encourages

Micah Parsons heard the chanting.

He embraced it.

He even encouraged it.

“Thank you, Jerry!” the crowd at Lambeau Field yelled repeatedly Thursday night after the Green Bay Packers’ 27-18 win over the Washington Commanders.

The chant was addressed toward someone who was not there — Dallas Cowboys owner and general manager Jerry Jones, who traded the 26-year-old star linebacker to Green Bay one week before the start of the season after a lengthy contract dispute.

The Packers sent two first-round picks and defensive tackle Kenny Clark to Dallas as part of the deal, but the chanting fans on hand at 1265 Lombardi Ave. for “Thursday Night Football” definitely seemed to be of the opinion that their beloved team had won the trade.

“I’m gonna lay out for a minute because this crowd has something to say,” Prime Video‘s Charissa Thompson said as she and her “TNF Nightcap” co-hosts sat with Parsons on the field ahead of a postgame interview. “I know you guys know what they’re saying. They’re saying, ‘Thank you, Jerry!’”

Parsons was shown bobbing his head and swaying his shoulders to the rhythm of the chant. He and Prime analyst Ryan Fitzpatrick, who was sitting directly to Parsons’ right, could be seen lifting their arms in an effort to further stir up the crowd.

Not that these fans needed any encouragement. The cheers were loud and often during the 10-minute interview, including other chants such as “Mi-cah!” and “Go, Pack, Go!” and “Let’s Go, Micah!”

Jones was a good sport when asked about the matter Friday during a radio interview.

“Well, I’ll tell you, the way they’re playing, the way Green Bay is playing, I’m all for them enjoying and chanting anything that they really want to [say],” Jones said on 105.3 The Fan in Dallas-Fort Worth.

Jones added: “If you make a move on a top player, this shouldn’t surprise anybody that we would have that kind of reaction from their fan base, the other team’s fan base, or, for that matter, our fan base in general. … I knew that if I got to make this trade, that this would be there.”

Parsons was selected at No. 12 overall by the Cowboys in the 2021 draft. He has made the Pro Bowl in each of his first four seasons, registering 52.5 sacks during that span.

His relationship with the Cowboys — or at least with Jones — soured going into the fifth and final year of Parsons’ rookie deal as negotiations for an extension stalled. Parsons demanded a trade Aug. 1 and got his wish weeks later. He and the Packers then agreed on a four-year, $188-million contract that makes him the highest paid non-quarterback in NFL history.

In a limited number of snaps during his first two games with Green Bay (30 in a Week 1 win over the Detroit Lions, 47 against the Commanders), Parsons has 1.5 sacks, three quarterback pressures, one quarterback hurry and three tackles.

He will return to AT&T Stadium with his new team in just a few weeks when the Packers play the Cowboys in Arlington, Texas, Sept. 28.

“Obviously, you know, my family and everyone’s looking forward to it, but I’m just gonna let the action talk,” Parsons said. “It’s just going to be funny because all my friends are there … so just going against those guys, it’s going to be heartbreaking. But, damn, I’m excited for the matchup.”

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

On June 27, El Hidaya Mosque in Roussillon in Southern France was attacked and vandalised. Windows were smashed and furniture overturned; the walls were plastered with racist flyers. Earlier the same month, a burned Quran was placed at the entrance of a mosque in Villeurbanne of Lyon.

Unfortunately, virulent Islamophobia in France has not stopped at vandalism.

On May 31, Hichem Miraoui, a Tunisian national, was shot dead by his French neighbour in a village near the French Riviera; another Muslim man was also shot but survived. A month earlier, Aboubakar Cisse, a Malian national, was stabbed to death in a mosque in the town of La Grand-Combeby by a French citizen.

There has been a significant spike in Islamophobic acts in France – something the French authorities remain reluctant to publicly comment on. One report showed a 72 percent increase in such incidents between January and March 2025 compared with the same period in 2024.

There are various factors that have contributed to this, but central among them is the French state’s own Islamophobic rhetoric and anti-Muslim policies.

The most recent iteration of this was the release of a report titled “The Muslim Brotherhood and Political Islamism in France” by the French government. The document claims that the Muslim Brotherhood and “political Islamism” are infiltrating French institutions and threatening social cohesion and names organisations and mosques as having links to the group.

The report came out just days before Miraoui was shot dead and two weeks after the French authorities raided the homes of several founding members of the Brussels-based Collective Against Islamophobia in Europe (CCIE) living in France.

With the rise of anti-Muslim attacks and discrimination in France, it is increasingly hard to believe that the obsession of the French state and government with what they call “Islamist separatism” is not, in fact, inciting violence against the French Muslim population.

The idea that French Muslims are somehow threatening the French state through their identity expression has been championed by the French far right for decades. But it was in the late 2010s that it entered the mainstream by being embraced by centrist politicians and the media.

In 2018, French President Emmanuel Macron, who also embraced the term “separatism”, called for the creation of a “French Islam”, a euphemism for domesticating and controlling Muslim institutions to serve the interest of the French state. At the heart of this project stood the idea of preserving “social cohesion”, which effectively meant suppressing dissent.

In the following years, the French state started acting on its obsession with controlling Muslims with more and tougher policies. Between  2018 and 2020, it shut down 672 Muslim-run entities, including schools and mosques.

In November 2020, the French authorities forced the Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF), a nonprofit organisation documenting Islamophobia, to dissolve; the organisation then reconstituted in Brussels. In December of that year, they targeted 76 mosques, accusing them of “Islamist separatism” and threatening them with closure.

In 2021, the French Parliament passed the so-called anti-separatism law, which included a variety of measures to supposedly combat “Islamist separatism”. Among them was an extension of the ban on religious symbols in the public sector, restrictions on home schooling and sports associations, new rules for organisations receiving state subsidies, more policing of places of worship, etc.

By January 2022, the French government reported that it had inspected more than 24,000 Muslim organisations and businesses, shut down more than 700 and seized 46 million euros ($54m) in assets.

The Muslim Brotherhood boogeyman

The report released in May, like many official statements and initiatives, was not aimed to clarify policy or ensure legal precision. It was supposed to politicise Muslim identity, delegitimise political dissent and facilitate a new wave of state attacks on the Muslim civil society.

The report names various Muslim organisations, accusing them of having links to the Muslim Brotherhood. It also argues that campaigning against Islamophobia is a tool of the organisation. According to the report, the Muslim Brotherhood uses anti-Islamophobia activism to discredit secular policies and portray the state as racist.

This framing is aimed to invalidate legitimate critiques of discriminatory laws and practices, and frames any public recognition of anti-Muslim racism as a covert Islamist agenda. The implication is clear: Muslim visibility and dissent are not just suspect — they are dangerous.

The report also dives into the Islamo-gauchisme or Islamo-leftism conspiracy theories – the idea that “Islamists” and leftists have a strategic alliance. It claims that decolonial movement is challenneling Islamism and references the March Against Islamophobia of November 10, 2019, a mass mobilisation that drew participants from across the political spectrum, including the left.

The report that was commissioned under the hardline former Interior Minister and now Justice Minister Gerald Darmanin, who back in 2021 accused far-right leader Marine Le Pen of being “too soft” on Islam.

All of this – the report, the legislation, the police raids and rhetorical attacks against the French Muslim community – follows the long French colonial tradition of seeking to rule over and control Muslim populations. The French political centre has had to embrace Islamophobia to contain its falling popularity. It may help with narrow electoral victories over the rising far right, but those will be short-lived. The more lasting impact will be a sigmatised, alienated Muslim community which will increasingly face state-incited violence and hatred.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

BEIRUT, Lebanon, May 13 (UPI) — The oil-rich Gulf countries, once Lebanon’s main supporters, now are making a cautious comeback after years of disengagement. This shift comes as Hezbollah has been significantly weakened, Iran’s regional influence has declined and a new Lebanese leadership has emerged, promising long-overdue reforms.

Lebanon has long depended on the financial support and investments of Gulf countries, particularly during times of economic hardship and political instability.

For decades, Gulf states — especially Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait — provided crucial aid and direct investments that helped Lebanon reconstruct after the 1975-90 civil war and the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war, sustain its economy and support its banking sector.

However, in recent years, Hezbollah’s dominance, Iran’s expanding influence, and the Lebanese government’s failure to implement reforms prompted Gulf countries to withdraw their support.

The suspension of political and financial backing exacerbated Lebanon’s severe economic crisis, which began in 2019. Strained diplomatic ties further discouraged private investors, and tourism suffered a major blow.

The country was left increasingly isolated at a time when it most needed external assistance.

Change begins

That began to change last September, when Hezbollah suffered significant setbacks during a destructive war with Israel that broke out in support of Gaza in October 2023, and Iran started to lose its “Axis of Resistance.”

With Hezbollah’s influence substantially reduced, a breakthrough in Lebanon’s political deadlock followed. Former army commander Joseph Aoun was elected president and a new government was swiftly formed under Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, a respected jurist.

Aoun and Salam have pledged to disarm all militias, reassert the state’s monopoly on arms and implement long-requested reforms — signals that the Gulf states welcome.

UAE’s decision last week to lift the travel ban and allow its citizens to visit Lebanon was a sign of warming relations and renewed willingness to engage.

On Monday, Kuwait announced that it will facilitate the return of its citizens to Lebanon, although they kept on visiting the country discretely during the past years. Saudi Arabia, which has snubbed Lebanon, may follow suit soon.

Qataris had no issue, as they did not join the Gulf countries in isolating Lebanon in 2021 and have kept on coming, according to an official Lebanese source.

The move to alleviate Gulf travel restrictions came after successive visits by President Aoun to urge Saudi, UAE and Kuwait leaders to help revive tourism in his country for such a move would generate immediate revenues.

A new reality

Aoun was keen to demonstrate that “there is a new reality” in Lebanon, and that there was “no need any more to continue isolating Lebanon and keeping the travel bans,” according to the official source.

The source said the security situation has improved a lot, despite Israel continuing airstrikes on alleged Hezbollah targets mainly in southern Lebanon beyond the Feb. 18 cease-fire deadline.

“These attacks do not threaten the whole country as was the case during the war,” he told UPI.

Lebanon has been experiencing a significant decline in tourist numbers, which dropped to 1.13 million people in December 2024 from 2.1 million in 2018 to due to political instability, security tensions, the ongoing economic crisis and the recent Israel-Hezbollah war.

Tourism revenues, which have been estimated at $5 billion annually in recent years, peaked at $8.6 billion in 2019.

To the Gulf countries, security was the main concern.

At Beirut’s Rafic Hariri International Airport, strict security measures are now in place. New security chiefs have been appointed, advanced tools — including AI-powered systems — have been introduced, several airport staff linked to Hezbollah have been removed and smuggling attempts tied to the group, including a recent effort to move 22 kilograms of gold, have been foiled.

Restoring the image

The road leading to the airport has received a makeover. Hezbollah flags, banners and images of its leaders and Iranian figures were removed as part of a broader campaign targeting all political groups and aimed at restoring the capital’s image and promoting tourism.

Now, large posters welcoming visitors with messages of a “New Era” for Lebanon line the route from the airport.

Even though such steps — unthinkable just months ago — were significant, Saudi Arabia chose to assess the new security measures independently.

“We want things to be back to normal. We are waiting for the Saudis, who want to evaluate the security and political situation before taking a decision,” the official source said.

A Saudi delegation is expected to visit Beirut soon, potentially paving the way for the return of Saudi tourists to Lebanon before the Muslim Al Adha Eid in early June.

The source, however, discounted that the return of the Gulf tourists also was linked to disarming Hezbollah, saying that “the issue of Hezbollah weapons is moving slowly.”

According to Mohanad Hage Ali, an analyst and fellow at the Beirut-based Carnegie Middle East Center, if the Gulf countries’ re-engagement is “truly linked” to disarming Hezbollah, “it might be a long wait.”

Hage Ali told UPI that the increase in Gulf travel will positively impact Lebanon’s tourism this summer. However, any financial support or investments from the oil-rich countries would require Lebanon to implement necessary reforms, which “are currently stuck in [the Lebanese] parliament, awaiting U.S. pressure.”

Reform is slow

He added that “the reform process is slow and depends on international pressure,” expressing hope that reform laws would pass before summer and allowing for some support, particularly in the energy sector.

That’s why attracting back Arab, especially Gulf, tourists and “gaining their trust again,” became Lebanon’s “high priority,” according to Tourism Minister Laura El-Khazen Lahoud.

“We are working to address all the issues. … We are doing everything we can to ensure that the reforms are adopted,” Lahoud told UPI. “We want to put Lebanon back on track … to make sure that it regains the place it deserves on the international touristic map, but things don’t happen overnight.”

She expressed hope that Saudi Arabia will be encouraged and that other countries will lift their ban one after the other.

“Unfortunately, they have forgotten how beautiful Lebanon is with its rich history, diverse culture and fascinating nature,” she added.