Governments

Final Budget Bills Stall as Senate Tries to Alter Measures : Finances: The holdup involves suspension of the renters tax credit. A new tax on tobacco that would strip local governments of ability to regulate smoking is also under consideration.

The final pieces of a multi-bill legislative package needed to implement a $52.1-billion state budget stalled in the state Senate on Monday as lawmakers made last-minute efforts to change or derail several measures.

The major issues still on the table include a proposed suspension of the renters tax credit and legislation to allow local governments to implement cheaper retirement plans for their workers.

The Senate shut down late Monday afternoon without taking major action. Senate President Pro Tem David A. Roberti (D-Van Nuys) said members would return at noon today, and “we will go until all business is completed, exhausted or until all hope is dead.”

In one late maneuver that was outside the framework of the bipartisan budget agreement, a proposal was emerging to give local governments the proceeds of a new statewide tax on tobacco while stripping them of much of their authority to regulate smoking.

Gov. Pete Wilson was awaiting passage of the package to which he had agreed last week with Democratic and Republican leaders of the Assembly and Senate. The new fiscal year begins Thursday.

“The governor will sign the budget as soon as he has the entire package on his desk,” said Dan Schnur, Wilson’s chief spokesman. “Every piece of the budget package is critical. You take out one piece and the package doesn’t fit together anymore.”

There was disagreement, however, over just what constituted the agreed-upon package.

Wilson Administration officials have said all five members of the leadership group agreed to suspend the renters tax credit for two years. The Assembly passed a bill to do that last week.

But the legislation has hit a snag in the Senate, where Roberti insists that the deal included an agreement to place a measure on the ballot next year that, if approved by the voters, would embed the renters credit in the state Constitution. Such a move would make it impossible for the Legislature to tamper with it again.

Roberti and Wilson appeared to be on the verge of a compromise late Monday, although it was not clear if there was sufficient support in the Legislature. The new deal would put the issue to the voters, as Roberti wants, but would reinstate the $60 credit only for tenants who have a state tax obligation. The credit now goes–in the form of a refund–even to renters who pay no taxes.

Senate Democrats also appeared to be dragging their feet on the local government retirement issue. That bill, passed by the Assembly, would allow local governments to implement pension options for new employees that would save the governments money over time.

In holding up the bill, which is opposed by organized labor, Democrats appeared to be gambling that Wilson would look the other way because the measure produces no immediate savings to any level of government. But Schnur said the governor would not give up any piece of the package, no matter how minor.

“Even if the specific legislation doesn’t have direct fiscal impact, it is still the part of an overall agreement,” Schnur said. “We want to get this signed before midnight Wednesday. But we need the whole package in place before he can sign it.”

Schnur said the retirement bill, and another measure pending to allow counties to reduce general assistance welfare payments by as much as 27%, helped provide the rationale for the governor’s proposed shift of $2.6 billion in property tax revenue from local government to schools.

The so-called mandate relief, he said, was intended to give counties more control of their shrinking budgets.

The tobacco tax proposal floated Monday, although not part of the package, would address the same issue.

Local government reportedly could realize about $300 million annually through the 15-cent per pack tax. But in return, they would have to agree to strict limits on their ability to control smoking, perhaps leading to a state-imposed repeal of anti-smoking ordinances in place.

Several sources said Monday that the proposal had the tacit support of the tobacco industry and of Los Angeles County, which would stand to gain several millions dollars.

Sen. Charles M. Calderon (D-Whittier) confirmed that he was pushing the tobacco tax legislation. He said it made sense to restrict local government’s regulatory powers at the same time–a goal long sought by the tobacco industry.

“If we’re going to dedicate a revenue source, we have to make sure that the locals cannot circumvent or cut down the revenue source by continuing to impact the sales of cigarettes,” Calderon said.

But anti-smoking activists were out to kill the plan before it could even become an official proposal.

“Everybody wants to do something for (Los Angeles) County, but not under these conditions,” said Sen. Diane Watson (D-Los Angeles). “This is the most dishonest, diabolical scheme. It’s the worst kind of politics.”

Times staff writer Dan Morain contributed to this report.

State Budget Watch

Less than three days before the end of the fiscal year, these were the key developments in Sacramento:

THE PROBLEM: The state will end the year with a $2.7-billion deficit and faces a $9-billion gap between anticipated tax revenues and the amount needed to pay off the deficit and provide all state services at the current levels for another 12 months.

THE LEGISLATURE: Final legislative approval of the last handful of bills to complete the 1993-94 state budget was making no progress by late afternoon. The Senate met in the morning but recessed without voting on four budget bills, the stickiest of which would suspend the renters tax credit for two years.

GOV. PETE WILSON: Wilson was holding fast to his vow not to sign a new budget until all companion measures are passed by the Legislature.

KEY DEVELOPMENTS: Senate President Pro Tem David A. Roberti (D-Van Nuys) was one of those holding up his approval of legislation reducing the renters tax credit. He was seeking as a condition assurances in the form of a proposed constitutional amendment, to be considered by voters, that the credit would be protected and fully funded in future years.

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Automating Oppression: How AI Firms and Governments Rewire Democracy

Authors: Christopher Jackson and Aaron Spitler*

Digital technologies, particularly AI, are accelerating democratic backsliding and revitalizing authoritarian governments. AI-focused companies have been forming close partnerships with government actors, often in ways that undermine democratic norms. Around the world, private firms are supplying or co-designing technologies that enhance mass surveillance, predictive policing, propaganda campaigns, and online censorship. In places like China, Russia, and Egypt, a blurring of boundaries between the state and the technology industry has led to serious consequences. This collusion has undercut privacy rights, stifled civil society, and diminished public accountability.

This dynamic is now playing out in the United States. Companies like Palantir and Paragon Solutions are providing government entities with powerful AI tools and analytics platforms, often under opaque contracts. In September, U.S. President Donald Trump approved the sale of TikTok to U.S. private entities friendly with the administration. Unchecked public-private integration within the technology industry poses serious risks for democratic societies, namely that it offers increased power to unaccountable actors. The focus of this article is to examine case studies on how these emerging alliances are enabling authoritarian practices, as well as what they might mean for the future of democratic societies.

Russia: Manipulating Digital Tools

In Russia, democratic norms under Vladimir Putin have eroded while Russian tech companies continue to work hand in glove with state authorities. Sberbank, the country’s largest financial institution, and their development of Kandinsky 2.1, an AI-powered, text-to-image tool owned by the firm, illustrate this long-running trend.

Despite the quality of its outputs compared to rivals like DALL-E, the solution came under fire in 2023 from veteran lawmaker Sergey Mironov, who argued that it generated images that tarnished Russia’s image. He would go on to charge that Kandinsky 2.1 was designed by “unfriendly states waging an informational and mental war” against the country.

Not long after, some in the tech space noticed that Kandinsky 2.1’s outputs changed. For instance, while the tool previously churned out images of zombies when prompted with “Z Patriot,” users noted that it now repeatedly produced pictures of hyper-masculine figures. Critics claim that this alteration not only represented an overt manipulation of the technology itself but also an attempt to curry favor with those in the government.

This episode shows how AI-powered tools are being specifically tailored to serve the needs of authorities. The modifications made to the model transformed it into an invaluable resource the government could use to amplify its messaging. As a result, users are no longer likely to see Kandinsky 2.1 as a tool for creativity, particularly if its outputs remain blatantly skewed. Developers in countries like Russia may look to this case for inspiration on how to succeed in restrictive political contexts.

United States: Supercharging Mass Surveillance

AI-centric firms in the United States have also taken note. Palantir Technologies stands as the most prominent example of how private technology firms can deepen government surveillance capabilities in ways that test the limits of democratic accountability. The firm, established in the wake of 9/11, has expanded its domestic footprint through lucrative contracts with local police departments and, most notably, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Investigations reveal that Palantir’s software enables ICE agents to compile and cross-reference vast amounts of personal data, from Department of Motor Vehicle (DMV) records and employment information to social media activity and utility bills. This capability gives the government a unique opportunity to build detailed profiles on individuals and their community networks. This has helped facilitate deportations and raids on immigrant communities. Critics argue that Palantir’s tools create a dragnet that vastly expands state power, all while shielding the company and its government clients from public oversight.

Beyond immigration enforcement, Palantir’s Gotham platform has been adopted by police departments for predictive policing initiatives, which attempt to forecast locations and suspects for crimes. Civil liberties groups have warned that such uses reinforce systemic biases by encoding discriminatory policing practices into algorithmic decision-making. Predictive policing algorithms inherit bias because they rely on historical data shaped by discriminatory over-policing of Black communities, among others. Scholars of “surveillance capitalism” also note that these partnerships normalize the commodification of personal data for state security purposes.

The deeper concern lies in how this private-public nexus erodes societal trust and transparency. Unlike government agencies bound by Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requirements, companies like Palantir operate under corporate secrecy, limiting democratic oversight of technologies that profoundly affect civil rights. In this sense, the Palantir case illustrates how authoritarian-style practices, combined with technological breakthroughs, can be incubated within democratic societies and later contribute to their overall decline.

Challenging Anti-Democratic Alliances

The deepening collaboration between AI firms and authorities in developing repressive technologies is alarming. Across the globe, these partnerships have flourished, often to the detriment of average citizens. The examples of Russia and the United States underline how AI firms have been willing and able to work with governments engaging in repression when convenient, leaving the public in the lurch.

Advocates for democracy must educate themselves on how to combat the misuse of AI. Leaders in civil society, for example, could build up their technical knowledge as a starting point. Capacity-building may also have the bonus of enabling pro-democracy groups to create their own AI solutions that support civic accountability actions. Activities like these may provide a counterbalance to corporate-state collusion that places citizens at a disadvantage. It may also help ensure that AI tools are designed in ways that strengthen democracies, not undermine them.

*Aaron Spitler is a researcher whose interests lie at the intersection of human rights, democratic governance, and digital technologies. He has worked with numerous organizations in this space, from the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) to the International Republican Institute (IRI). He is passionate about ensuring technology can be a force for good. You can reach him on LinkedIn

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