, helped by labor market resilience, lower inflation, and tax relief measures. “Trade tensions with the US had some impact on Brazilian exports after tariff measures,” Krause observes, “but the effect was mitigated by exemptions and diversification toward other export markets, including Argentina, Canada, and India.”

The country remains a slow-growth anchor economy, according to Khayami’s analysis, saddled by fiscal rigidity and a high tax burden. But a contrary trend may be taking hold, where public spending gradually shrinks as a share of GDP through 2028.

Colombia

Colombia is currently the oddball among major Latin economies, according to BMI, with fiscal concerns and inflation being particular issues.

“As we move toward more conservative presidents, we expect stronger fiscal discipline and more probusiness policy stances to boost investor sentiment,” says Khayami. “Political risk—including relations with the US and also election dynamics—is a major macro driver.”

Colombia’s inflation risk is currently driven by domestic policy decisions rather than external factors, Krause argues. “Inflation was above the 3% target at 5.1% in 2025,” she observes. “The expectations worsened following a sharp minimum wage increase of 23% in December. As a result, [the inflation forecast] is revised upwards to 6.4% this year, and the country moved in the opposite direction of its regional peers by raising interest rates.”

Mexico

Mexico’s economy barely grew in 2025—estimated at between 0.2% and 0.6%—but is expected to expand about 1.5% this year. That affects perception across the region, Khayami observes.

“Mexico, because of its relationship with the US, is a pillar of regional foreign direct investment [FDI],” he says, “and there is a lot of uncertainty surrounding that relationship right now. FDI flows into Latin America last year were approximately $160 billion. Mexico captured 25% of that. If Mexico is not doing well, the regional outlook weakens.”

Khayami describes the local business environment as “uncertain due to overlapping risk factors, including trade-framework uncertainty, potential security escalation tied to cartel violence, and possible US intervention scenarios.”

Peru

Peru’s outlook reflects modest macro stability alongside persistent structural weaknesses, according to independent strategic consultant Andrés Castillo. GDP is expected to grow roughly 2.8% in 2026 with inflation near 2% according to a report by BCP banking group, in line with the central bank of Peru’s targets. Fiscal metrics remain comparatively strong, with the deficit projected near 1.8% of GDP and public debt around 36%, according to Trading Economics, low by regional standards.

But macro stability masks deeper structural risks, Castillo cautions. “Peru’s economy is supported by mining, agriculture, and fishing; but coca production and now illegal mining have also become significant economic forces,” he says. “Mining alone accounts for about 8.5% of GDP and nearly 64% of exports, underscoring commodity dependence.”

Venezuela

Venezuela remains Latin America’s elephant in the room.

Maduro’s ouster sparked hopes of regime change and a new economic lifeline for Venezuelans. Most analysts at the time expected Washington to immediately initiate a transition phase, opening the door to major oil and energy investments. But so far, only a trickle of those expectations are being realized. Oil production is expected to increase in the short term only if sanctions ease and investment resumes. Khayami says that the path to a more robust energy sector will be long.

Jorge Jraissati, a Venezuelan expatriate and president of Economy Inclusion Group, points to two possible scenarios for the country. In the bad-case scenario, reforms exist on paper but political uncertainty persists. In this case, oil recovers modestly but non-oil investment remains minimal, locking the economy into a suboptimal equilibrium, which can deteriorate even more after the next presidential cycle in the US.

“In the ‘good’ scenario,” Jraissati says, “US policy sustains pressure for measurable institutional democratization, market opening, and concrete security guarantees that reduce risk pricing. If these conditions are met, foreign capital—especially in energy and infrastructure—will begin to commit rather than speculate.”

Source link

Latin American presidents criticise US actions | US-Israel war on Iran

NewsFeed

Latin American leaders met at the 10th Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Summit in Bogota on Saturday where Colombian President Gustavo Petro called for an immediate Middle East ceasefire to prevent a global economic crisis and ‘potential world war’.

Source link

SXSW 2026: 15 Latin music acts we’re excited to see

Here’s a hot take: South by Southwest is a Latin music festival.

When the De Los team headed to Austin, Texas, in 2024 to cover the event for the first time, approximately 60 acts that fell under the expansive Latin music genre umbrella had been invited to perform. Two years later, that number has more than doubled, with more than 150 Latin music acts featured at the iconic festival, now in its 40th year.

“Latin music has seen incredible growth at SXSW in recent years, reflecting its rise across the global music industry,” said Evelyn Gómez Rivera, associate programmer for Latin music. “2026 is shaping up to be our biggest year for the genre in over a decade, with several major labels showcasing their newest and most exciting Latin talent here.”

Ahead of the festival, which kicks off Thursday, the De Los team has assembled a list of acts that have caught our attention. And before you blow up our inboxes asking why the big acts (Fuerza Regida and Junior H are also slated to perform) weren’t included, keep in mind that what makes SXSW unique is that it’s a chance for attendees to see the next big thing before they blow up. In that spirit of discovery, our list is made up of acts you might not have heard of.

Big Soto

“Terminé siendo rapero cuando quería ser doctor,” Gustavo Rafael Guerrero Soto, better known as Big Soto, confesses in his pandemic-era collaborative session with Argentine mega-producer Bizarrap. It’s safe to say that he made the right career move. The 29-year-old from Venezuela (he now lives in Mexico) is signed to Rimas Entertainment and has been at the forefront of the Latin trap movement. — Fidel Martinez

Mariangela

Mexican-born singer Mariangela started off as a tender pop darling when she first uploaded covers to her YouTube channel in 2019, drawing inspiration from indie-pop singers like Carla Morrison and Mazzy Star’s Hope Sandoval before releasing her alt-pop debut album “Sensible” under Sony Music Latin in 2024. Now the Texas-based artist is taking her musical stylings in a new direction, drawing from her Monterrey roots with the release of her latest “Cuando Una Mujer,” a cumbia norteña about fierce female empowerment. — Andrea Flores

Esty

First-generation Dominican American singer Esty doesn’t like to be boxed in. From one track to the next, she’ll shift from a mix of dembow and alternative rock to bachata and pop, as seen in her recent single “V3n3n0,” from her upcoming album, “Domi Star.” — Cat Cardenas

Marilina Bertoldi

De Los contributor Ernesto Lechner is 100% responsible for this entry — he included the avant-garde alt rocker from Buenos Aires in his 2025 list of indie artists who deserved to win a Latin Grammy, calling her “the resident hurricane of Argentine rock, blessed with a corrosive sense of the absurd, a knack for pop-punk melodies, and attitude to spare.” How could you not want to see that? — FM

Ruido Selecto

Hailing from Medellín, Colombia, Ruido Selecto drives forward the Caribbean rhythms of cumbia, salsa, electronic dub and Afro-diasporic styles that have been traditionally transmitted through Picós, hand-painted sound systems popular throughout the country’s coast. His hybrid mixes also include elements of sonideros, most audible in tracks like “Lo Que Esconde.” I’m fascinated by his attention to detail in his project “Los 14 Cañonazos Bailables,” where he created experimental and contemporary tropical mixes using archives from Discos Fuentes, a Cartagena record label largely responsible for disseminating 1960s Caribbean sound across the coast of Colombia. — AF

Delilah

The Mexican American singer got her start in mariachi, eventually learning piano, guitar, violin and vihuela. At just 17 years old, her impressive vocals and ability to mix traditional and contemporary Mexican music have already gotten the attention of artists like Becky G and Iván Cornejo. — CC

Danny Felix

Among the biggest feathers in Danny Felix’s hat is being the producer behind the “Soy el Diablo (Remix),” a Natanael Cano track that also doubled as Bad Bunny’s first venture into the world of música mexicana. The Phoenix-based multihyphenate (in addition to producing, he is also a multiinstrumentalist and singer) has played a major role in shaping the current sound of corridos tumbados and will be repping the subgenre in Austin. — FM

60 Juno

Originating from Merced, Calif., this Central Valley post-punk band radiates a hazy, dreamlike sound, so much that one of their most popular tracks is titled “zzz.” While 60 Juno initially began as a solo project led by Jericho Tejeda in his bedroom during the pandemic, it has now expanded to include three additional members from Whittier, Calif. There’s a bit of everything in this band, mellowed surf-rock wading into punk territory that can be heard in songs like the upbeat “Enjoy the Sunset” and their most popular, hypnotic track to date, “J Song.” — AF

RIA

Before she stepped into the spotlight, Ria was writing songs for other artists. Now, she’s combining her knack for emotional lyricism with her soulful voice, recently opening for Tito Double P in Mexico, and breaking out with her recent single, “Pagana.” — CC

Sebaxxss

Sebaxxss is the on-tour DJ for Feid, the pop reggaeton singer and fellow Colombian. I’m interested to see how his set translates into a smaller, more intimate venue. — FM

Diles que no me maten

Diles que no me maten is an experimental, psychedelic rock band from Mexico City named after the famous short story by Mexican author Juan Rulfo about a man who pleads for his life after being captured for killing his neighbor decades earlier. If listeners didn’t know any better, they would think this band started in the late 1980s during the rise of homegrown rock, with its untouched vocals in songs like “Outro.” Tracks like “El Circo” sound like a gentle birth, while “(Radio Sonora Edit)” presents itself as a ghostly acoustic jazz ballad. — AF

Eydrey

Since competing on Netflix’s Latin music competition show, “La Firma,” in 2023, Eydrey has landed a record deal and released a steady stream of R&B, Mexican and reggaeton-infused tracks. Her borderland upbringing in El Paso has also shaped her Spanglish lyrics. — CC

Lena Dardelet

Hailing from Cabarete, Dominican Republic — the same beach resort town is home to the Bachata Academy, the only bachata school in the world — Lena Dardelet fuses pop with various Caribbean genres, including— yep, you guessed it — bachata. — FM

Mosmo

Signed with Rimas Entertainment, Hermosillo singer Mosmo is bringing his own crooning element to the corrido world. The rising singer first came into the spotlight in 2022 on Netflix’s “La Firma,” a competition looking to find the next Latin urban music star. Mosmo’s raw, drawled vocals can be heard in the romantic bélico “Modo B” and the agonizing “Terapia” that implores a past lover for their return. Mosmo also incorporates elements of trap and reggaeton in songs like “Dimensiones,” as well as pop in the bilingual track “Siempre Tú.” — AF

Selines

Inspired by artists like Natalia Lafourcade, singer-songwriter Selines’ guitar-based songs draw on the traditions of boleros, classical music and jazz, bringing a warm nostalgia and romance to her sound. — CC

Source link

Advocates push for major probe as US boat strikes in Latin America kill 157 | Donald Trump News

Washington, DC – In September, the United States began launching dozens of deadly military strikes against alleged drug-smuggling boats in the Caribbean Sea and eastern Pacific.

Nearly half a year later, remarkably little is known about the strikes. The identities of the nearly 157 people killed have not been released. Any purported evidence against them has not been made public.

Recommended Stories

list of 3 itemsend of list

But a group of United Nations and international law experts are hoping to change that on Friday, when they testify at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).

The international hearing will be the first of its kind since the strikes began on September 2, and rights advocates hope it can help lead to accountability as individual legal cases related to the strikes proceed.

Steven Watt, a senior staff lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union’s human rights programme, said the goal of the hearing will be threefold.

“Our ask will be to conduct a fact-finding investigation into what’s going on,” Watt said.

The second aim, he continued, would be “to assert or to arrive at a conclusion that there is no armed conflict here”, in what would be a rebuke to US President Donald Trump’s previous claims.

Finally, Watt said, he hopes the proceedings will yield long-sought transparency from the Trump administration on “whether or not they have a legal justification for these boat strikes”.

“We don’t think there are any,” Watt added.

‘We don’t know the names’

The experts set to testify at Friday’s hearing said the IACHR has a unique mandate to uncover the truth behind the US strikes.

The commission, based in Guatemala City, Guatemala, is an independent investigative body within the Organization of American States, of which the US was a founding member in 1948.

While the Trump administration has claimed it has a right to carry out the deadly attacks as part of a wider military offensive against so-called “narco-terrorists”, rights groups have decried the campaign as a series of extrajudicial killings.

They argue that Trump’s deadly tactics deny those targeted of anything that approaches due process.

Legal experts have also dismissed Trump’s claims that suspects in drug-related crimes are equivalent to “unlawful combatants” in an “armed conflict”.

Few details have emerged from the air strikes. Several families have come forward, however, to informally identify the dead as their loved ones.

Victims are said to include 26-year-old Chad Joseph and 41-year-old Rishi Samaroo, who were sailing home to Trinidad and Tobago when they were killed in October, according to relatives.

A complaint filed against the US government said both men travelled often between the islands and Venezuela, where Joseph found work as a farmer and fisherman, and Samaroo laboured on a farm.

The family of Colombian national Alejandro Carranza, 42, have also said he was killed in September when the US military attacked his fishing boat off the country’s coast.

The US has yet to confirm the victims’ identities, and only two survivors have ever been rescued in the 45 reported strikes.

A clearer picture of what happened will be a significant step towards accountability, according to experts like Watt.

“[The IACHR] is uniquely positioned to identify who all these persons are,” Watt said. “We just know the numbers from the United States. We don’t know the names or the backgrounds of these people.”

The IACHR has launched a range of human rights investigations in recent decades, including probes into the 2014 mass kidnapping of 43 students in Iguala, Mexico, and a series of murders in Colombia from 1988 to 1991 dubbed the Massacre of Trujillo.

The commission has also examined US policies, including extrajudicial detentions at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, during its so-called “global war on terror”.

The IACHR has the power to seek resolutions to human rights complaints or refer them for litigation before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Just last week, the court ordered Peru to pay reparations to the family of a woman who died during a government-led forced sterilisation campaign in the 1990s.

The Carranza family has filed its own complaint to the IACHR, and the families of Joseph and Samaroo have also lodged a lawsuit against the US in a federal court in Massachusetts.

Angelo Guisado, a senior staff lawyer at the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), said a fuller accounting of the US actions is needed to prevent future abuses. He is among the experts testifying on Friday.

“You can’t normalise assassinating fishermen off the coast of South America,” Guisado told Al Jazeera. “That’s just sadistic and an abomination to the rules-based order that we’ve created.”

“So we hope that the commission can do some investigation.”

A war against ‘narco-terrorists’?

One of Guisado’s goals for Friday’s hearing will be to unpack the Trump administration’s argument that the attacks are necessary from a national security standpoint.

Even before the US strikes began, the Trump administration began framing the Latin American drug trade as an existential threat to the US.

As part of that re-framing, the administration borrowed messaging from its “global war on terror”, taking the unorthodox approach of labelling several cartels “foreign terrorist organisations”.

Speaking last week at a meeting of Latin American leaders, White House security adviser Stephen Miller maintained there is no “criminal justice solution” to drug cartels.

Instead, he affirmed that the US would use “hard power, military power, lethal force, to protect and defend the American homeland”, even if that meant carrying out deadly operations throughout the Western Hemisphere.

Guisado, however, noted that the administration has admitted that the targeted boats were largely carrying cocaine, not the highly addictive fentanyl responsible for the majority of US drug overdoses.

He explained that the administration has done little to prove its claims that drug traffickers are part of a coordinated effort to destabilise the US.

Such hyperbolic language, Guisado added, could be used as a smokescreen to conceal illegal actions.

“When you invoke national security interest, it seems as if scrutiny and any legitimate analysis or condemnation gets pushed to one side in favour of an ersatz martial law,” Guisado said.

“The idea that you could just proclaim anyone a narcoterrorist and do whatever you want with them is just so repugnant to our system of fairness, justice and law.”

Watt, meanwhile, said he hopes the IACHR will draw a clear “line in the sand”, separating drug crimes from what is conventionally considered an armed conflict.

He also would like to see the IACHR clearly outline the US’s human rights obligations.

“But even if there was an armed conflict — of which there isn’t — the laws of war would prohibit the type of conduct that the United States is engaging in here,” Watt explained.

“It would be an extrajudicial killing. It would be a war crime.”

Transparency or accountability

Friday’s hearing will only be an initial step towards accountability, and critics question how effective the IACHR will ultimately be.

The US has regularly shrugged off human rights probes at international forums, and it is not party to entities like the International Criminal Court in The Hague, raising barriers to the pursuit of justice.

Despite being a member of the OAS, the US has also not ratified the American Convention on Human Rights, one of the organisation’s founding documents.

It is, therefore, unclear how binding any IACHR decisions could be, although Watt argued that it is “longstanding jurisprudence of the commission that the declaration imposes obligations on non-ratifying member states”.

Still, legal experts said Friday’s hearing may yield clarity on the Trump administration’s legal argument for the boat strikes.

The IACHR has said US government representatives are set to appear at the hearing.

To date, the US Department of Justice has not released the Office of Legal Counsel’s official reasoning for the boat strikes, considered the foundational legal document for the military actions.

A separate memorandum from that office addressed the US abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro on January 3, which it framed as a drug enforcement action.

That memo touched on the boat strikes, but it only served to raise further questions about Trump’s rationale.

“This will be an opportunity for the United States to put its case before the commission,” Watt said.

“But of course, it depends on US cooperation,” he continued. “They’re going down there, but it’ll be interesting to see what they actually say”.

Source link