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MQ-28 Ghost Bat Gains Major European Foothold As Rheinmetall Joins Forces With Boeing

Boeing Australia has teamed up with Rheinmetall, the largest arms manufacturer in Germany, to offer the MQ-28 Ghost Bat drone to the German military. The Ghost Bat collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) is the latest contender for a German requirement, and is likely to face competition from the XQ-58A Valkyrie drone and potentially the homegrown Airbus Wingman.

In a statement today, Rheinmetall said that the plan was to pitch the MQ-28 as “a mature solution for the Bundeswehr’s procurement of collaborative combat aircraft (CCA) into Germany by 2029.” Describing the Ghost Bat as “a world-leading, proven CCA,” Rheinmetall noted that the drone “can be modified to meet Germany’s sovereign requirements” — as we have discussed before, the highly modular nature of the MQ-28 is a key part of its design.

An MQ-28A Ghost Bat taxis prior to flight at Woomera, South Australia, in September 2025. Australian Department of Defense

Should Germany select the MQ-28 for its CCA requirement, Rheinmetall would serve as the system manager for the aircraft in Germany, overseeing system integration into the country’s existing and future command and weapon systems, and adaptation to national requirements. The company would also provide operational, maintenance, and logistical support. A major benefit of the platform is the fact that much of the development has already been paid for by Australia, and the resulting drone is more mature than anything else in Europe.

“With Boeing Defense Australia as a partner, we are laying the groundwork to optimally tailor the MQ-28 to the Bundeswehr’s requirements,” said Armin Papperger, CEO of Rheinmetall AG. “As a system integrator, we ensure that integration, operation, and further development come from a single source while simultaneously strengthening industrial value creation in the form of an industrial hub in Germany and Europe. We see revenue potential for Rheinmetall in the range of three-digit millions of euros.”

At this point, the MQ-28 has completed more than 150 test flights, including high-profile trials in which one of the drones completed a first live-fire weapons shot, launching an AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) against a target over a range in Australia.

An AIM-120 is launched from an MQ-28A Ghost Bat during Trial Kareela at RAAF Base Woomera, South Australia. Australian Department of Defense

The Royal Australian Air Force is the Ghost Bat’s launch customer.

Australia has already acquired eight Block 1 MQ-28s, which are configured as pre-production prototypes.

The first nine Block 2 drones, now in production, are seen as a pathway to an operational capability, although when that might actually materialize remains unclear.

Australia has also contracted for the development of the enhanced Block 3 MQ-28, which will include an internal weapons bay. This will be scaled to accommodate one AMRAAM or two GBU-39/B Small Diameter Bombs (SDB) or equivalents, in terms of size. A pair of SDB IIs, also known as the GBU-53/B StormBreaker glide bomb, would be another option.

An AIM-120 AMRAAM loaded on an MQ-28A Ghost Bat. Australian Department of Defense

The next big milestones for the Royal Australian Air Force should come in 2028, with the planned service introduction of the Block 2 aircraft and the initial production of the Block 3 aircraft.

Interestingly, the Rheinmetall press release describes the MQ-28 being “ready to deliver air-to-ground capability to Germany by 2029.” It’s unclear at this point if this reflects Berlin’s requirement for an exclusive air-to-ground CCA platform, or if an air-to-air capability will be added at a later point.

In terms of sensors, some Block 2 aircraft have already been seen sporting an infrared search and track (IRST) sensor fitted in the nose. This is understood to be a Selex system.

A quartet of MQ-28s, the two in the middle having IRST sensors on top of their noses. Boeing

For Block 3, Boeing is working on three or four alternative sensor payloads, too. Integration of these would be facilitated by the fact that the entire nose can be swapped out to accommodate different payloads.

Speaking earlier this year to journalists, including from TWZ, Glen Ferguson, MQ-28 program director at Boeing, said he was unable to talk about any potential future customers other than Japan, but noted that the company was pursuing sales elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific region, specifically.

Meanwhile, in 2022, the Pentagon confirmed that it had acquired at least one MQ-28 to be used to support the U.S. Air Force’s advanced uncrewed aircraft and autonomy efforts. Meanwhile, the U.S. Navy has deployed a test and evaluation squadron to Australia to work on the aircraft, and an MQ-28 has also been operating out of Naval Air Station Point Mugu, California.

As we have discussed in the past, the MQ-28 seems uniquely suited for a cooperative production and operation program across multiple allied nations, and it’s perhaps not a coincidence that the Bundeswehr is increasingly looking at future operations in the Indo-Pacific region, something that has seen recent deployments of Luftwaffe Eurofighters, for example.

Ein Kampfjet vom Typ F-18 von der Royal Australian Air Force und der Eurofighter "Air Ambassador" vom Taktischen Luftwaffengeschwader 74 fliegen gemeinsam während der Übung Pitch Black 2022 über die Royal Australian Air Force Base in Darwin/Australien im Rahmen von Rapid Pacific 2022, am 05.09.2022. ©Bundeswehr/Christian Timmig
A Luftwaffe Eurofighter flies alongside an F/A-18F from the Royal Australian Air Force over Darwin, Australia, during the Pitch Black 2022 exercise. Bundeswehr/Christian Timmig

The Luftwaffe has long been seen as a candidate for a CCA-type drone. In the medium term, this would involve an uncrewed companion to work alongside the Eurofighter, which would be especially relevant for its forthcoming Eurofighter EK electronic warfare jets.

A rendering of a Typhoon EK for the German Air Force. Airbus

A drone of this kind could also be harnessed by other German Eurofighters, which undertake a range of air defense and air-to-ground missions, as well as the F-35A stealth fighters it also has on order. The F-35 is designed very much with CCAs in mind, with the combination of the stealth jet and complementary drones being a key part of the planned future U.S. Air Force force posture.

A CCA could be even more important for Germany depending on the fate of the pan-European Future Combat Air System (FCAS) program, at the heart of which will be the crewed New Generation Fighter (NGF). Both are expected to be in service by 2035, although that target is looking increasingly unlikely.

Concept artwork of the NGF fighter that is the centerpiece of the pan-European FCAS. Dassault Aviation

In fact, there is a good chance that rifts between France and Germany on the course that FCAS should take, especially when it comes to workshare, could see Germany walk away from the program entirely.

That would leave a significant gap in combat air ‘mass’ that a CCA could help mitigate.

With Germany in the market for a drone in this class, another partnership, announced last year, sees Airbus Defense and Space team up with Kratos Defense and Security Solutions to provide the stealthy XQ-58A to the German Luftwaffe.

Kratos says the new version of the Valkyrie would be “tuned” for the European mission, suggesting that it will feature specific modifications for operators in the region. New versions of the XQ-58 will be capable of runway launch, and the platform can be scaled to a degree, too.

A U.S. Marine Corps XQ-58A Valkyrie conducts a test flight with a U.S. Air Force F-16. U.S. Air Force photo

The same would likely apply to the MQ-28, which Rheinmetall could potentially offer to a range of other European nations, alongside Germany, potentially filling an emerging niche for ‘loyal wingman’-type drones, along with other roles, with several air forces. Again, depending on the fate of FCAS, that requirement could become even greater, and the new partnership gives the MQ-28 an anchor in Europe and an increasingly lucrative market.

Last year also saw the emergence of another possible contender for the Luftwaffe CCA, when German defense startup Helsing unveiled its CA-1 Europa. The company is targeting a first flight in 2027 for the drone, which looks very similar to the MQ-28.

CA-1 Europa: Autonomous Air Dominance




Meanwhile, in 2024, Airbus unveiled a stealthy CCA-like concept of its own, known as Wingman. At the time, the company said that the Luftwaffe had “expressed a clear need” for a drone that would be able to operate in conjunction with crewed fighters before the arrival in service of the FCAS. Airbus says the Wingman should provide a unit cost that’s equivalent to one-third that of a modern crewed fighter.

The Airbus Wingman concept aircraft at the Berlin Airshow in 2024. Thomas Newdick 

Somewhat larger than the XQ-58A, the Wingman currently exists only as a concept aircraft, and its future is less certain now that Airbus is collaborating with Kratos on the Valkyrie.

Drones of the kind that are now referred to as CCAs are not entirely new territory for Germany.

Before the Wingman concept, Airbus worked on other advanced uncrewed aircraft programs, including the Barracuda, work on which began in 2003, initially as a ‘black program.’ The Barracuda was retired after six test campaigns. Experience and data from the drone have been fed into FCAS, which is also planned to include interaction of crewed and uncrewed aircraft, with “remote carrier” drones of different sizes being among the latter.

Ground crew working on the Barracuda technology demonstrator. Airbus

Whether Germany opts for the MQ-28 Ghost Bat or another rival solution, if current plans materialize, the Luftwaffe looks set to be operating some kind of advanced collaborative combat aircraft before the end of the decade.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Thomas is a defense writer and editor with over 20 years of experience covering military aerospace topics and conflicts. He’s written a number of books, edited many more, and has contributed to many of the world’s leading aviation publications. Before joining The War Zone in 2020, he was the editor of AirForces Monthly.


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P.M. BRIEFING : Bentsen Weighs Capital Gains Cut

Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Tex.), chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, is examining ways to reduce capital gains taxes, it was reported today.

Bentsen told the Wall Street Journal in a telephone interview that he intends to ask his tax-writing committee to devise a bill that would raise federal revenues about $8 billion in fiscal 1990, which begins Oct. 1.

Such an increase would extend several tax breaks that are about to expire, including the credit for research and development expenditures.

Bentsen said a capital gains tax cut “is one of those things we’ll have to take a look at” as part of the tax package.

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California’s proposed billionaire tax gains majority support in new poll, with a partisan split on voter ID

A new poll shows California voters are sharply divided over two brewing statewide ballot measures stirring up the nation’s partisan and economic divides: a one-time tax on billionaires to pay for mostly healthcare and a voter ID mandate that includes citizenship verification.

The survey conducted by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies and co-sponsored by The Times showed 52% of registered voters supported the billionaire’s tax, while 33% said they opposed it. Fifteen percent were undecided.

Support for the voter ID measure was more evenly split, with 44% of voters in support, 45% opposed and the remainder undecided.

The pair of statewide proposals, which have yet to qualify for California’s November ballot, emanated from opposite sides of California’s political spectrum. Organized labor and progressives are pushing hard for a new wealth tax in response to Republican cuts to federal healthcare programs, and the GOP-led call for additional voter restrictions comes in the wake of President Trump’s baseless claims that the 2020 election was stolen from him.

Poll director Mark DiCamillo said he “was a little surprised” by the results given how much attention each measure has already received.

“Just from reading the press accounts of these initiatives, I thought they would both be well ahead. There’s been a lot of discussion about them and advocates seem to be very confident in their chances of passage, but the polls seem to indicate otherwise,” he said.

The divisions over each measure fell largely along partisan and ideological lines.

On the billionaire’s tax initiative, 72% of Democratic voters said they would support the measure if the election were held today — and the same percentage of Republicans oppose it. A slim majority — 51% — of voters who are unaffiliated or registered with another party support the wealth tax, while 30% said they oppose it, with the remainder undecided.

Republican voters overwhelmingly support the voter ID initiative, with 91% saying they would vote for it. More than two-thirds of Democratic voters, 68%, said they would oppose the measure. No party preference voters appeared evenly split.

Neither ballot measure has officially qualified for the November ballot thus far, though proponents of the voter ID measure said this month that they turned in 1.3 million voter signatures to elections officials, well above the 875,000 required to qualify. Proponents of the new tax on billionaires have until June 24 to submit signatures to elections officials.

The billionaire tax has generated national news coverage and widespread debate over whether it would benefit low-income Californians or end up hurting the state’s tax base as billionaires move out of the state to avoid paying it.

The proposal is backed by the Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West, which represents 120,000 workers in California. Union leaders say that the tax would raise $100 billion to backfill steep cuts to federal healthcare programs under a sweeping tax and spending bill approved by the Republican-controlled Congress and signed in the summer by Trump.

The measure would impose a one-time 5% tax on the assets of California residents who are worth $1 billion or more, with options to pay it over multiple years.

According to SEIU-UHW, the new tax would apply to around 200 people in the state, though several wealthy tech leaders have made moves to change their residences and avoid paying the tax should it pass. In recent months, Meta Chief Executive Mark Zuckerberg, Google co-founders Larry Page and Sergey Brin and others have bought up lavish beachfront estates and new commercial office spaces in South Florida.

Some of those billionaires are also ponying up to defeat the measure. Brin, who according to Forbes is the world’s third-richest person, has contributed $45 million to a new ballot measure committee called Building a Better California, which is pushing an alternative statewide ballot measure that could scrap the billionaire’s tax.

Brandon Castillo, a veteran ballot measure campaign strategist who is not working on either of the two measures, said even though it’s currently polling above 50%, the billionaire’s tax is starting out “in a really shaky position.”

“This is not a very strong place to start,” he said. “That’s not to say they can’t keep this thing over 50%, but when you’re starting just barely above 50% and you have a tsunami of money and a huge campaign against you, it’s really hard to keep yourself at that level.”

Though previous public opinion polls at the state and national levels have shown broad support for requiring proof of citizenship to vote in elections, even among Democrats, the new Berkeley poll showed liberal voters are skeptical of the measure.

Proponents of voter ID contend that such laws prevent election fraud and, along with proof of citizenship mandates, prevent noncitizens from voting. Opponents say ID requirements threaten the fundamental constitutional rights of Americans who do not have the documentation readily available, and that the restrictions are unnecessary given that voting by noncitizens is rare and already outlawed in the U.S.

Under current law, Californians are not required to show or provide identification when casting a ballot in person or by mail. They are required to provide identification when registering to vote, and must swear under penalty of perjury, a felony, that they are eligible to vote and a U.S. citizen.

The poll showed that slim majorities of predominantly Spanish-speaking voters, voters who were born in another country and first-generation immigrants support the voter ID measure. A plurality of Latino voters also favor it, with 44% in support and 41% opposed.

But DiCamillo cautioned against reading too much into those numbers, noting that awareness of the measure is still relatively low.

“I’ve always seen in my history of measuring Latino voters’ support that they are relatively late deciders on most ballot measures,” he said. “How they break will be critical. I would say we’ll have to look at how they feel when we do our final preelection poll.”

Voter ID laws are also a top priority of Trump, who has pressured the Senate into taking up the SAVE Act, which would impose nationwide requirements for proof of citizenship to vote and already has passed the House of Representatives.

Castillo said Trump’s support could sway Democratic and liberal-leaning independents to vote against the measure.

Both DiCamillo and Castillo noted that with the November election still seven months away, voters are not paying much attention and those on either side of each ballot measure have not launched major campaigns yet.

“I suspect by the time election day comes around, these awareness numbers on the billionaire’s tax certainly are going to be much higher,” Castillo said. “You’re going to see 80-90% of voters familiar with it, just because they’re going to be inundated with advertising and earned media between now and November.”

The Berkeley IGS/Times poll surveyed 5,019 registered California voters online in English and Spanish from March 9 to 14. The results are estimated to have a margin of error of 2.5 percentage points in either direction in the overall sample, and larger numbers for subgroups.

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