drone

It’s apparently naming season for autonomous air combat drones. Earlier today, we reported that General Atomics had given the name Dark Merlin to its YFQ-42A Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) design. Now Northrop Grumman has stamped a new name on its YFQ-48A: Talon Blue.

Northrop Grumman first unveiled the drone this past December, at which time it was referred to simply as Project Talon, as you can read more about in our initial report here. Later that month, the U.S. Air Force gave it the formal designation YFQ-48A, and described it as “strong contender” to be part of its future CCA fleets. Currently, General Atomics’ YFQ-42A and Anduril’s YFQ-44A are the designs formally in development as part of the first phase, or Increment 1, of the Air Force’s CCA program. Northrop Grumman may now be under contract for the program’s Increment 2, but this remains unconfirmed.

The “YFQ-48A Talon Blue’s designation within the Air Force’s Collaborative Combat Aircraft program underscores the strategic alignment between Northrop Grumman’s manufacturing agility and the Air Force’s acquisition goals for low-cost, cutting-edge technology,” according to a press release the company put out today. “The aircraft’s design provides mission versatility through advanced modular manufacturing techniques that reduce part count and overall weight – shortening production timelines without sacrificing capability.”

The release does not offer a clear explanation of the significance of the new Talon Blue name. Northrop Grumman previously told TWZ and other outlets that the Project Talon moniker was a callback to the T-38 Talon jet trainer, as both had been designed with high performance, high maneuverability, and affordability in mind.

“And it’s got a cool sound to it, too,” Tom Jones, President of Northrop Grumman’s Aeronautics Systems sector, at the time of the drone’s official unveiling.

As for the new Blue addition to its name, this could be another callback, this time to Northrop’s hugely successful Tacit Blue demonstrator, aka the ‘Whale,’ which revolutionized America’s understanding of stealth technology at the dawn of the stealth age. Lockheed’s stealth demonstrator that led to the F-117 Nighthawk stealth combat jet was also called Have Blue. As TWZ has noted previously, the YFQ-48A is clearly optimized with low-observable (stealthy) characteristics. It also shares many similar features and a general layout with Tacit Blue. You can read more about what else is known about the Talon Blue design so far here.

Regardless, the Talon Blue name is welcome. As we noted with the announcement of the Dark Merlin name for General Atomics’ YFQ-42A, the nomenclatures and terms associated with the U.S. Air Force’s CCA program can often be obtuse to the general public. Being able to use specific names for the different drones helps. Anduril’s YFQ-44A has carried the nickname Fury from the very start, which traces back to its origins as a ‘red air’ training drone.

Beyond the YFQ-48A, Northrop Grumman is now also describing Project Talon as an entire “portfolio of modular, cost-effective and rapidly deployable aircraft that meet the customers’ autonomy needs.” That portfolio includes Talon IQ, formerly called Beacon, a “next-generation autonomous testbed ecosystem” that has been leveraging the Prism autonomy suite and Scaled Composite’s Model 437 Vanguard jet. Scaled Composites is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Northrop Grumman that was also involved in the development of Talon Blue.

Digital Ecosystem Takes Flight

Northrop Grumman has also now released a picture of the YFQ-48A flanked by the Model 437 and one of Scaled Composites’ earlier Model 401 jets, also known as the ‘Son of Ares,’ but it is not immediately clear if the latter is also part of the Project Talon portfolio. The Model 437 evolved from the Model 401. Concepts for uncrewed versions of the Model 401 and Model 437 have been shown in the past.

In December, Northrop Grumman said it was targeting a first flight for YFQ-48A about nine months down the road, or sometime in August of this year.

In terms of the Air Force’s CCA program, the service still has yet to make a decision about which Increment 1 CCA design, or both, it wants to buy in larger numbers. Nine companies are also now under contract to refine concepts under Increment 2. To date, the Air Force has not disclosed the names of any of the Increment 2 awardees, which, as noted, could include Northrop Grumman.

When it comes to the YFQ-48A, the company could also pitch it to prospective foreign customers. The marketspace for CCA-type drones, like what is now dubbed the Talon Blue, is steadily growing globally.

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

We finally have something else to call General Atomics’ Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) by other than its formal YFQ-42A designation: Dark Merlin

Dark Merlin is one of two designs that the USAF has officially chosen for development and flight testing under the first increment of its CCA program, which intends to give fighter aircraft a ‘loyal wingman’ uncrewed companion.

General Atomics gives its reasoning for the naming as such:

“Dark merlins, deadly falcons known for their black feathers and devouring of other falcons as prey, often collaborate in groups for maximum effect against their targets. The Cornell Lab of Ornithology describes the merlin as a “small, fierce falcon that uses surprise attacks” to bring down its prey in flight. The dark merlin is native to the Pacific Northwest of the United States, often migrating into southern California, where bird spotters routinely report seeing them near the YFQ-42A’s manufacturing home in San Diego.”

The 1962 book “Profiles of the Future” imagined global technological marvels yet to change the world, offering that “any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic.” It’s no coincidence that the Dark Merlin name also reflects the wizardry of Merlin from
Arthurian legend, paying homage to the somewhat supernatural new era of semi-autonomous
air combat.

“Dark merlins are hunting machines, built for speed and aerodynamics,” said GA-ASI President David R. Alexander. “They harass other falcons for fun, and they eat what they kill. The name sums up our new uncrewed fighter perfectly.”

The name is a very welcome development. We have discussed internally in our newsroom on multiple occasions that the designations for the CCAs, the other being Anduril’s YFQ-44A, which goes by the nickname Fury, carried over from its roots as a ‘red air’ training drone, are a bit hard for the public to follow. Now, with General Atomics giving their ‘fighter drone’ a unique nickname, referring to them as Dark Merlin and Fury will be a bit easier.

Both aircraft are currently in flight testing, and General Atomics has already put Dark Merlin, which is based on the firm’s Gambit chassis-centric family of combat drones concept, into production. This is ahead of the USAF making a decision on which Increment 1 CCA, or both, it wants to buy in larger numbers.

The naming also comes after it was announced that the Marines will use Dark Merlin as a testing surrogate for its own CCA program, which could possibly open the door to the Corps purchasing the ‘drone fighters’ for operational use.

Contact the author: Tyler@twz.com

Feb. 18 (Asia Today) — An alleged financial link between a National Intelligence Service employee and a graduate student accused of sending a drone to North Korea has fueled questions about oversight and accountability within South Korea’s intelligence community, an Asia Today columnist wrote Tuesday.

The case surfaced last month when authorities disclosed that a man in his 30s had allegedly sent an unmanned aerial vehicle to North Korea. Initial investigations focused on possible involvement by the Army Intelligence Command.

However, political and intelligence sources cited in the column questioned why the National Intelligence Service, widely regarded as the control tower of South Korea’s intelligence apparatus, was not initially central to the probe.

The controversy deepened when investigators said an NIS Grade 8 employee had engaged in financial transactions with the graduate student. A joint military-police task force reportedly applied charges including general treason, a serious offense involving harm to national military interests or aiding an enemy state.

The NIS said the matter involved “a personal financial transaction by an administrative department employee” and denied any organizational link to North Korea-related operations. The agency argued that without proof of institutional involvement, the actions of an individual cannot be attributed to the entire organization.

The columnist wrote that regardless of whether the agency was formally involved, sustained contact and financial dealings between an intelligence officer and a suspect in a North Korea-related case raise concerns that go beyond individual misconduct.

The commentary also questioned whether internal control systems functioned properly and whether warning signs were missed. It noted that less than two years have passed since a separate intelligence leak involving a civilian employee at the military intelligence service.

The writer argued that the issue ultimately points to the broader condition of South Korea’s intelligence oversight system and called for a thorough investigation to address public doubts.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260218010005525

General Atomics’ air-launched LongShort drone has made new progress toward its first flight with the completion of various tests on the ground, including a demonstration of its weapons release capabilities. LongShot, now also designated the X-68A, is set to be carried aloft first by an F-15 fighter. The goal of the program has been to explore how an uncrewed aircraft capable of firing air-to-air missiles could extend the reach and reduce the vulnerability of the launch platform, among other benefits.

The U.S. military’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) released new details about the LongShot program, which it is leading, today. A “multitude of U.S. government stakeholders” have also been involved, including elements of the U.S. Air Force, U.S. Navy, U.S. Army, and NASA, according to DARPA.

General Atomics, as well as Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, received initial contracts to work on competing concepts for the drone in 2020. DARPA chose General Atomics’ design for continued development in 2023. The original hope had been that the uncewed aircraft would make its maiden flight before the end of that year. The current goal is to begin flight testing before the end of the year.

“DARPA’s LongShot with General Atomics Aeronautical Systems has successfully completed a series of technical milestones, moving its air-launched uninhabited vehicle – recently designated the X-68A – closer to flight testing,” according to DARPA’s release. “Recent achievements, including full-scale wind tunnel tests and successful trials of the vehicle’s parachute recovery and weapons-release systems, demonstrate significant progress in developing this next-generation capability.”

Previously released renderings of LongShot have depicted it as capable of releasing at least one AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) from an internal bay running along the bottom of the fuselage.

The overall LongShot design that has been shown to date is akin to that of a cruise missile, with an elongated fuselage and a chined nose. It has reverse-swept main wings toward the rear of the fuselage and small canards at the front, both of which pop out into their deployed positions after launch. It also has an inverted V-shaped twin-tail configuration and a vertical strake that sticks up just slightly from behind the top-mounted dorsal engine air intake.

The official entry for the X-68A in the U.S. Mission-Design-Series (MDS) designation system says that the drone is powered by a single Williams WJ38-15 turbojet, according to the Designation-Systems.net website. The use of the WJ38-15 may point to a high subsonic top speed for LongShot. This engine is also used on the German-Swedish Taurus KEPD 350 air-launched cruise missile, a 3,000-pound-class design with a stated maximum speed of Mach 0.95.

It is also worth noting that LongShot’s parachute recovery is intended, at least at present, for use in testing and training, rather than any actual combat employment of the drone.

“LongShot is intended for conflict. In combat scenarios, recovery isn’t really practical, and the price point doesn’t make it necessary,” C. Mark Brinkley, a General Atomics spokesperson, told TWZ last year. “However, for test and training, it is recoverable, and we have options for that.”

As mentioned, the first live test launch of a LongShot drone is set to be from an F-15 fighter, an aircraft type particularly well known for its ability to carry outsized payloads. F-15 variants have already been used in the United States, as well as in Japan, as aerial launch platforms for jet-powered drones. For years now, TWZ has been highlighting the particular potential of the Air Force’s new F-15EX Eagle II to carry oversized payloads and act as airborne drone controllers.

DARPA and General Atomics have also talked about the potential to launch X-68As from bombers’ internal bays, as well as from cargo aircraft using the Rapid Dragon palletized munitions system.

As TWZ has previously written:

“LongShot is intended to extend the range at which a launch platform can fire on targets, which, in turn, helps keep them further away from threats. The drones can fly forward into higher-risk areas before launching their own missiles. As designed, LongShots also simply expand the total area in which a launch platform, especially a tactical jet like an F-15, can engage threats.”

“LongShot drones could also leverage targeting data from sources other than their launch platforms. This would rely on, but also take immense advantage of long-range ‘kill web’ architectures in development now. As those kill webs expand in scale and scope, the likelihood of munitions engaging targets outside the range of a launch platform’s organic sensors will only grow. You can read more about these developments here.”

These capabilities could be further magnified by bomber or cargo aircraft carrying larger numbers of LongShot drones. Larger launch platforms could saturate a particular section of the battlespace with air-to-air assets quickly, enabling the rapid deployment of a temporary counter-air screen. The uncrewed aircraft could also provide more localized defense for larger and more vulnerable aircraft, and they would only have to be deployed as necessary in that role. That, in turn, would help reduce strain on escorting assets.

The LongShot program has so far been described in terms of scenarios that center more on direct control for the launch platform. However, control of the drones after launch could similarly be localized or executed across longer distances via beyond-line-of-sight datalink capability and/or signal relays. This could also allow for control to be handed off from one node to another. Higher degrees of autonomy would allow for the performance of tasks after launch with fewer direct human inputs, as well.

“We’ve got a program right now with DARPA that we’re working on. It’s called LongShot. And that effort is really, if you think about, it’s about an air-launched fighter,” Patrick “Mike” Shortsleeve, Vice President of DoD Strategic Development for General Atomics Aeronautical Systems, Inc (GA-ASI), told TWZ‘s Jamie Hunter in an interview at the Air & Space Forces Association’s 2025 Air, Space, and Cyber Conference last September. “So, we’re talking about a smaller UAS [uncrewed aerial system], … but it also will be able to carry air-to-air missiles and be brought into the fight in mass when needed. So LongShot represents sort of another iteration of what we’re doing for disruption, to help the Air Force change or revolutionize the way air dominance is being done.”

General Atomics Update From Air, Space & Cyber 2025: CCA, LongShot, 9M Flight Hours

There are still questions about how efficient it would be in real combat to use an expendable drone like LongShot to get missiles closer to potential engagement areas, as well as offer some loitering capability. What the cost equation might be, in particular, compared to using more advanced, reusable drones and/or longer-ranged missiles, is unclear. Still, the Air Force and/or other services could see LongShot as a necessity for meeting certain operational needs that cannot be addressed by any other solution.

As we have highlighted in the past, LongShot could feed into other uncrewed aircraft efforts, especially separate, but intertwined Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) programs now being run by the U.S. Air Force, U.S. Marine Corps, and U.S. Navy. In an interview with Breaking Defense last year, David Alexander, President of General Atomics’ Aeronautical Systems, Inc., division (GA-ASI), said that LongShot could be a “great fit” for Increment 2 of the Air Force’s CCA program. General Atomics and Anduril are already developing separate drone designs, designated the YFQ-42A and YFQ-44A, respectively, under Increment 1 of that program. The Marines are also now set to utilize the YFQ-42A design at least as a surrogate for a future CCA capability.

When it comes to LongShot, DARPA says that “ground and integration testing currently underway” is now steadily building up to “the safe and effective employment of the X-68A from an F-15, confirm the flight worthiness of the LongShot vehicle, and demonstrate its ability to safely eject a captive sub-munition” after years of schedule slips.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Drone-fired missiles have hit a market in central Sudan’s Kordofan region, killing at least 28 people and wounding dozens of others, a rights group says.

Emergency Lawyers, a group tracking violence against civilians, said in a statement on Monday that drones bombed the al-Safiya market in the town of Sodari in North Kordofan state.

The bombing on Sunday occurred when the market was packed with people, “exacerbating the humanitarian tragedy”, it said, adding that the number of casualties is likely to rise.

“The attack occurred when the market was bustling with civilians, including women, children and the elderly,” the group said.

“The repeated use of drones to target populated areas shows a grave disregard for civilian lives and signals an escalation that threatens what remains of daily life in the province. Therefore, we demand an immediate halt to drone attacks by both sides of the conflict,” the statement said.

The area is currently the fiercest front line in the three-year-old war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Sodari, a remote town where desert trade routes cross, is 230km (132 miles) northwest of el-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan, which the RSF has been trying to encircle for months.

The Kordofan region has seen a surge in deadly drone attacks as both sides fight over the country’s vital east-west axis, which links the western RSF-held Darfur region, through el-Obeid, to the army-controlled capital, Khartoum, and the rest of Sudan.

After consolidating its hold on Darfur last year, the RSF has pushed east through the oil- and gold-rich Kordofan in an attempt to seize Sudan’s central corridor.

Emergency Lawyers said on X that the drones targeting the market on Sunday belonged to the army.

Two military officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorised to brief the media, told The Associated Press news agency that the army does not target civilian infrastructure and denied the attack.

A week ago, a drone close to the city of Rahad in North Kordofan hit a vehicle carrying displaced families, killing at least 24 people, including eight children. A day before the attack, a World Food Programme aid convoy was also hit by drones.

Violence ‘shocking in scale and brutality’

Fighting between the RSF and the Sudanese military erupted into a full-blown war across the country in April 2023. So far, at least 40,000 people have been killed and 12 million displaced, according to the World Health Organization.

Aid groups say the true death toll could be many times higher, as the fighting in vast and remote areas impedes access.

The United Nations human rights chief recently said that the Kordofan region remains “volatile and a focus of hostilities” as the warring parties vie for control of strategic areas.

Both sides have been accused of atrocities.

The UN Human Rights Office issued a report on Friday saying that more than 6,000 people were killed over three days when the RSF unleashed “a wave of intense violence… shocking in its scale and brutality” in Darfur in late October.

The RSF’s offensive to capture the city of el-Fasher, which used to be a military stronghold, in late October included widespread atrocities that amounted to war crimes and possible crimes against humanity, according to the UN.

The war has created the world’s largest hunger and displacement crisis. It has also effectively split the country in two, with the army holding the centre, north and east, while the RSF controls the west and, with its allies, parts of the south.

Markets reopen in Dilling, South Kordofan’s second largest city. Yet residents face critical medical shortages and persistent aerial attacks.

Life is cautiously returning to the streets of Dilling, the second largest city in South Kordofan state, after the Sudanese army broke a suffocating siege that had isolated the area for more than two years.

For months, the city had been encircled by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), cutting off vital supply lines and trapping civilians in a severe humanitarian crisis.

While the lifting of the blockade has allowed goods to flow again, local authorities and residents said the city remains under the threat of drone attacks.

Al Jazeera Arabic’s Hisham Uweit, reporting from Dilling, described a city “recovering slowly” from the economic strangulation.

“For over two years, heavy siege conditions were imposed on the city. Movement disappeared, goods vanished and livelihoods narrowed,” Uweit said.

“Now the eyes of buyers pick through the few available goods … as if the market itself is announcing its recovery at a leisurely pace, drawing determination from the patience of its residents.”

Markets return to life

The immediate impact of the army’s advance is visible in the local markets, which were largely shuttered during the blockade. Fresh produce, absent for months, has begun to reappear in stalls.

“The market and vegetables have all returned,” a local trader told Al Jazeera. “Before, the market didn’t exist. Now we have okra, potatoes, sweet potatoes, chillies and lemons. Everything is with us, and the market has returned to normal.”

However, the resumption of trade masks deep scars left by the isolation. The blockade devastated the local economy, stripping residents of their savings and leaving infrastructure in disrepair.

‘The price of isolation’

While food supplies are improving, Dilling’s health sector remains in critical condition. The city’s main hospital is struggling with a severe lack of equipment and essential medicines, a shortage that has had life-altering consequences for the most vulnerable.

Abdelrahman, a local resident suffering from diabetes, paid a heavy price for the siege. During the months of encirclement, insulin supplies ran dry. His condition deteriorated rapidly, ultimately leading to the amputation of both his legs.

“He had a medical appointment after a month, but the month closed off his check-ups,” a relative of Abdelrahman said. “He is suffering severely. He is missing his insulin. There is a shortage of food, and he is tired. His health has declined sharply.”

‘Chased like locusts’

Despite the Sudanese army asserting control over access routes, the security situation in Dilling remains precarious. Authorities said the city is subjected to almost daily drone strikes launched by the RSF and SPLM-N, targeting infrastructure and residential areas.

For Maryam, a mother displaced multiple times by the conflict, the breaking of the siege has not brought peace. She described the terror of the unmanned aerial vehicles that hover over their homes.

“Now the drones bombard and chase us. They chase us like locusts,” Maryam said. “When they come, we just run to hide. When they hover over us, they burn the thatch [roofs], start fires and force you to leave your home.”

She added that the constant threat of aerial bombardment makes normal life impossible: “If you are having a meal, like porridge, … the moment you see them, you leave it.”

Uweit said that while the lifting of the siege is a “glimmer of hope” and a first step towards recovery, the dual challenge of rebuilding a shattered health system and fending off persistent military attacks means Dilling’s ordeal is far from over.

U.S. Marine Corps legacy F/A-18C/D Hornets are in line to add air-to-air optimized versions of the 70mm Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II (APKWS II) rocket to their arsenal. This will give the jets an important, lower-cost boost in their ability to take down drones, as well as certain cruise missiles. APKWS II has already become a principal air-to-air counter-drone weapon for the U.S. force, which began using the rockets in this way on F-16 Vipers back in 2024, and has now extended the capability to the F-15E Strike Eagle and A-10 Warthog.

The recently released 2026 Marine Corps Aviation Plan highlighted a “high-density low-cost counter-Unmanned Aerial Systems (C-UAS)/cruise missile capability” as a top funding priority for the service’s F/A-18C/D fleet. The Marines currently have some 125 legacy Hornets in service, which have been receiving other key upgrades and additions to their arsenal in recent years to help ensure their relevance ahead of their expected retirement around the end of the decade.

“The Legacy Hornet continues to generate increased lethality, relevance, and survivability through its final fit,” a Marine Corps spokesperson told TWZ when asked for more information. “Addressing the C-UAS and Cruise missile capability, the F/A-18 has a previously funded, U.S.C. Title X-compliant requirement to incorporate the APKWS in an air-to-air mode and LAU-115/LAU-127 [missile launch rails] to integrate with the AIM-9X.”

Marine legacy Hornets already have the ability to employ the AIM-9X Sidewinder, so it is unclear exactly what changes are being made in this regard, and TWZ has reached back out for details. It is possible that this could entail work to increase the total number of AIM-9Xs the jets can carry at once. The U.S. Navy pursued a similar crash upgrade program for its F/A-18E/F Super Hornets back in 2024 in response to an urgent need for increased capacity to shoot down drones being employed by Iranian-backed Houthi militants in Yemen.

The decision to integrate the air-to-air APKWS II capability onto Marine F/A-18C/Ds is more clear cut, and is a logical development. The Air Force has already proven that the rockets are capable anti-air weapons against drones in real combat, which TWZ was first to report. The service initially disclosed that it was experimenting with using APKWS II in this role back in 2019. This is a capability that may also now be in service in Ukraine on that country’s second-hand F-16s, and could be set to appear elsewhere globally. The laser-guided rockets have separately demonstrated their ability to knock down drones when used as surface-to-air weapons in the course of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

APKWS II was originally designed as an air-to-surface weapon, and Marine legacy Hornets can already employ them in this mode. The rockets also have a demonstrated surface-to-surface capability. Each one of the rockets has three main parts: a 70mm rocket motor at the rear, one of several standardized warhead options at the front, and a laser guidance section in between.

APKWS, The Innovation Continues

The air-to-air optimized variant, designated the AGR-20F and also referred to as the Fixed Wing, Air Launched, Counter-Unmanned Aircraft Systems Ordnance (FALCO), incorporates a proximity fuze and changes to the munition’s guidance and sensing algorithms.

In the air-to-air role, APKWS II offers valuable cost and magazine depth benefits. The unit cost for the APKWS II guidance section has historically been between $15,000 and $20,000. 70mm rocket motors run in the $1,000 to $2,000 range. The price point for warheads fluctuates more widely, given the breadth of options available, as you can read about more here. By comparison, current generation AIM-9Xs each cost around $450,000, while the latest versions of the AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) have price tags around $1 million.

For tactical jets like the Marine Corps’ legacy Hornets, APKWS II rockets also come loaded in seven-shot pods. At most, an F/A-18C/D can carry up to 12 traditional air-to-air missiles at once, spread across its wingtip, underwing, and intake stations. However, many of those stations are often taken up by range-extending drop tanks and/or podded sensors. Substituting just one seven-shot pod for a single air-to-air missile would give a jet six more engagement opportunities during a sortie. Multiple pods can also be carried on certain pylons, further increasing the aircraft’s magazine depth.

U.S. operations in recent years against the Houthis in Yemen, as well as in the defense of Israel from Iranian drone and missile attacks, have underscored the importance of more total anti-air capacity, as well as capability. Complex attacks involving large volumes of disparate threats present a real danger of simply overwhelming defenders. This was made clear during Iran’s strikes on Israel in April 2024, when American fighters had to land to rearm and refuel after running out of missiles, all while threats were still passing overhead. In that instance, Air Force F-15E Strike Eagle crews had also unsuccessfully attempted to down Iranian drones with Laser Joint Direct Attack Munition (LJDAM) precision-guided bombs – something else TWZ was first to report – and their aircraft’s built-in 20mm M61 Vulcan cannon.

The specific pairing of air-to-air optimized versions of APKWS II with Marine legacy Hornets will also benefit from the new AN/APG-79(V)4 radars that those aircraft have been receiving in recent years. The APG-79(V)4 is an active electronically scanned array (AESA) type that can ‘see’ further, scan faster, and spot and track targets, even smaller ones, with greater accuracy compared to the previous APG-73 type on the Marine jets.

In their current form, FALCO rockets still have to be guided to their target via laser. This, in turn, requires the active lazing of that target throughout the entire engagement cycle, either by aircraft launching the rocket or another platform. This imposes limits on how fast a launch platform can move on from engaging one target to the next. BAE Systems, the APKWS II’s prime contractor, is now working on a new dual-mode guidance system that adds in an imaging infrared seeker. What this will allow for has been described as a pseudo-fire-and-forget capability, as the rocket would still have to be cued to the target initially via laser.

It should also be stressed that the APKWS II is not a dogfighting weapon. The drones and subsonic cruise missiles that the rockets are capable of engaging are relatively steady, non-reactionary, low-performance targets.

Still, APKWS II has clearly emerged as a valuable, if not increasingly critical, lower-cost companion to traditional air-to-air missiles. As already noted, other countries are beginning to at least take notice. For instance, consideration is being given to adding them to the arsenal of the Eurofighter Typhoon.

More platforms are likely to gain this capability in the future. Given the Navy’s own experiences in operations in and around the Red Sea against the Houthis, it is increasingly curious that there has been no announcement of adding air-to-air versions of the APKWS II to the arsenal available for that service’s F/A-18E/F Super Hornets. The discrepancy is even more pronounced now in light of the Marine Corps’ plans for its legacy Hornets.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

A deadly exchange of drone strikes has killed one person in Ukraine and one in Russia and cast doubts on the prospects of a ceasefire before another round of negotiations to end the war next week.

News of the deaths comes as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio signalled hurdles to reaching an agreement in Geneva as the conflict is about to enter its fifth year.

Zelenskyy told world leaders at the Munich Security Conference on Saturday while he hopes “substantive” progress will be reached during the trilateral meeting next week, it often feels like the two sides “are talking about different things” in negotiations. 

“The Americans often return to the topic of concessions, and too often those concessions are discussed only in the context of Ukraine, not Russia,” Zelenskyy said.

Rubio said it’s unclear if Moscow truly wants to make a peace deal.

“We don’t know if the Russians are serious about ending the war,” he said before the same Munich event. “We’re going to continue to test it.”

Among the most contentious issues in the negotiations is Russia’s demand for a full withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the remaining parts of Ukraine’s eastern region of Donetsk that it still controls.

Ukraine has rejected a unilateral pullback and wants Western security guarantees to deter Russia from relaunching its invasion if a ceasefire is reached.

Rubio did not attend a Ukraine-focused meeting with European and NATO leaders held on the sidelines of the first day of the Munich conference on Friday, citing scheduling issues.

In Munich on Saturday, Zelenskyy insisted Russia should not get away with its attack on Ukraine. He said he hoped the United States would stay involved in the peace negotiations and European countries would deepen their involvement.

Dutch Foreign Minister David van Weel told Al Jazeera while US President Donald Trump should be credited with moving talks forward, he should put more pressure on Russian President Vladimir Putin instead of Zelenskyy.

“Putin has shown no goodwill to come to the table and make a serious deal. The Ukrainians are ready,” van Weel said.

Last week, Zelenskyy said the US had given the warring parties a June deadline to reach a deal, although Trump’s previous ultimatums have not resulted in a breakthrough.

Two previous rounds of trilateral talks in Abu Dhabi, led by US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, reportedly focused on military issues such as a possible buffer zone and ceasefire monitoring.

Hundreds of thousands of soldiers and tens of thousands of civilians have been killed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, according to many estimates, making the war Europe’s deadliest since World War II.

Russia ⁠is ⁠suffering “crazy losses” in Ukraine with about 65,000 soldiers killed on the battlefield ⁠over the last two months, NATO ⁠Secretary-General Mark Rutte told the conference.

Separately, ‌Rutte told a media roundtable the NATO alliance is strong enough that Russia would not ⁠currently try to attack it. “We ⁠will win every fight with Russia if they ⁠attack us now, and we ⁠have to ⁠make sure in two, four, six years that same ‌is still the case.”

Among the latest casualties was an elderly woman killed on Saturday when a Russian drone hit a residential building in the Black Sea port city of Odesa, Ukraine’s State Emergency Service said.

On Wednesday, Russian strikes also killed three children, including two-year-old twins and their father in the northeastern region of Kharkiv.

In January alone, Russia launched more than 6,000 drone attacks against Ukraine, according to Zelenskyy. But he added Ukraine will soon produce enough interceptors to make Russia’s Iran-made Shahed drones “meaningless”.

He also told the Munich conference that every power plant in Ukraine has been damaged in Russian attacks.

In Russia, a civilian was killed in a Ukrainian drone strike on a car in the border region of Bryansk, Governor Alexander Bogomaz said.

The attacks came a day after a Ukrainian missile strike on the Russian city of Belgorod near the border with Ukraine killed two people and wounded five, according to Governor Vyacheslav Gladkov.

Gladkov earlier said the attack also caused serious damage to energy facilities and electricity, heating and water supplies were cut off. Three apartment buildings in the city sustained damage, he said.

Ukrainian member of parliament Oleksiy Goncharenko, meanwhile, accused Moscow of launching “energy terror” with attacks on electricity facilities in the heart of winter.

“I can’t call it any other way because when it is minus 20 Celsius in Kyiv and you don’t have heating, you don’t have electricity in your apartment, you’re just freezing and that is awful,” Goncharenko told Al Jazeera in Munich.

“I think it’s time for the United States to put real pressure on Russia. Yes, they are at the table, but it’s time to put real pressure to make them have real negotiations, because what we have today is not real negotiations.”

The armed forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have deployed drone technology against several positions of the M23/AFC rebels around Mpety of Walikale territory in North Kivu.

According to local administrative sources, the first explosions from the drone attack occurred around 1 p.m. on Feb. 11, causing widespread panic among villagers and forcing families to leave their homes.

The strikes occurred 48 hours after similar operations aimed at rebel positions in Mindjendje, close to Mpety in the Banakindi area. According to various sources in the region, the earlier missions resulted in multiple non-fatal injuries among the M23/AFC forces.

In the past month, the Walikale territory, particularly the Pinga-Mpety-Mindjendje axis, has been the theatre of violent clashes between the army and the M23/AFC rebels. This strategic area is highly sought after by both parties, intensifying regional security instability. 

The ongoing airstrikes are part of a strategy by the DRC army to reclaim control of key areas around Pinga, which is regarded as the security hub of Walikale territory. The growing arms race between the Congolese government and the M23 rebels has necessitated investments in drone warfare by both parties.

DRC has particularly invested heavily in acquiring military drones, especially the China-made Wing Loong 2 combat drone. In 2023, the country purchased nine Chinese attack drones to strengthen its military capabilities amid the war against the M23 rebels. 

The drones are recognised for their precision strike capabilities and long endurance. They are expected to give Congo’s armed forces a tactical advantage as they work to counter the M23’s advances, which Kinshasa classifies as a terrorist organisation.

SEOUL, Feb. 13 (UPI) — Kim Yo Jong, the powerful sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, said Friday that Seoul’s expression of regret over alleged drone incursions was “sensible,” but cautioned that any future flights would trigger a “terrible response.”

The statement, carried by the state-run Korean Central News Agency, followed comments Tuesday by South Korean Unification Minister Chung Dong-young, who expressed “deep regrets” over alleged drone flights into the North as part of the Lee Jae Myung administration’s broader push to ease tensions with Pyongyang.

North Korea’s military last month said it shot down a South Korean surveillance drone near the border city of Kaesong. Seoul has denied involvement, saying it does not operate the drone model cited by the North.

Kim described Chung’s remarks as “fortunate” and “quite sensible behavior,” but said South Korean authorities must take preventive measures to ensure such violations “would never happen again.”

“We don’t care who the very manipulator of the drone infiltration into the airspace of the DPRK is and whether it is an individual or a civilian organization,” she said.

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the official name of North Korea.

“I give advance warning that reoccurrence of such provocation as violating the inalienable sovereignty of the DPRK will surely provoke a terrible response,” Kim said. “Various counterattack plans are on the table and one of them will be chosen without doubt and it will go beyond proportionality.”

A South Korean investigation initially centered on three civilians who were placed under travel bans last month. But a joint military-police task force on Tuesday raided the country’s spy agency and a military intelligence command as the probe widened to include three military officers as suspects.

On Wednesday, the Unification Ministry said Seoul would take immediate action to prevent future incidents.

“The government is conducting a thorough investigation and will immediately implement measures to prevent similar incidents,” ministry spokesman Yoon Min-ho said at a regular press briefing.

Kim’s statement was “signaling the need for joint efforts between the two Koreas to ease tensions and prevent accidents on the Korean Peninsula,” Yoon added.

North Korea is preparing to convene its Ninth Party Congress later this month, where Kim Jong Un is expected to outline a new five-year economic plan and recalibrate military and foreign policy priorities. Analysts will be watching for signs the North will formalize a hardened posture toward Seoul. In 2024, Pyongyang designated the South a “hostile state” and publicly rejected the long-held goal of reunification.

The recent use of a laser directed energy weapon to down an aerial object near El Paso, Texas, and its chaotic aftermath, highlight the policy challenges and impediments the U.S. still faces in defending against drone incursions over the homeland. These are major national security concerns and a topic The War Zone has been reporting on for years.

The latest chapter in the ongoing saga of U.S. efforts to begin countering small drone incursions over the country began last week. Reacting to what they thought was a drone operated by a Mexican drug cartel, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) personnel reportedly used a laser directed energy weapon to take down the object, which multiple reports say turned out to be a Mylar balloon. The system, which Reuters identified as a AeroVironment LOCUST laser counter-drone weapon, was lent to CBP by the U.S. Army. This is the first publicly known instance of an object being shot down over the U.S. with a laser in an operational setting.

You can read more about LOCUST and how it works in our story here.

The use of the LOCUST came as the FAA was working on “a safety assessment of the risks the new technology could pose to other aircraft,” The New York Times reported. “F.A.A. officials had warned the Pentagon that if they were not given sufficient time and information to conduct their review, they would have no choice but to shut down the nearby airspace.”

The tug of war between the Pentagon and FAA – which led to a shutdown of airspace over the nation’s 23rd largest city – is a glaring example of the convoluted and conflicting authorities the U.S. relies on to deal with the increasing threat posed by drones.

The FAA did not respond to our request for comment. We also reached out to U.S. Northern Command and AeroVironment for comment.

However, safety concerns about using directed energy weapons, and especially kinetic ones, to take down drones in the U.S. have been a major factor in why they aren’t employed in this role. 

A little less than a year and a half ago, officials at U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM), which has coordinating authority for counter-drone efforts in the U.S., said the use of such weapons was not yet on the table. The reason is that they can create dangerous or otherwise serious collateral effects that are not a concern in a war zone.

“The biggest thing right now is the impact of the laser when it moves beyond its target,” NORTHCOM Deputy Test Director Jason Mayes said of laser directed energy weapons for counter-drone use. “You know, how far is it going? What’s that going to do? How long does the laser need to remain on target before it begins to inflict damage and so on, right?”

Mayes, speaking to a small group of reporters, including from The War Zone at Falcon Peak 2025, a counter-drone experiment at Peterson Space Force Base in October 2024, also raised questions about whether the laser beam could impact aircraft or even satellites passing by, as well as things on the ground like “hikers up on a hill.”

The military has been working to mitigate those concerns, Mayes proffered at the time.

“I think that we could get to a point where we have approval for that here in the homeland,” he posited.

The video below shows a test of a U.S. Navy shipboard laser directed energy weapon capable of being employed against drones.

USS Portland (LPD 27) tests LWSD laser system

It is unclear when the approval to use laser counter-drone weapons came or how extensive such permissions have been. We also don’t know if the LOCUST system, understood to have been stationed at nearby Fort Bliss, was sent there under a pilot program established under the Fiscal Year 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). It calls for at least four military installations to be used to speed up the development of counter-drone efforts at bases across the country. The measure includes systems “capable of destroying or disabling a small unmanned aircraft by means of high-powered microwave, laser, or other similar technology.”

Fort Bliss is also home to a significant portion of the Army’s air defense units, which are increasingly charged with the counter-drone mission. The base is also a major hub for border security operations, which the U.S. military often conducts in cooperation with law enforcement agencies, as well.

The future domestic use of laser counter-drone weapons remains an open question, but the NDAA pilot program gives the military additional authorities under existing statutes to at least test them. Still, as we have frequently noted, a confusing and often competing set of federal laws governing the use of counter-drone systems domestically impacted the ability to defend against these threats. The El Paso situation is a case in point of how challenging this can be.

NORTHCOM has authority over the troops and equipment, in this case a laser system, to take down the drones. However, federal laws limit where and when the military can use these systems, which is a large reason why CBP was involved.

In advance of the U.S. hosting the 2026 World Cup and 2028 Olympic Games, the Trump administration pushed to expand counter-drone authorities. Congress granted that when it passed the Fiscal Year 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA).

Under a federal law known as 124n, “the Departments of Homeland Security (DHS) and Justice (DOJ, including CBP, have limited authority to mitigate drone threats domestically to protect covered facilities or assets,” Scott Shtofman, Vice President & Counsel, Regulatory Affairs for the Association for Uncrewed Vehicle Systems International (AUVSI), told us. “That authority has been extended and expanded, under the Safer Skies Act of the NDAA, to certain certified state, local, Tribal, and territorial agencies operating under federal training and oversight.”

Still, “it’s not a blanket nationwide shoot down power and only applies in defined threat situations,” he added. 

Meanwhile, under another federal statute commonly referred to as 130(i), “DoW can mitigate drone threats to protect military installations and missions inside the U.S., but it does not have general domestic airspace policing authority,” Shtofman posited.

However, the Pentagon is working to expand its counter-drone capabilities. 

In January, the recently created Joint Interagency Task Force (JIATF) 401 announced updated guidance for counter-unmanned aerial systems (UAS) operations. The move empowered installation commanders “to take decisive action to protect military facilities, assets, and personnel within the homeland,” according to a press release at the time.

“The guidance, signed by the Secretary of War on December 8, 2025, streamlines and consolidates existing policies for detecting and mitigating UAS under the authority of 10 U.S. Code § 130i,” the release added, referring to another one of the laws governing domestic counter-small drone efforts. “It addresses the direct and growing threat posed by the proliferation of inexpensive and capable UAS. This updated framework provides commanders with the expanded authority and flexibility needed to dominate the airspace above their installations.”

Among other things, the new rules eliminate restrictions on defense perimeters that reduced installation commanders’ abilities to protect against drones.

“The previous ‘fence-line’ limitation has been removed, giving commanders a larger defensive area and greater decision space to protect covered facilities and assets,” the new rules state.

In earlier reporting, we noted that not all installations were considered “covered” to take down drones. The new rules permit service secretaries to determine which installations should be covered, to increase the number.

Beyond that, the Pentagon is now allowed to share “UAS track and sensor data among interagency partners, including the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the Department of Justice (DOJ). It also allows for the use of trained and certified contractor personnel as C-sUAS operators.”

“Every commander has the inherent right to self-defense,” the Pentagon told us. “The Department of War will defend its personnel and assets from illicit UAS activity in accordance with our authority under title 10 Section 130i, and the standing rules for the use of force.”

In addition to the numerous drone incursions over U.S. installations that we have frequently covered, cross-border cartel drone operations are a chronic issue, and we have been calling attention to the growing dangers they pose for many years now. Controversy over the El Paso incident was magnified after the White House insisted that the U.S. shot down a cartel drone flying over the border, which was later contradicted by the reporting that it was a mylar balloon.

Regardless of what it was, small drones remain a clear and present danger to the U.S. Whether new technology and additional authorities to use them will make a difference is an open question.

Update: 8:31 PM Eastern –

A U.S. official responded with answers to some of our questions.

1. The limit on the distance installation commanders can counter drones is the capability of their counter-UAS systems and the ability to coordinate with local authorities and communities.
2. No sites have been chosen yet for the counter-drone pilot program.
3. To his knowledge, the El Paso incident was the first time a directed energy weapon had been used against illicit drones in the homeland.
4. There are no statutory preclusions to using directed energy weapons against drones in the homeland.

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

The Sudan Doctors Network said the deadly strike was carried out by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces.

A drone attack on a mosque in central Sudan has killed two children and injured 13 more, according to a Sudanese doctor’s association, amid a rise in similar attacks across the region. 

The Sudan Doctors Network said the attack was carried out at dawn on Wednesday by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group engaged in a three-year civil war with the Sudanese Armed Forces.

The children were reportedly studying the Quran at the Sheikh Ahmed al-Badawi Mosque in North Kordofan State when the building was hit by a drone in a “blatant violation of international humanitarian law and a grave assault on places of worship”, the doctors’ group said in a Facebook post.

“Targeting children inside mosques is a fully constituted crime that cannot be justified under any pretext and represents a dangerous escalation in the pattern of repeated violations against civilians,” the doctors said.

The Sudan Doctors Network said the RSF has previously targeted other religious buildings for attack, including a church in Khartoum and another mosque in el-Fasher, reflecting a “systematic pattern that shows clear disregard for the sanctity of life and religious sites”.

“The network calls on the international community, the United Nations, and human rights and humanitarian organizations to take urgent action to pressure for the end to the targeting of civilians, ensure their protection, open safe corridors for the delivery of medical and humanitarian aid, and work to document these violations and hold those responsible accountable,” it said.

The UN separately said on Wednesday that a recent series of drone attacks have been reported on civilian infrastructure in Sudan’s South Kordofan, North Kordofan and West Kordofan states.

A World Food Programme (WFP) warehouse in Kadugli was also hit by a suspected rocket attack on Tuesday night, according to UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric. He did not say which group was responsible for the attack.

“The fact that we have to reiterate almost every day that civilians and civilian infrastructure, places of worship, schools and hospitals cannot and should not be targeted is a tragedy in itself,” Dujarric told reporters.

The UN has warned that Sudan’s civil war is expanding from western Darfur into the Kordofan region.

It has documented more than 90 civilian deaths and 142 injuries caused by drone strikes between the end of January and February 6, which were carried out by the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces.

Targets included a WFP convoy, markets, health facilities and residential neighbourhoods in southern and northern Kordofan, the UN said.

Drones operated by Mexican drug cartels flying across the border prompted a major clampdown in air traffic over El Paso, Texas, earlier today, a Trump administration official has told TWZ. The airspace restrictions appeared without warning and created still lingering confusion. Cross-border cartel drone operations are a chronic issue, and we have been calling attention to the growing dangers they pose for many years now.

New details can be found in an update at the bottom of this story.

“Mexican cartel drones breached US airspace. The Department of War [DOW] took action to disable the drones,” the administration official told us. “The FAA [Federal Aviation Administration] and DOW have determined there is no threat to commercial travel.”

“The FAA and DOW acted swiftly to address a cartel drone incursion,” Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy has also said in a statement. “The threat has been neutralized, and there is no danger to commercial travel in the region. The restrictions have been lifted and normal flights are resuming.”

“The temporary closure of airspace over El Paso has been lifted,” according to an earlier post from the official FAA account on X. “There is no threat to commercial aviation. All flights will resume as normal.”

Reuters had earlier reported that the FAA’s action was “tied to the Pentagon’s use of counterdrone technology to address Mexican drug cartels’ use of drones,” citing anonymous “airline sources.” Politico had also reported a link to counter-drone testing, citing an unnamed aviation industry source. Coordination problems between the FAA and the military may have created a disconnect. An unnamed U.S. official reportedly told The Atlantic that the “FAA reopened the air space after talking to officials at Fort Bliss,” as well. Fort Bliss lies adjacent to El Paso International Airport.

TWZ has reached out to the White House, the FAA, the Pentagon, U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM), Fort Bliss, and the El Paso County Sheriff’s Office for more information about the circumstances surrounding the airspace closure.

The FAA had issued the temporary flight restrictions suddenly and without apparent warning to various federal, state, and local authorities, causing immense confusion, which is clearly continuing to a degree. The airspace closure centered on El Paso International Airport, and extended 10 miles in all directions and up to an altitude of 17,999 feet. This led to a ground stop at the airport and a total shutdown of air traffic within the affected zone, which was declared to be “national defense airspace.” Warnings that intruders could face the risk of deadly force if deemed to be an “imminent security threat,” as well as the possibility of being “intercepted, detained, and interviewed,” were issued. Even military, police, and medical evacuation aviation activities were impacted. The only explanation given initially for the airspace closure, which was originally slated to last 10 days, was unspecified “special security reasons.”

Similar airspace restrictions were also imposed overnight over an area around Santa Teresa, New Mexico, to the west of El Paso, the current status of which is unclear.

“We were just as surprised as anyone that the NOTAM was imposed and just as surprised that it was lifted,” U.S. Army Maj. Will McGehee, a spokesperson for the 1st Armored Division at Fort Bliss, told TWZ this morning after the flight restrictions over El Paso were lifted. “We are trying to figure out what is going on and referring all calls to the FAA. We don’t have any information about why the FAA did this.”

In addition to the 1st Armored Division, Fort Bliss is home to a significant portion of the Army’s air defense units, which are increasingly charged with the counter-drone mission. The base is also a major hub for border security operations, which the U.S. military often conducts in cooperation with law enforcement agencies, as well.

“From what my office and I have been able to gather overnight and early this morning there is no immediate threat to the community or surrounding areas. There was no advance notice provided to my office, the City of El Paso, or anyone involved in airport operations,” Veronica Escobar, the Democrat who currently represents the El Paso area in the House of Representatives, wrote earlier on X. “We have urged the FAA to immediately lift the Temporary Flight Restrictions placed on the El Paso area.”

“Nobody local got advance notice. And I mean nobody – neither civilian or military leadership,” El Paso City Councilmember Chris Canales also said, according to Blake Spendley (who goes by the handle @OSINTtechnical on X).

As noted, cross-border drone activity linked to Mexican drug cartels is not new and happens routinely, historically as a means of smuggling illicit narcotics. However, cartels in Mexico have been expanding their drone capabilities in recent years to include the use of weaponized commercial types. These are developments that TWZ highlights regularly, including in a detailed feature last year about the prospect of U.S military action against the cartels and the ramifications thereof, which you can find here.

“Drones crossed over but the reason why they used a counter-unmanned aerial system (CUAS) was because they were extremely aggressive and put helicopters at risk,” Stefano Ritondale, chief intelligence officer for Artorias, an artificial intelligence-driven intelligence company specializing in cartel violence in Mexico, Latin American affairs, and trade/organized crime, told TWZ. “Drones cross over all the time.”

“Based on the area in which the TFRs are located and who we have seen operate in that area, the most likely culprit would be La Línea/Cartel de Juárez,” a spokesperson for a team of open source analysts with a focus on cartels & other non-state actors, who goes by the handle @natsecboogie on X, also told us. “We have documented some of their drone use along the border for smuggling.”

Last year, the U.S. military did announce the deployment of additional counter-drone capabilities as part of a larger buildup along the border with Mexico. This is known to have included radars and other sensors just to help better monitor for potential threats.

The action taken today also follows a string of announcements from the Pentagon recently about new authorities to respond to drone threats in the U.S. homeland. Last year, U.S. Air Force Gen. Gregory M. Guillot, head of NORTHCOM, had openly advocated for these authorities in part to address cartel drones along the southern border.

What happened today is evidence of the new counter-drone response mechanisms in place now. NORTHCOM has now established a rapidly deployable counter-drone capability, though it’s unclear if it was employed in this case. At least on the part of the U.S. military, the ability to decide to act seems to be much clearer-cut, in general. At the same time, what happened overnight underscores the importance of interagency coordination and communication, especially with the public and among stakeholders, which seems to still be sorely lacking.

General concerns about drone threats to the U.S. homeland, especially to military assets and other critical infrastructure, have been steadily building up for some time now, as well. This has included collisions and near-misses with U.S military aircraft flying over training ranges, as well as incidents involving U.S. naval forces offshore. Reported drone incursions over nuclear power plants and other facilities have spiked in recent years.

In many instances, drone concerns have become intertwined with claimed sightings of what are often now referred to as unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP), or what used to be more commonly called unidentified flying objects (UFO).

Altogether, questions do still remain about what exactly prompted the airspace restrictions around El Paso today, but they do serve to underscore real concerns about drone threats that have been growing for some time.

Update: 1:55 PM EST –

CBS News and CNN have both now reported that a breakdown in coordination between the U.S. military and the FAA over the employment of a counter-drone system armed with a laser directed energy weapon contributed to the imposition of the flight restrictions around El Paso.

“Meetings were scheduled over safety impacts, but Pentagon officials wanted to test the technology sooner,” according to CBS News, citing multiple unnamed sources. “Airlines were also aware of the apparent impasse between the FAA and Pentagon officials over the issue because the Pentagon has been using Fort Bliss for anti-cartel drone operations without sharing information with the FAA.”

SCOOP: The unexpected airspace closure in El Paso stemmed from disagreements over drone-related tests, sources told @CBSNews. Pentagon had undertaken extensive planning on use of military tech near Fort Bliss. Two sources identified the technology as a high-energy laser.
Earlier…

— Jennifer Jacobs (@JenniferJJacobs) February 11, 2026

“It’s unclear if the presence of [cartel] drones might have led to the acceleration of the deployment of the laser system,” per CNN‘s report, which also cites multiple anonymous sources.

CBS News‘ report also says the same “anti-drone technology was launched near the southern border to shoot down what appeared to be foreign drones” earlier this week, but what was ultimately shot down “turned out to be a party balloon.” The story separately says that “one official said at least one cartel drone was successfully disabled,” but it is unclear when that engagement may have occurred.

Questions remain about the exact chain of events that led the FAA to impose the temporary flight restrictions around El Paso.

“The statement by the administration that this shutdown was linked to a Mexican cartel drone that came into US airspace — that is not my understanding,” Rep. Escobar said at a press conference today.

”What happened in El Paso last night is unacceptable,” Rick Larsen and Andre Carson, Democratic Party representatives from Washington State and Indiana, respectively, also said in a joint statement. ”While we’re not happy with the disruption, we commend the FAA for taking swift action to protect travelers and ensure the safety of U.S. airspace.”

Larsen and Carson both sit on the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.

“This chaotic outcome is the result of hamhanded language forced into the NDAA [the National Defense Authorization Act, the annual defense policy bill] by the White House that allowed the Pentagon to act recklessly in the public airspace,” their statement added. “We look forward to pursuing a bipartisan solution that strengthens interagency coordination and ensures that the Department of Defense will not jeopardize safety and disrupt the freedom to travel.”

Author’s note: The headline to this story was changed to reflect new information.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Feb. 10 (Asia Today) — South Korea’s military-police joint investigation task force has conducted search-and-seizure operations at the National Intelligence Service and the Army Intelligence Command as part of a widening probe into allegations that drones were sent into North Korea with possible involvement by intelligence officials.

The task force said it executed warrants at 18 locations, including intelligence agencies, as well as the homes and offices of civilian suspects. Investigators are examining whether intelligence personnel contacted the alleged main perpetrator and provided cash payments related to the drone activities.

The NIS has denied any institutional involvement, saying there was no government-level direction. However, critics argue that the scale and nature of the alleged operation make it difficult to believe it occurred without awareness within the intelligence community.

According to the task force, three active-duty officers – a major and a captain from the Army Intelligence Command and a captain from a separate military unit – have been booked on suspicion of violating the Aviation Safety Act and other charges. Three civilians accused of launching drones toward North Korea from border areas have also been additionally charged under the Criminal Act with general offenses against the state.

Earlier, investigators booked three civilians, including the head of a drone manufacturing company, a company executive responsible for North Korea-related operations and a graduate student who claimed to have flown drones into the North. During the investigation, authorities identified evidence suggesting that one NIS employee and three active-duty military personnel contacted the graduate student and provided several million won in cash described as activity expenses.

The Army Intelligence Command said the civilian was recruited as a collaborator to assist intelligence-gathering activities, not to carry out drone operations. The NIS said the employee involved had never held a position allowing access to agency funds and had not used intelligence budgets.

Investigators and analysts, however, question whether a civilian could independently carry out drone infiltration activities targeting North Korea. Given the suspect’s repeated contact with intelligence officers, some observers say it is likely the incident was at least known within intelligence circles.

A source familiar with intelligence operations said it was premature to draw firm conclusions but noted that, given the nature of the alleged activity, it is difficult to rule out prior awareness or information sharing within the intelligence system. The NIS holds authority over budget oversight and operational audits of domestic intelligence bodies, raising further questions about internal controls.

The case has also reignited criticism of South Korea’s intelligence agencies as highly closed organizations, with tightly compartmentalized budgets and operations. Some analysts argue that such structures could allow activities inconsistent with the government’s stated North Korea policy to be carried out without effective civilian oversight.

“Operations of this scale are structurally difficult for a single agency to carry out alone,” another source said. “Given the command and budgetary framework, it is hard to understand how this could have proceeded without passing through the NIS.”

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260210010003810

The YFQ-42 has been selected by the USMC “for evaluation in the Marine Air-Ground Task Force Uncrewed Expeditionary Tactical Aircraft (MUX TACAIR) Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) program,” according to a release from the manufacturer of the drone, General Atomics. The aircraft is one of two Collaborative Combat Aircraft (uncrewed ‘fighters’) that the USAF has selected to enter flight testing, which is ongoing now. Under the new deal, General Atomics will use its “expertise in autonomy and uncrewed aircraft systems with a government-provided mission package, using the YFQ-42A platform as a surrogate to evaluate integration with crewed fighters.”

This sounds like a significant step for the USMC and the YFQ-42, but what does it actually mean? We reached out to General Atomics for some answers.

Before we get to that, what we know is that the YFQ-42 will have a USMC-provided ‘digital brain’ installed in it, after which it will work as a surrogate for CCAs, in general, to help the Marines explore how they actually integrate with them on a MAGTF (Marine Air Ground Task Force) level alongside crewed fighters. The CCA trials, which sound more complex than anything the USMC has disclosed before in regard to their CCA program, will help pave the way for future manned-unmanned teaming capabilities within the service.

Up until now, the Marines have primarily used the XQ-58 Valkyrie, a low-cost stealth drone built by Kratos that is quite different in its original form than the YFQ-42, for CCA autonomy testing. The USMC is moving forward with that platform, evolving it relatively dramatically into the MQ-58 in the process, which you can read about here. So, bringing in General Atomics’ CCA product for this kind of testing is certainly a new development. It’s worth noting that the YFQ-42 is only a USAF program inside the Pentagon.

YFQ-42A CCA: The Future of Airpower. Ready today.

As for the ‘mission package’ that will be installed aboard the YFQ-42, General Atomics describes it in a release as such:

“The USMC contract includes the rapid development of autonomy for the government-supplied mission kit — a cost-effective, sensor-rich, software-defined suite capable of delivering kinetic and non-kinetic effects — positioning the solution for use in expeditionary operations. This work will support evaluations of future MUX TACAIR capabilities.”

MUX TACAIR (Marine Air-Ground Task Force Uncrewed Expeditionary Tactical Aircraft) is the umbrella under which the USMC is currently pursuing CCA-type drones. The service is currently planning at least three incremental development phases. Increment 1 is the MQ-58, which the service has said in past budget documents is focused primarily on the “rapid and relevant capability delivery of a Minimum Viable Product (MVP).” A new USMC Aviation Plan released today shows the goal now is to field Increment 2 and Increment 3 capabilities in the 2030-2035 and 2035-2040 timeframes, respectively. These increments are unrelated to the ones the USAF has planned for its CCA program. However, the two services, as well as the Navy, are actively cooperating on the development of relevant capabilities, including common command and control architectures.

YFQ-42 leverages General Atomics’ previous work on an experimental drone called the XQ-67A Off-Board Sensing Station (OBSS), developed for the USAF, and the company’s Gambit family. Gambit is an ecosystem of different designs that all use the same central ‘chassis’ equipped with mission systems and the aircraft’s ‘brains,’ as well as its undercarriage. The airframes installed on top can be radically disparate in design. This, in theory, would lead to greater efficiency and adaptability across a wide range of mission sets, while keeping costs low. Gambit is paired with an open architecture digital backbone that also allows for rapid iteration and integration of new capabilities, such as software, sensors, and weapons.

Gambit Series: The Future of Air Dominance

Still, after reading the official release, we had questions. So we reached out to General Atomics, and here is what C. Mark Brinkley, the senior spokesman for the firm’s Aeronautical Systems, Inc., division, told us:

Q: What kinds of tests are intended for this mission package/MAGTF integration with the YFQ-42?

A: The Marine Corps will be looking at datalink integration and various sensor modalities, which are certainly sweet spots for General Atomics. Our three uncrewed jets are generating a lot of flight hours in these areas, and many others, so we have a strong history of performance. The YFQ-42A is a fantastic aircraft, and we’re excited for the Marine Corps to see what it can do.

Q: Who will own the YFQ-42 used for these tests?

A: This aircraft will be a General Atomics capital asset. GA-ASI is betting on our people and our products, which is how we have operated for more than three decades. So the aircraft is in full-rate production now, at our own forecast and expense, to speed the acquisition process for our customers. We are building unmanned fighters on our own investment because we believe the demand is high and the need is immediate. Our owners reinvest about 35 percent of revenue back into the company every year, including internal research and development, capital assets, facility upgrades and expansion, and more. We invested a billion dollars of our own money to bring the MQ-9B to market and now we have 14 customers worldwide. We recently broke ground on our new hangar in the desert to meet demand across all products. And we’re building a fleet of fighter jets at risk, specifically to answer these types of requests.

Q: How challenging is it for YFQ-42 (and I am assuming the Gambit family) to integrate a new ‘brain?’

A: It’s not challenging for us at all. I’ve lost count of how many different AI pilots we have integrated into our three jet types at this point. Between the work we’ve done with MQ-20 Avenger, XQ-67A OBSS and YFQ-42A CCA, we have flown at least a half dozen different AI pilots over time. Last year, during a company-funded demo, Avenger switched between the GA-ASI TacACE pilot and the Shield AI Hivemind pilot mid-flight. As new customers select a Gambit Series aircraft, we know that the autonomy software will change, and it will evolve over time. So we designed the aircraft to support that, and we’re putting in a lot of work to support that.

Q: Is YFQ-42 being evaluated by the USMC for procurement, beyond being used as a test surrogate?

A: Currently, the role is as a CCA test surrogate. However, we see potential for it to be considered for Increment 2, absolutely. It’s a great fighter.

Q: Can you give us an update on the YFQ-42 flight test program?

A: There’s not much new I can say about the Air Force program that hasn’t been said already. Our work there is ongoing, and we’re very pleased with the results so far. Specific updates should come from the Air Force, but General Atomics sees a bright future for the aircraft. GA-ASI is the most advanced, most lethal, unmanned aircraft manufacturer in the world, and our aircraft are unlike anything else in the global market. We’ve been building combat jets since 2008. We have more than 500,000 autonomous takeoffs and landings. We’ve been advancing airborne autonomy for about a decade at this point. This is what we do.

So there you have it, while these tests will be broad in scope, well above evaluating the platform being used, it certainly will give the USMC a close-up look at the YFQ-42, which is becoming increasingly similar to Kratos’ XQ-58 as that drone becomes larger, more complex, and capable of runway operations.

In the end, if the CCA concept truly pans out as promised — which remains a glaring question — it is very unlikely to be ‘owned’ by a single company and a small handful of their designs. The iterative nature of the services’ competitions for CCAs alone makes such a circumstance a farce. Services will more likely than not procure a variety of airframes, all with different attributes, from different vendors over time, and their brains, along with the software that is installed in them, could be equally as varied, if not more so.

Regardless, the YFQ-42 has just officially been selected to be put to work for the Marines, which marks a significant vote of confidence in General Atomics’ design.

Contact the author: Tyler@twz.com

United Nations human rights chief also decries ‘preventable human rights catastrophe’ in Sudan’s el-Fasher.

Fatal drone strikes on civilians persist in Sudan’s Kordofan, as the central region has emerged as the latest front line in Sudan’s nearly three-year conflict, the United Nations has said.

Addressing the Human Rights Council in Geneva on Monday, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk painted a grim picture of the conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which has plunged the country into widespread bloodshed and humanitarian catastrophe.

“We can only expect worse to come” unless decisive steps are taken by the international community to stop the fighting, Turk said, emphasising that inaction would lead to even greater horrors.

Turk also highlighted harrowing survivor testimonies from el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, which fell to RSF forces in October following an 18-month siege. He described accounts of atrocity crimes committed by the paramilitary after it overran the city, including mass killings and other grave violations targeting civilians.

“Responsibility for these atrocity crimes lies squarely with the [RSF] and their allies and supporters,” he said

As Sudan’s devastating civil war expands beyond the western Darfur region into the central Kordofan areas, Turk cautioned that the shift in fighting is likely to bring even more severe violations against civilians, expressing deep concern over the potential for additional grave abuses, specifically highlighting the increasing use of “advanced drone weaponry systems” by both warring parties.

“In the last two weeks, the SAF and allied Joint Forces broke the sieges on Kadugli and Dilling,” Turk said. “But drone strikes by both sides continue, resulting in dozens of civilian deaths and injuries.”

Turk’s office has documented more than 90 civilian deaths and 142 injuries caused by drone strikes carried ⁠out by both the RSF and the armed forces from late January to February 6, he said.

Among those incidents were three strikes on health facilities in South Kordofan that killed 31 people last week, according to the World Health Organization.

On February 7, a drone attack carried out by the RSF hit a vehicle transporting displaced families in central Sudan, killing at least 24 people, including eight children, the Sudan Doctors Network said.

The latest attacks follow a series of drone attacks on humanitarian aid convoys and fuel trucks across North Kordofan.

The UN human rights chief said he has witnessed the destruction caused by RSF attacks on Sudan’s Merowe Dam and its hydroelectric power station.

“Repeated drone strikes have disrupted power and water supplies to huge numbers of people, with a serious impact on healthcare,” he said.

Ukraine braced for more attacks on its energy infrastructure this week as winter temperatures continued to fall to -20 degrees Celsius (-4 degrees Fahrenheit), and sought to adapt its defences against Russian drones.

On Thursday, Ukraine’s energy minister, Denys Shmyal, warned Ukrainians to prepare for more power blackouts in the coming days as Russian air attacks continued.

Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said Russia had struck energy infrastructure 217 times this year. Shmyal said 200 emergency crews were working to restore power to 1,100 buildings in Kyiv alone.

Russia has been targeting Ukrainian power stations, gas pipelines and power cables since mid-January, leaving hundreds of thousands of people without heat or electricity at various points.

On January 29, US President Donald Trump told a cabinet meeting that Russian President Vladimir Putin had agreed to halt strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure for a week, something the Kremlin confirmed.

“I personally asked President Putin not to fire into Kyiv and various towns for a week, and he agreed to do that,” Trump said.

It was unclear when that conversation happened, exactly, but on Tuesday this week, Russia unleashed one of its biggest strikes ever on energy infrastructure in Kyiv and Kharkiv, deploying 71 missiles and 450 drones.

Ukraine’s Air Force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat said Ukraine had only managed to shoot down 38 of the missiles because a very high proportion of them were ballistic.

Russia’s defence ministry claimed it was targeting storage sites for unmanned aerial vehicles, defence enterprises and their energy supply.

The strike coincided with a visit to Kyiv by NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, and came a day before tripartite talks among Russia, Ukraine and the US resumed in Abu Dhabi.

“Last night, in our view, the Russians broke their promise,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in his news conference with Rutte. “So, either Russia now thinks that a week is less than four days instead of seven, or they are genuinely betting only on war.”

The strike also came just as Kyiv had managed to reduce the number of apartment buildings without heat from 3,500 three days earlier, to about 500.

At least two people, both aged 18, were killed as they walked on a street in Zaporizhzhia, southeast Ukraine.

Even on relatively quiet days, Russia causes civilian deaths. On Sunday, February 1, Russia killed a dozen miners when a drone struck the bus that was taking them to work in Ukraine’s central Dnipro region.

Evolving drone tactics

During the few days in which it did observe the moratorium on energy-related strikes, Russia focused on striking Ukrainian logistics instead and made attempts to extend the reach of its drones.

Ukrainian Defence Ministry Adviser on Technology and Drone Warfare Serhiy “Flash” Beskrestnov reported that Russian drones were striking Ukrainian trucks 50km (31 miles) from the front line. He also said Russia had adapted its Geran drone to act “as a carrier” for smaller, first-person view (FPV) drones, doubling up two relatively cheap systems for greater range.

Ukrainian broadcaster Suspilne said Russia had begun these new tactics in mid-January.

Ukraine’s Air Force has managed to down about 90 percent of Russia’s long-range drones, and a high proportion of its missiles – almost 22,000 targets in January alone.

Zelenskyy recently demanded better results, however, and one of the Ukrainian responses to Russian tactics has been a new, short-range “small air defence” force that uses drones to counter drones.

“Hundreds of UAV [unmanned aerial vehicle] crews have already been transferred to the operational control of the Air Force grouping – they are performing tasks in the first and second echelons of interception,” wrote Ukrainian commander-in-chief Oleksandr Syrskii on Wednesday this week.

Ukraine’s second response has been to disable Russian Starlink terminals, which Russia uses extensively on the battlefield, and has recently begun mounting on UAVs.

Starlink uses low-orbit satellites and is impervious to jamming, allowing Russia to change a drone’s intended target while it is in mid-flight.

Ukraine’s newly installed defence minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, has been creating a “white list” of Starlink terminals used by the armed forces of Ukraine, and sent them to Starlink owner Elon Musk, asking him to keep these operational while shutting down all others in the Ukraine theatre.

“Soon, only verified and registered terminals will operate in Ukraine. Everything else will be disconnected,” Fedorov wrote on Telegram.

“Looks like the steps we took to stop the unauthorized use of Starlink by Russia have worked. Let us know if more needs to be done,” Musk wrote on Twitter on Sunday.

Fedorov and Beskrestnov have been asking Ukrainian soldiers and civilians to register any Starlink terminals they acquire privately on the white list.

More sanctions on the way

On the day of Russia’s large strike, Zelenskyy appealed to the US to pass a bill long in the making that would impose more sanctions on buyers of Russian oil. China is the biggest, followed by India.

The previous day, Trump said Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had agreed to stop buying Russian oil. “He agreed to stop buying Russian Oil, and to buy much more from the United States and, potentially, Venezuela. This will help END THE WAR in Ukraine,” he wrote on his social media platform.

A Russian government source told Reuters that an assumed 30 percent drop in oil sales to India, and lower sales to other customers, could triple Moscow’s planned budget deficit this year from 1.6 percent of GDP to 3.5 percent or 4.4 percent. Government data released on Wednesday showed the Kremlin’s revenues from energy at $5.13bn in January, half the level of January 2025.

Zelenskyy also discussed a 20th sanctions package under preparation with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. “We can already see what is happening to the Russian economy and what could follow if the pressure is applied effectively,” he said.

Russia has made little headway in its ground war in the past three years, a fact repeatedly documented, most recently by a CSIS report. Despite this, its top officials continued to insist last week on terms of peace that would force Ukraine to give up control of four of its southeastern regions, cut down its armed forces and agree not to join NATO – terms Ukraine refuses.

The resumed talks in Abu Dhabi on Wednesday and Thursday yielded only a prisoner-of-war exchange of 157 a side.

New Pentagon guidance for defending critical infrastructure against drone attacks calls for the increased use of netting, cables, and other kinds of passive physical defenses. This reflects a notable shift in policy within the department. For years now, U.S. military officials have often pushed back on the utility and cost-effectiveness of investing more in the physical hardening of bases and other critical facilities, especially shelters to shield aircraft from drones and other threats.

The Joint Inter-Agency Task Force 401 (JIATF-401) released the three-page document on “Physical Protection of Critical Infrastructure” last Friday. The Pentagon established JIATF-401 last August to coordinate counter-drone efforts across the department and help accelerate the fielding of new capabilities. Last week, the Pentagon also announced new authorities for military base commanders, expanding their options for responding to drone threats more broadly.

The new guidance from JIATF-401 talks about “critical infrastructure” mostly in terms of civilian sites ranging from power plants to sports venues. Drones do present real and still growing threats to critical civilian infrastructure, something TWZ has been calling attention to for years now. The Pentagon explicitly said the document had been released as part of work it has been doing in cooperation with the White House’s FIFA Task Force, which is preparing for the United States to host the World Cup later this year. However, it is made clear that the contents are equally applicable to helping protect military facilities from uncrewed aerial systems.

“When we talk about Homeland defense, we’re not just talking about military bases, power grids and ports; we’re talking about places where Americans gather. With major international events like the World Cup on the horizon, the security of our stadiums, for example, is a national priority,” U.S. Army Brig. Gen. Matt Ross, Director of JIATF-401, said in a statement accompanying the release. “Whether it’s a forward operating base, an outdoor concert venue or a stadium hosting the World Cup, the principles of risk assessment and physical protection outlined in this guide remain the same. This new guidance provides a common playbook for our forces to work closely with federal and local partners to ensure a safe and secure environment against the growing challenge of nefarious drones.”

The new counter-drone guidance’s central concept is a framework called HOP, standing for Harden, Obscure, Perimeter.

“Hardening does not mean enclosing an entire facility, but selectively introducing obstacles that disrupt predictable aerial access,” the document explains. “Even modest obstacles can deter low-cost, consumer-grade drones and force higher-risk flight profiles.”

As noted, the guidance highlights nets and tensioned cables as examples of this kind of cost-effective hardening. It also recommends closing retractable roofs and otherwise covering any other roof openings where and when it is feasible to do so. Underscoring the immediate focus on the World Cup, the document notes that “netting used to protect fans from projectiles can be repurposed to disrupt sUAS [small uncrewed aerial systems] flight and observation.”

The guidance also recommends the construction of more substantial “permanent or semi-permanent structural shielding, including concrete walls, enclosures, or hardened roofs designed to protect critical systems from overhead approach, observation, or objects released from a UAS.”

We will come back to all of this in a moment.

The “Obscure” component of the HOP framework focuses on making it harder for drones and their operators to find their targets in the first place. This can include an array of different tactics, techniques, and procedures, such as physical camouflage and decoys, as well as regular changes to how personnel and assets move through a facility. “If a drone cannot easily identify targets, crowds, or critical systems, its effectiveness drops sharply,” the new guidance notes.

Lastly, there is the “Perimeter” portion of the HOP framework, which is centered on expanded security zones around a specific site and ways to improve general situational awareness. “Pushing the effective perimeter outward forces drones to operate at greater distance, which strains battery life, degrades video and control links, increases the chance of operator exposure, [and] creates a larger safety buffer if a drone is downed.”

As an aside, the recently announced new counter-drone authorities for the commanders of U.S. military bases include the ability to respond to threats inside expanded zones beyond the facility’s immediate “fence-line.” The right-sizing of perimeters around domestic facilities and their enforcement has been a particularly complex issue for the U.S. government when it comes to counter-drone policies in recent years. Potential second-order impacts to surrounding areas, especially in densely populated urban environments, have to be taken into account and mitigated. This all imposes limits on the kind of assets that can be employed to neutralize drone threats once they’ve been detected, as you can read more about here.

As mentioned, the “Harden” part of the HOP frame stands out given how U.S. military officials have treated the topic in the past, at least publicly.

“We will have the need for bases, the main operating bases from which we operate,” U.S. Air Force Gen. Kevin Schneider, head of Pacific Air Forces (PACAF), said during a panel at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) 2025 Warfare Symposium last March. “The challenge becomes, at some point, we will need to move to austere locations. We will need to disaggregate the force. We will need to operate out of other locations, again, one for survivability, and two, again, to provide response options.”

Schneider added at that time that his service was faced with the need to “make internal trades” in how to apply available funding, including “do we put that dollar towards, you know, fixing the infrastructure at Kadena [Air Base in Japan] or do we put that dollar towards restoring an airfield at Tinian.”

“I got tons of airfields from tons of allies, and we have access to all of them. The problem is, I can only protect a few of them,” now-retired Air Force Gen. James Hecker, then head of U.S. Air Forces in Europe (USAFE), another member of that same panel, had also said. “We can’t have that layered [defensive] effect for thousands of airbases. There’s just no way it’s going to happen.”

“I’m not a big fan of hardening infrastructure,” Gen. Kenneth Wilsbach, then head of PACAF, had also said at a media roundtable at the Air & Space Forces Association’s main annual symposium back in 2023. “The reason is because of the advent of precision-guided weapons… you saw what we did to the Iraqi Air Force and their hardened aircraft shelters. They’re not so hard when you put a 2,000-pound bomb right through the roof.”

It is worth noting here that traditional high-end guided missiles and other precision-guided munitions are no longer necessarily required to carry out strikes of this kind. Drones costing thousands of dollars, and able to be launched from very long distances away, can now execute precision attacks.

Wilsbach is now Chief of Staff of the Air Force, the service’s top officer.

The U.S. military has faced pushback from Congress on the topic of hardening. Multiple independent assessments have also raised alarms. TWZ has been following this often-heated debate closely.

There have been signs that the U.S. military’s position on hardening, and that of the Air Force’s more specifically, has been shifting already. In 2024, authorities at Langley Air Force Base in Virginia and Seymour Johnson Air Force Base in North Carolina both put out contracting notices asking for information about nets and other physical barriers to stop potential drone attacks. Langley had become a focal point for the drone threat discussion by that point after the base was subjected to weeks of still largely unexplained drone incursions in December 2023, which we were first to report.

Last year, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) announced that it had developed upgrades for a family of modular, rapidly deployable protective structures specifically to improve their effectiveness against drone attacks.

“The technology is not going to solve this problem for us. We can’t field a system that will stop every drone,” JIATF-401 director Brig. Gen. Ross told TWZ and other outlets during a press call in December in response to a direct question about physical hardening from this author. “At the end of that would be protection, which would be netting or fencing or physical barriers that would prevent a [sic] unmanned system from having its intended effect.”

Brig. Gen. Ross had said that this was among the things JIATF-401 had discussed in meetings with the FBI and other law enforcement agencies as part of World Cup preparations, presaging the release of the new guidance last week.

“As you think about protection, I would go all the way down to protective protection type assets, those will be included in our marketplace. And so if somebody wants to buy a $10,000 radar that has limited range, they’ll be able to buy it on the marketplace. If they want to buy a low cost interceptor for … [small drones] that just uses kinetic energy to defeat a drone – that’s a drone that hits a drone for $1,000 – they’ll be able to buy it on our marketplace,” he added. “If they want to buy physical barrier material, whether it’s a fishing net or a chain link fence, they’ll also be able to buy that as part of that counter-UAS marketplace.”

The central “marketplace” mentioned here, through which elements of the military and other U.S. government agencies can source counter-drone capabilities, is a key initiative that JIATF-401 has been working on and that you can learn more about here.

It is important to stress that U.S. military officials are unified in their position that there is no one-size-fits-all approach to countering drones. Physical hardening is just one part of a layered approach and is not a ‘silver bullet’ solution to protect against all types of drone threats. Active defenses, including electronic warfare jammers, drone-like interceptors like Brig. Gen. Ross mentioned, and more traditional anti-aircraft assets, are still part of the equation, to differing degrees, for defending against drones at home and abroad.

At the same time, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine has shown that even limited, lower-cost measures like netting can be useful for disrupting attacks by smaller kamikaze drones and loitering munitions in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

In Shebekino, Belgorod region, 41 apartment buildings have been covered with anti-drone nets. The local creatures are loving it – they joke about it and, as always, endure it with classic patience. pic.twitter.com/Q26fwKX1ut

— WarTranslated (@wartranslated) April 3, 2025

Last year, near-simultaneous covert attacks by Ukrainian forces on multiple air bases in Russia utilizing quadcopter-type kamikaze drones underscored the level of damage that even lower-tier uncrewed aerial attackers can inflict on high-value targets. Mass drone attacks are only set to get more threatening as time goes on, as the barrier to entry on automated targeting and swarming capabilities lowers thanks to the steady proliferation of artificial intelligence and machine learning technologies. This, in turn, only increases the challenges for defenders, including the prospect of simply being overwhelmed. For years, TWZ has been separately sounding the alarm on how aircraft sitting on open flightlines are especially vulnerable, in general.

The russian terrorist state no longer has the ability to produce Tu-95s or any kind of strategic bomber. This is a tremendous victory for Ukraine. pic.twitter.com/SVeQE78v0h

— Michael MacKay (@mhmck) June 1, 2025

Outside of the United States, among adversaries and allies alike, there has also been a growing trend toward more physical hardening at air bases and other facilities. China has embarked on a particularly extensive effort to build new hardened and unhardened shelters at air bases across the country. The Chinese have been observed building other kinds of hardened infrastructure, including a new pattern of protected air defense sites along their disputed border with India, as well. Even before the unprecedented drone attacks last year, Russia had also been working to add new shelters, hardened and unhardened, to various air bases, but with a focus on ones closer to the fighting in Ukraine.

Structures that are sturdy enough even just to protect against shrapnel could have broader value, too. Just over a year ago, the Hudson Institute think tank in Washington, D.C., published a report assessing that 10 missiles with warheads capable of scattering cluster munitions across an area with a 450-foot diameter could be enough to neutralize all exposed aircraft on the ground and critical fuel storage at various key airbases. Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni in Japan and Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, as well as Langley in Virginia, were specifically highlighted, as seen below.

Overall, the Pentagon’s counter-drone prescriptions are still evolving, especially when it comes to defending bases and critical civilian infrastructure within the United States. At the same time, despite public stances that officials have taken in the past, hardened structures and other kinds of physical defenses have become an important part of the current counter-drone playbook.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

An F-35C Joint Strike Fighter flying from the supercarrier USS Abraham Lincoln has shot down an Iranian drone said to have “aggressively approached” the ship. Separately, American officials say that small boats and a drone belonging to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) harassed a U.S.-flagged merchant ship transiting the Strait of Hormuz. All of this comes amid a major ongoing U.S. military build-up in the region aimed squarely at Iran, as well as reports that American officials could be set to meet with their Iranian counterparts later in the week.

Reuters was first to report on the F-35C downing the Iranian drone, which was reportedly a Shahed-139. The Shahed-139 is a design roughly in the same class as the U.S. MQ-1 Predator, which could potentially carry small munitions. The Nimitz class USS Abraham Lincoln and elements of its strike group arrived in the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility last month after being ordered to head to the region from the Pacific.

“An F-35C fighter jet from Abraham Lincoln shot down the Iranian drone in self-defense and to protect the aircraft carrier and personnel on board. No American service members were harmed during the incident, and no U.S. equipment was damaged,” U.S. Navy Capt. Tim Hawkins, a spokesperson for U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), said in a statement to TWZ. “The unmanned aircraft aggressively approached a U.S. Navy aircraft carrier with unclear intent.”

“USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN 72) was transiting the Arabian Sea approximately 500 miles from Iran’s southern coast when an Iranian Shahed-139 drone unnecessarily maneuvered toward the ship,” Hawkins added. “The Iranian drone continued to fly toward the ship despite de-escalatory measures taken by U.S. forces operating in international waters.”

What weapon the F-35C used to down the Iranian drone is unknown. The carrier-based version of the Joint Strike Fighter can be armed with AIM-9X Sidewinders and AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM), and a 25mm gun pod, as well as various air-to-surface munitions. F-35Cs have been employed in the counter-drone role in the region in the past, downing uncrewed aerial threats launched by Iranian-backed Houthi militants in Yemen last year.

U.S. Marines also notably used a counter-drone vehicle lashed to the deck of the Wasp class amphibious assault ship USS Boxer to knock down an Iranian drone as the ship transited the Strait of Hormuz back in 2019. In that instance, the uncrewed aircraft was described as having come within a “threatening range” of the Boxer.

As a general aside, drones inherently present a lower risk of escalation because there is no danger of crew on board being harmed. This also has impacts on the risk calculus for employing uncrewed aerial systems more provocatively, as well as shooting them down.

At the same time, U.S. operations in and around the Red Sea in recent years have underscored the very real threat that drones, and specifically ones of Iranian origin, present to American carriers and other warships. The Houthis in Yemen have actively targeted American naval vessels with kamikaze drones, as well as anti-ship ballistic and cruise missiles, in the past.

“During a separate incident hours later in the Strait of Hormuz, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) forces harassed a U.S.-flagged, U.S.-crewed merchant vessel lawfully transiting the international sea passage. Two IRGC boats and an Iranian Mohajer drone approached M/V Stena Imperative at high speeds and threatened to board and seize the tanker,” Hawkins, the CENTCOM spokesperson, also said in his statement to TWZ. “Guided-missile destroyer USS McFaul (DDG 74) was operating in the area and immediately responded to the scene to escort M/V Stena Imperative with defensive air support from the U.S. Air Force.”

“The situation de-escalated as a result, and the U.S.-flagged tanker is proceeding safely. CENTCOM forces are operating at the highest levels of professionalism and ensuring the safety of U.S. personnel, ships, and aircraft in the Middle East,” Hawkins added. “Continued Iranian harassment and threats in international waters and airspace will not be tolerated. Iran’s unnecessary aggression near U.S. forces, regional partners and commercial vessels increases risks of collision, miscalculation, and regional destabilization.”

The Joint Maritime Information Center of the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) office has also issued a notice regarding what appears to be the same incident, which also does not name the ship that was harassed. Iran has a long history of harassing (and even seizing) foreign commercial and naval vessels in and around the Persian Gulf, especially at times of increased geopolitical friction with the United States.

As already noted, this all comes as U.S. military forces continue to flow into the Middle East. There have been reports for weeks now about the prospect of new American strikes on Iran, at least in part in retaliation for the country’s violent crackdown on recent nationwide protests. More recently, U.S. President Donald Trump has voiced interest in reaching some kind of deal with authorities in Iran, including over the future of that country’s nuclear program. There are reports that U.S. and Iranian officials could meet as soon as Friday in Turkey.

“We have ships heading to Iran right now, big ones — the biggest and the best — and we have talks going on with Iran and we’ll see how it all works out,” Trump said just yesterday while speaking to members of the press at the White House. “If we can work something out, that would be great and if we can’t, probably bad things would happen.”

How today’s events will impact U.S. decision-making going forward remains to be seen.

Update: 2:52 PM Eastern –

Despite the incident, Trump still prefers a diplomatic solution to the tensions with Iran, according to the White House.

Trump “remains committed to always pursuing diplomacy first,” White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt told Fox News. “But in order for diplomacy to work, of course, it takes two to tango. You need a willing partner to engage. And so that’s something the president and Special Envoy Witkoff are exploring and discussing right now.”

Witkoff, she added, “is set to have conversations with the Iranians later this week. Those are still scheduled as of right now, but of course, the president has always a range of options on the table, and that includes the use of military force. The Iranians know that better than anyone. Just look no further than the highly successful Operation Midnight Hammer, which took not just Iran but the entire world by surprise and completely obliterated their nuclear capabilities earlier last year.”

Speaking earlier on Fox News, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt confirms the shoot down of an Iranian drone that was “acting aggressively” towards the USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) today over the Arabian Sea, though states that President Trump remains committed to… pic.twitter.com/sVPzPjZIy8

— OSINTdefender (@sentdefender) February 3, 2026

Update: 3:35 PM Eastern –

The official Iranian Tasnim news outlet reported that the drone in question was actually a Shahed-129. As we have previously reported, it is similar to an MQ-9 Predator drone.

“The Shahed 129 drone was on its usual and legal mission in international waters, engaged in reconnaissance, monitoring, and filming, which is considered a normal and lawful action,” Tasnim posited. “This drone successfully sent its reconnaissance and identification images to the center but then lost communication. However, the reason for this communication loss is being investigated, and details will be provided once confirmed.”

The War Zone cannot independently verify Tasnim’s claims. 

Iranian state media says the drone (that the US shot down) successfully carried out its reconnaissance mission before it abruptly “lost contact”

“The reason for this communication cut is under investigation”, according to Tasnim News Agencyhttps://t.co/JDmehOv9Uz pic.twitter.com/MqUSGqnlBi

— Faytuks News (@Faytuks) February 3, 2026

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Feb. 2 (UPI) — A Russian drone strike in Ukraine’s southeastern Dnipropetrovsk region has killed at least 12 miners and injured eight more, according to officials who are accusing the Kremlin of attacking unarmed civilians.

DTEK Group, Ukraine’s largest private energy company, said a Russian drone struck a bus transporting staff from its Dnipropetrovsk mine, resulting in at least 20 casualties.

“The bus was hit as it was taking miners home after their shift,” the company said in a statement.

The strike was part of a large-scale Russian assault on DTEK’s mining facilities in the region, the company said as it extended its condolences to the families and loved ones of those killed.

Maxim Teimchenko, CEO of DTEK, accused Russia of conducting “an unprovoked terrorist attack on a purely civilian target.”

“This attack marks the single largest loss of life of DTEK employees since russia’s full-scale invasion and is one of the darkest days in our history,” he said.

“Their sacrifice will never be forgotten.”

Serhii Berskresnov, a Ukraine Defense Ministry adviser, identified the weapon used in the attack on Telegram as an Iran-made Shahed drone.

Using a MESH radio modem, the drone pilot deliberately attacked the bus after spotting it on the road, he said.

The drone struck near the bus, with its blast wave forcing the driver to lose control and crash into a fence, he said, adding that as the injured were exiting the vehicle, a second Shahed drone struck.

“The operators operating from the territory of Russia 100% saw and identified the target as civilian, saw they were not military and made a conscious decision to attack,” he said.

“This is yet another act of terrorism. I have no words.”

Russia has been widely accused of committing war crimes in its nearly 3-year-old war in Ukraine. From indiscriminate attacks on civilians to executions, torture and forced deportations, Russia has been repeatedly denounced for alleged war crimes that it denies.

The International Criminal Court has formally opened a war crimes and crimes against humanity investigation into Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and has issued arrest warrants for Russian officials, including its authoritarian president, Vladimir Putin.

The strike was one of numerous Russian attacks across Ukraine on Sunday, with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stating on X that people throughout the country were without heat and electricity. Railway infrastructure was hit in the Sumy region, he said.

During the month of January, Russia launched more than 6,000 attack drones, 5,550 guided aerial bombs and 158 missiles at Ukraine, Zelensky said.

“Virtually all of it targeted the energy sector, the railways and our infrastructure — everything that sustains normal life.”

On Saturday, Russia bombed a maternity hospital in Ukraine’s southern city of Zaporizhzhia, injuring six people, according to Prime Minister Yulia Svydenko.

“This is the nature of Russia’s war,” she said.

The attacks occurred during a cold February that has seen the temperatures drop well below freezing, according to the country’s hydrometeorological center.

The strikes come despite U.S. President Donald Trump stating last week that Putin promised him that Russia would refrain from hitting Ukraine for a week.

“I personally asked President Putin not to fire into Kyiv and the various towns for a week, and he agreed to that,” he said during a cabinet meeting without making clear which towns, cities and regions that the Russian leader had agreed not to attack.

“We’re very happy that they did it.”

Trump has been pushing since before he returned to office to end the war, which he vowed to do during his first 24 hours back in the White House.

Zelensky confirmed Sunday that dates for the next trilateral meetings for a cease-fire between the United States and Russia have been set for Wednesday and Thursday in Abu Dhabi.

“Ukraine is ready for a substantive discussion, and we are interested in ensuring that the outcome brings us closer to a real and dignified end to the war,” he said.

Russian drone strike kills 12 mine workers in Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk region, injuring seven others.

At least 12 people have been killed in a Russian drone attack on a bus carrying miners in ​Ukraine’s southeastern Dnipropetrovsk region, the country’s energy minister said.

“Today, the enemy carried out a cynical and targeted attack on energy sector workers in the Dnipro region,” Minister of Energy Denys Shmyhal posted on Telegram on Sunday.

“As a result of the terrorist attack, 12 mine workers were killed and seven more were injured.”

Police said the attack took place in the ‌city of Ternivka. Footage posted by the State Emergencies Service showed a charred bus with ‌shattered windows that had veered off ⁠the road.

Energy firm DTEK said in a statement that the killed and wounded were its employees returning from a shift.

Earlier on Sunday, regional officials said at least nine people had been wounded in Russian strikes on a maternity hospital and a residential building in the ‌southeastern city of Zaporizhzhia.

The attacks come days after United States President Donald Trump said Russian President Vladimir Putin had agreed to temporarily halt the targeting of the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv and other cities, amid freezing temperatures that have brought widespread hardship to Ukrainians.

The Kremlin confirmed on Friday that it agreed to suspend attacks on Kyiv until Sunday, but did not reveal any further details.

Russia and Ukraine held trilateral talks with the US in the UAE capital, Abu Dhabi, last month and are expected to meet for a second round this month, amid ongoing US pressure to end their nearly four-year war.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Sunday that the second round of talks ‍would take ⁠place in Abu Dhabi on Wednesday and Thursday.

While Ukrainian and Russian officials have agreed in principle with Washington’s demands for a compromise, Moscow and Kyiv differ deeply over what an agreement should look like.

A central issue is whether Russia should keep or withdraw from areas of Ukraine its forces have occupied, especially Ukraine’s eastern industrial heartland called the Donbas, and whether it should get land there that it has not yet captured.

The attack comes amid fears of a return to conflict following clashes between government troops and Tigrayan forces.

One person has been killed and another injured in drone strikes in Ethiopia’s ‍northern Tigray ‍region, a senior Tigrayan official and a humanitarian worker said, in another sign of renewed conflict between regional and federal forces.

The Tigrayan official on Saturday said the drone strikes hit two Isuzu trucks near Enticho and Gendebta, two places in Tigray about 20km (12 miles) apart.

The official said the Ethiopian National Defence Force launched the strikes, but ​did not provide evidence.

A local humanitarian worker confirmed the strikes had happened. Both asked not to be named, the Reuters news agency reported.

It was not immediately clear what the trucks were carrying.

TPLF-affiliated news outlet Dimtsi Weyane posted pictures on Facebook that ‌it said showed the trucks damaged in the strikes. It said the trucks were transporting food ‌and cooking items.

Pro-government activists posting on ⁠social media said the trucks were carrying weapons.

Ethiopia’s national army fought fighters from the Tigray People’s ⁠Liberation Front (TPLF) for two years until late 2022, in a war ​researchers say killed hundreds of thousands through direct violence, the ‍collapse of healthcare and famine.

Fighting broke out between regional and national forces in Tsemlet in the disputed territory of western Tigray earlier this week, an area claimed by forces from the neighbouring Amhara region.

Tension has been brewing over the presence of troops from Amhara and the neighbouring country of Eritrea in Tigray, violating a peace deal in November 2022 that ended the war.

Last year, the head of Tigray’s interim administration established by Addis Ababa was forced to flee Mekele, the regional capital, amid growing divisions within the TPLF, which controlled all of Ethiopia before being displaced by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

Addis Ababa accuses the group of forging ties with neighbouring Eritrea and “actively preparing to wage war against Ethiopia”.

Earlier this week, national carrier Ethiopian Airlines cancelled flights to Tigray, where residents rushed to try to withdraw cash from banks.

The Tigray ‌war ended in 2022, but disagreements have continued over a range of issues, including contested territories in western ‍Tigray, and the delayed disarmament of Tigray forces.

The province is also suffering the effects of United States President Donald Trump’s funding cuts to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) last year, which was once Ethiopia’s largest source of humanitarian aid.

Humanitarian organisations say up to 80 percent of the population is in need of emergency support, and funding shortfalls are placing a strain on the health system.

The African Union’s chairperson, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, on Friday urged all parties to “exercise maximum restraint” and “resolve all outstanding issues through constructive dialogue”.

He emphasised the importance of preserving the “hard-won gains achieved under the AU-led Permanent Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA)” signed in Pretoria in 2022.