effect

June 30 (Asia Today) — Major Washington lobbying firms are ending their relationships with Alibaba, Tencent and other Chinese companies as a new U.S. defense-contracting restriction takes effect Tuesday.

Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, Mercury Public Affairs and MO Strategies were among the influential firms that recently terminated contracts with the Chinese technology companies, Bloomberg reported Monday.

Public lobbying disclosures showed Alibaba had lost five lobbying firms and Tencent had lost four over the past week. MO Strategies said it would comply fully with the new Defense Department requirements.

The shift follows the implementation of Section 851 of the fiscal 2025 National Defense Authorization Act.

The provision prohibits the Defense Department from awarding contracts to a company, including its parent companies and subsidiaries, if that company retains a covered lobbyist who also lobbies for a Chinese business on the Pentagon’s Section 1260H list.

The law does not directly prohibit lobbying firms from representing Chinese companies. In practice, however, it forces firms to choose between Chinese clients on the list and U.S. companies seeking Defense Department business.

The Pentagon established the Section 1260H list under the fiscal 2021 defense authorization act to identify companies it considers affiliated with China’s military or contributors to Beijing’s military-civil fusion strategy.

The Defense Department added Alibaba and dozens of other companies to an updated list published June 8. The latest version includes 188 entities operating directly or indirectly in the United States, according to the department.

Tencent appeared on an earlier version of the list and remained designated in the June update.

A company’s inclusion on the list does not by itself impose comprehensive economic sanctions. Other U.S. laws, however, increasingly connect the designation to federal contracting, procurement and funding restrictions.

Alibaba filed a federal lawsuit last Tuesday seeking removal from the list. The Chinese e-commerce company said the Pentagon lacked sufficient evidence to classify it as a Chinese military company and failed to adequately consider evidence disputing the alleged ties.

Alibaba has denied that it works with the Chinese military or participates in China’s military-civil fusion strategy. Tencent has also denied military links.

Alibaba said in its lawsuit that the new lobbying restriction had already prompted several firms and individual lobbyists to indicate that they would end their relationships with the company.

The Pentagon’s expanded list and the new contracting rule are likely to increase compliance reviews among Washington lobbying firms, law firms, consultants and defense contractors.

Companies seeking Pentagon contracts may need to determine whether outside advisers represent any listed Chinese entities, even when those advisers’ work for the U.S. company is unrelated to national defense.

The development also narrows Chinese companies’ access to experienced lobbyists as they seek to challenge expanding trade, investment and national security restrictions in Washington.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260630010010558

It has been almost nine months since rebel groups imposed a fuel blockade on Mali’s capital Bamako. In late April, the conflict escalated further. The Al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), along with members of Tuareg separatist movements, launched a coordinated attack on the Malian army and its Russian allies, the African Corps (formerly Wagner), which killed the Malian Defence Minister Sadio Camara.

The rebels seized control of military camps, recaptured the largest northern city of Kidal, and tightened the blockade on Bamako. This latest offensive is part of a long series of rebellions in what the Tuareg call Azawad, an area comprising the regions of Timbuktu, Taoudenit, Kidal, and Gao, which is predominantly populated by Tuareg communities.

The present crisis is compounded by the weakening of the Malian state following the 2021 coup and foreign intervention. In the absence of any serious effort to address it, instability could spill over across the whole Sahel region.

Ever since the country announced independence from France in 1960, Mali’s north has seen repeated upheaval as local Tuareg communities have demanded self-determination. Fourteen years ago, Tuareg groups allied with groups affiliated with al-Qaeda launched yet another rebellion. They managed to seize several cities in northern Mali, and had it not been for a French military intervention in 2013, they could have marched on Bamako.

Two French operations resulted in the weakening of the Tuareg movements and groups affiliated with al-Qaeda. This helped persuade them to participate in negotiations with the government, which ultimately ended with the signing of the Algiers Accords in 2015.

One of the most prominent clauses of this agreement was decentralisation in the Azawad region, which gave local leaders more power. Through this agreement, the Malian government secured the country’s territorial integrity in return for promises like the enhancement of development in the Azawad region, the integration of separatist fighters into the army, and the appointment of their leaders to political positions.

These accords helped maintain relative stability in Mali and the Sahel region by containing the sources of tension and secessionist calls. However, peace did not last long. Several challenges emerged, the most important of which was the failure of the government to honour its commitments to implement development projects in the north.

The situation got worse after the 2021 military coup led by General Assimi Goita. France, Algeria, and members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) refused to recognise the new authorities in Bamako. As a result, in 2022, the military government expelled French troops, and in 2024, abolished the Algiers Agreement. Thereafter, instead of diplomacy and dialogue, it adopted a militarised approach to controlling the restive north.

These steps strained Mali’s relations with Mauritania, Algeria, and France, with Bamako accusing them of providing logistical support to the rebels and interfering in its internal affairs. Consequently, the Malian state was weakened militarily and economically, as military coordination and trade with neighbours declined.

JNIM and the separatist movements exploited the situation. They sought to choke the capital by attacking key transport arteries where most imports and exports are routed. They disrupted supplies of gasoline and diesel coming from Senegal and the Ivory Coast, and began attacking Moroccan trucks carrying food supplies via Mauritania.

Like in 2012, the alliance between the Tuareg movements and al-Qaeda affiliates has proven successful. It has routed the Malian military, capturing more territory and operating freely close to Bamako.

This time, foreign forces have not been able to help the Malian army, as its Russian allies were forced to withdraw following the attack in late April. Meanwhile, Turkiye has seen its involvement in Mali grow amid growing instability. In early May, following the attacks on the Malian military, Ankara signed several defence agreements with the Malian military government.

The danger here is that the Malian crisis may not be contained only within the political crisis between the government and the separatist movements. It could also invite more foreign intervention as regional and global rivalries transfer onto Malian territory.

There is also the issue of the alliance between Azawadi movements and al-Qaeda affiliates, which could prove to be a ticking time bomb. There are clear contradictions within this relationship, as the two sides have no common ground except the agreement to overthrow the military regime in Bamako. This is why a future war in the north between the Azawadi movements and the Islamist groups is quite likely.

The Malian crisis inevitably has regional repercussions. The ongoing humanitarian crisis could trigger a major migration wave towards Europe and North America. Continuing instability in the north could open more space for the growth of extremist movements, which can expand their attacks across the region. Consequently, the Malian crisis can become a direct security threat to neighbouring countries, the region, and the world.

As the situation stands now, no warring side is able to achieve a decisive military victory. Therefore, a resolution of the conflict can only be achieved through dialogue and negotiation. Bamako needs to seriously consider the grievances of Tuareg communities in the north and their demands.

It is in the collective interest of neighbouring countries and regional powers to bring the parties to the negotiating table and seek peaceful solutions to this crisis. Under the threat of a regional spillover, there is no time to waste.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

AN enormous indoor adventure park, fitted with inflatable obstacle courses and thrilling activities, has shut down with immediate effect.

The family-friendly attraction has been a hit with the community for over six years, welcoming 400,000 visitors during that time.

Ultimate Warriors, formerly Ninja Warrior UK, in Gloucester, shut down earlier this month.

This comes after the adventure park was plunged into administration, only a year after leaving the national Ninja Warrior group.

Ultimate Warriors hoped to sell the business, exploring every option to remain open.

Following a sale falling through last minute, they had no option but to close, nearly seven years after it opened in October 2019.

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Only recently, Ultimate Warriors had refreshed its equipment and activities, running independently as a family-run business.

Ultimate Warriors Gloucester said on Facebook: “After six and a half wonderful years, it is with great sadness that we announce Ultimate Warriors has entered administration and has closed its doors.

“We explored every possible option to keep our much-loved venue open. Unfortunately, despite strong interest, we are devastated to have a sale fall through at the last minute.

“As a small business, we simply do not have the financial reserves to continue operating in such uncertain economic conditions, even with the incredible support and feedback we have received from our guests over the years.”

Ultimate Warriors was formerly part of the Ninja Warrior UK franchise, which owns 16 adventure parks across the UK, all based on the hit ITV show.

Similar to the Ninja Warrior UK set up, Ultimate Warriors in Gloucester had a variety of activities, including monkey bars, slides and climbing walls.

Now, the Ultimate Warriors team is supporting its staff get new jobs, including reaching out to Airhop Gloucester to possibly accommodate them.

Ultimate Warriors Gloucester said: “To everyone who visited us, celebrated with us, worked with us, or supported us along the way – thank you. Your support, loyalty, and memories will stay with us forever.”

This question essentially centres on the push by FIA president Mohammed Ben Sulayem to return Formula 1 to a set of engine regulations that are pretty much the same as the era from 2010-13.

We delved into this topic extensively last week. There’s a link to that article below.

Now, as to the specific question, yes, 2013 was pretty boring, or at least the second half of it was.

The season started relatively competitively – Red Bull’s Sebastian Vettel won four of the first 10 grands prix, but Ferrari’s Fernando Alonso, Lotus’ Kimi Raikkonen and Mercedes drivers Nico Rosberg and Lewis Hamilton all won over that period.

But a change to the specification of tyres following a series of blow-outs at the British Grand Prix led to Red Bull dominating and Vettel won the last nine races in a row to clinch a fourth consecutive world title.

The last years of the V8 era, once refuelling was banned at the end of 2009, fluctuated between intensely competitive and, er, not.

The 2010 and 2012 seasons had gripping title fights. In 2010 there were five drivers in the running until the penultimate race, and four mathematically at the last one.

That was the year Ferrari dropped the ball on strategy in Abu Dhabi and threw away the title, letting Red Bull and Vettel in to win their first title.

In 2012, there were seven different winners in the first seven races, and the title fight between Vettel and Alonso went to the final race again.

In 2011, as in 2013, Vettel and Red Bull dominated.

But there were a lot more factors involved in those scenarios than just engines. Tyres, for one. The relative competitiveness of the cars for another.

However, the naturally aspirated era – and especially the years from 1994-2009 when there was refuelling – was notorious for the lack of overtaking on track.

That has certainly increased this year with the new style of “yo-yo racing” brought about by the new hybrid engines.

There are so many issues wrapped up in this engine debate. Some of it may well be people harking back to the past, one they felt was more attractive than what F1 serves up today.

But there is also a cost issue, whether the essence of F1 has been polluted, noise, the changing road-car market place and on and on.

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court is leaving access to a widely used abortion pill untouched until at least Thursday, while the justices consider whether to allow restrictions on the drug, mifepristone, to take effect.

Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr.’s order Monday allows women seeking abortions to continue obtaining the pill at pharmacies or through the mail, without an in-person visit to a doctor. It prevents restrictions on mifepristone imposed by a federal appeals court from taking effect for the time being.

The court is dealing with its latest abortion controversy four years after its conservative majority overturned Roe vs. Wade and allowed more than a dozen states to effectively ban abortion outright.

The case before the court stems from a lawsuit Louisiana filed to roll back the Food and Drug Administration’s rules on how mifepristone can be prescribed. The state claims the policy undermines the ban there, and it questions the safety of the drug, which was first approved in 2000 and has repeatedly been deemed safe and effective by FDA scientists.

Lower courts concluded that Louisiana is likely to prevail, and a three-judge panel of the U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that mail access and telehealth visits should be suspended while the case plays out.

The drug is most often used for abortion in combination with another drug, misoprostol. Medication abortions accounted for nearly two-thirds of all abortions in the U.S. in 2023, the last year for which statistics are available.

The current dispute is similar to one that reached the court three years ago.

Lower courts then also sought to restrict access to mifepristone, in a case brought by physicians who oppose abortion. They filed suit in the months after the court overturned Roe.

The Supreme Court blocked the 5th Circuit ruling from taking effect over the dissenting votes of Alito and Justice Clarence Thomas. Then, in 2024, the high court unanimously dismissed the doctors’ suit, reasoning they did not have the legal right, or standing, to sue.

In the current dispute, mainstream medical groups, the pharmaceutical industry and Democratic members of Congress have weighed in cautioning the court against limiting access to the drug. Pharmaceutical companies said a ruling for abortion opponents would upend the drug approval process.

The FDA has eased a number of restrictions initially placed on the drug, including who can prescribe it, how it is dispensed and what kinds of safety complications must be reported.

Despite those determinations, abortion opponents have been challenging the safety of mifepristone for more than 25 years. They have filed a series of petitions and lawsuits against the agency, generally alleging that it violated federal law by overlooking safety issues with the pill.

President Trump’s administration has been unusually quiet at the Supreme Court. It declined to file a written brief recommending what the court should do, even though federal regulations are at issue.

The case puts Trump’s Republican administration in a difficult place. Trump has relied on the political support of antiabortion groups but has also seen ballot question and poll results that show Americans generally support abortion rights.

Both sides took the silence as an implicit endorsement of the appellate ruling. Alito is both the justice in charge of handling emergency appeals from Louisiana and the author of the 2022 decision that declared abortion is not a constitutional right and returned the issue to the states.

Sherman, Mulvihill and Perrone write for the Associated Press. Mulvihill reported from Haddonfield, N.J.

US President Donald Trump says the ceasefire with Iran is still in effect, despite American and Iranian forces trading fire in the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday. Trump threatened pain for Tehran unless it signs a truce quickly.

Chelsea captain Millie Bright has retired from football with immediate effect.

The 32-year-old made 294 appearances for the Blues after joining from Doncaster Belles in 2015 and also won 88 caps for England.

The defender won eight Women’s Super League titles with the Blues – including six in a row between 2020 and 2025 – as well as six FA Cups and four League Cups.

But the former England defender has not featured for the Blues since February because of an ankle injury and has decided now is the time to end her career.

‘Representing Chelsea over the last 12 years has been everything to me, but I’m now ready to say goodbye to playing football,” said Bright.

“I’ve given all I can, and I never wanted to fight for any other badge.

‘It is now time, and I’m ready to go into a new era. I’m always going to be Chelsea, but just in a different way.”