Driving

KATIE Price has been banned from driving for the seventh time – meaning she’s spent six years since 2010 barred from getting behind the wheel.

The ex-glamour model and mum-of-five’s latest run-in with the law comes after a Ford Capri registered to her was caught at 80mph on the A64 near Strutton in North Yorkshire.

CCTV released by police shows the 47-year-old behind the wheel during the incident on October 15, 2025, the same day Price appeared on stage with celeb pal Kerry Katona for An Evening with Katie Price & Kerry Katona at Scarborough Spa.

She has now been prosecuted and convicted of failing to respond to police, landing her with a six-month driving ban and a legal bill topping £1,000.

A judge previously described her as having “one of the worst driving records” they had ever seen.

The TV personality has also admitted it had been very hard to get the insurance she needs because of her history with driving.

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Katie Price banned from driving for SEVENTH time over 80mph speeding ticket

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Speaking previously to The Sun, Price also said she was sure someone she knows had left anonymous complaints to the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency (DVLA), accusing her of being “not fit to drive” to stop her getting her licence back.

Katie Price’s seven driving bans

• Ban 1 – December 2010: Price was given 12 points between June 2008 and December 2010, resulting in a six month ban
• Ban 2 – August 2012: She was slapped with a 12-month ban after failing to respond to two speeding tickets
• Ban 3 – February 2018: The star was banned for another six months for failing to give details about the person driving her speeding car
• Ban 4 – January 2019: Price was banned for a further three months for driving while banned
• Ban 5 – November 2019 she was issued with another ban, this time for two years – which was eventually cut to 18 months on appeal
• Ban 6 – December 2021: Price was arrested for turning over her BMW and as a result was banned for a sixth time for two years
• Ban 7 – April 2026: Court papers show Price was charged with speeding and failing to give information relating to the identification of the driver of a vehicle after being caught driving at 80mph

Ban 1 – December 2010

In June 2008 she was given three points for talking on her phone while behind the wheel.

In July 2010 she was given another four points for speeding at 99mph, and a further three that September for veering from her lane in her 7½-ton pink horsebox.

Price’s first ban, for six months, came that December after she was given three more points for doing 83mph.

Ban 2 – August 2012

In August 2012, she was slapped with a 12-month ban after failing to respond to two speeding tickets.

Ban 3 – February 2018

In February 2018, the star was banned for another six months for failing to give details about the person driving her speeding car.

Ban 4 – January 2019

The following January saw Price banned for a further three months for driving while banned, and then a month later was slapped with another three months.

Ban 5 – November 2019

Later that November she was issued with another ban, this time for two years – which was eventually cut to 18 months on appeal.

Ban 6 – December 2021

In September 2021 Price was arrested for turning over her BMW in a drink driving smash in Horsham, West Sussex, and as a result was banned for a sixth time for two years and given a suspended sentence that December.

Repeat offenders would usually face a minimum of 12 weeks behind bars but her sentence was reduced below the custody threshold after she entered rehab while on holiday in Las Vegas.

At Crawley magistrates’ court on December 14 2021, District Judge Amanda Kelly admitted the public would be “appalled” — and that Price deserved to be spending Christmas behind bars.

She added: “Your actions on that night were incredibly selfish.

“When you chose to get behind the wheel of the car that night, you showed no consideration for others.

“You could have killed someone’s child, partner, parent or friend.

“You appear to think, it seems, that you are above the law.”

Speaking about the incident to The Sun, Price said: “I could have killed myself.

“I could have killed someone else. I deserved to be punished, enough was enough.

“Getting in the car was a terrible mistake I’m so sorry for.

“That was a prime example of me having been triggered and not knowing how to handle it, an example of me spiralling out of control because I needed help.”

Ban 7 – April 2026

Price’s latest conviction and driving disqualification was dealt with last week in the Single Justice Procedure, a secretive court process where magistrates deal with criminal cases behind closed doors.

Court papers show Price was charged with speeding and failing to give information relating to the identification of the driver of a vehicle.

The Ford Capri was caught on a speed camera on a 70mph stretch of the A64 at 3.03pm on October 15 last year.

She was sent a police letter about the incident on October 20, and a reminder on November 10, warning her of looming criminal proceedings.

However, the police force said no response was received to either letter.

Magistrate Claire Sagar, sitting at Harrogate Magistrates’ Court last Tuesday, found Price guilty of the failure to respond to police charge, ordering her to pay a £660 fine, £120 in costs, and a £264 victim surcharge.

Due to the secretive nature of the court process, it is not known if Price was given the chance to argue against another driving ban, it is unclear whether the court knew of her previous driving record, and the records do not reveal if she already had penalty points on her licence.

The speeding charge was withdrawn by the police.

The Sun has approached Price’s reps for comment.

During the first month of the US-Israel war on Iran, the Houthis adopted a cautious approach, even though many expected them to move faster based on the nature of their close relationship with Tehran. This assessment is not wrong — the relationship is indeed strong — but what this view misses is that decision-making within the Yemeni group has increasingly become the product of an extended internal debate.

This debate goes back to the Houthis’ decision to launch military action in support of Gaza after Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023. After the United States and Israel launched retaliatory strikes in March 2025, which lasted for two months, an agreement was brokered by Oman in May, bringing the fighting to a halt. This experience had a deep impact on the group.

Some Houthi leaders believe that the cost of that involvement over the past two years was high, not only in terms of military and leadership losses and civilian casualties, but also in terms of draining resources, damaging infrastructure and complicating the political track, especially with Saudi Arabia, which had put forward a roadmap for peace in Yemen in 2022.

This assessment did not remain at the level of abstract analysis; it became the basis for an internal discussion that produced two clear currents.

The first current leans towards caution. It seems that the previous experience proved that direct involvement does not yield strategic gains, but it does open costly fronts. This camp pushes for avoiding open confrontation, preserving existing understandings — especially with Saudi Arabia — and limiting action to political support or small, contained operations that do not drag the group into a large-scale escalation.

In contrast, there is another current that believes the present moment is crucial for the so-called “axis of resistance” created by Iran, and that absence or hesitation could cost the group its place in the post-war equation. For this current, this is a decisive moment to assert the Houthis’ presence, especially amid an expanding conflict and the likelihood of a reshuffling of the regional balance of power.

Two currents have shaped the Houthis’ decision-making over recent weeks. As a result, today the group has embraced neither full-scale engagement nor total absence. This was evident first in the escalation of political rhetoric during the first month of the war, then in the execution of limited, carefully calculated operations that began on March 27. There was a clear declaration of gradual intervention, close monitoring of developments, and a deliberate effort not to cross the red lines identified by the group’s military spokesperson, particularly those related to the Bab al-Mandeb Strait.

However, the balance between the two currents may become unstable at some point as the war escalates and widens regionally, and as Iranian and Houthi talk of a “unity of fronts” intensifies. The longer the conflict lasts, the less able the group will be to remain in this grey zone, and the stronger the pressure will be for deeper involvement.

With each new development on the ground, this internal debate may edge closer to a moment of decision: either entrenching caution as a long-term strategic choice, or shifting to broader involvement that may not be as gradual as was declared in Houthi statements.

What remains constant, however, is that the group has entered this phase with the accumulated experience of past years — a record that has taught it the cost of involvement and made it aware that entering a war is not merely a military decision, but an open-ended political, security, and economic trajectory. It has already paid that price in its previous confrontations with the US and Israel.

Thus, the question is no longer whether the Houthis will enter the war, but how they will enter and at what cost. Will they be able to set and maintain limits on their involvement? Will their calibrated entry avoid paying the full price? The answers to these questions will be made clear in the weeks to come.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

A driver in the US state of Louisiana was charged with impaired driving after plowing into a crowd and injuring at least 15 people celebrating Lao New Year on Saturday. Footage from the scene showed injured people on the ground and at least one trapped under a vehicle.

‘We were five people in my parents’ 2CV; we would set out at 3am and by 10am, around about Lyon, my father would need a break. My mother would set up a deckchair for him under a tree by the side of the road and he would sleep before driving the rest of the way to Toulon.”

On a recent road trip through France, I met up with Thierry Doillon, a vintage car fanatic who helped restore a 1950s petrol station on the Route Nationale 7. I wanted to talk about the heyday of this iconic road (so famous that singer-songwriter Charles Trenet released a song about it in 1955) and why it’s enjoying a renaissance with holidaymakers.

The RN7 stretches 996km (619 miles) from Paris to Menton on the Côte d’Azur, passing through Châteauneuf-du-Pape, Avignon, Lyon, Aix-en Provence, Fréjus and Nice. In summer 1936, the French government passed a law that mandated paid holiday, a move that kickstarted the exodus of northerners to the Med every August, and it became a true emblem of the French vacances. In the 50s and 60s, the route was awash with petrol stations, traffic jams, picnickers and roadside cafes.

Although the RN7 fell quieter when the Autoroute du Soleil (Motorway of the Sun) was completed in the early 1970s (the new toll road knocked a third off the journey time), it is now experiencing a resurgence thanks to the trend for slow tourism and discovering the road less travelled.

My road trip started on Paris’s Place d’Italie on a chilly September morning after an overnight stay at Hôtel Rosalie. Although my hired Citroën was capacious in comparison with Thierry’s 2CV of yesteryear, I could imagine the thrill he must have felt as a kid, embarking on an adventure that would take him to a land unrecognisable from the cold and grey of northern France, with the promise of warm sea, palm trees and glowing sunsets at its end.

Only a few kilometres from the centre of Paris, the roads started to widen and troops of Napoleonic plane trees lined up to guide this adventurer south. Historic highway it may be, but there’s a subtlety to the RN7 compared with the likes of America’s Route 66: instead of the shield-shaped “Historic Route” markers with “66” in large numbers, there are simple red-and-white bornes – round-topped concrete distance markers that dot every kilometre. There are faded ghost signs instead of screaming billboards, a mere whisper of the promise of parasols and pastis to come; Relais Routiers restaurants instead of roadkill cafes; and the soundtrack is Trenet’s 1955 whimsical hit (“L’amour joyeux est là qui fait risette, On est heureux Nationale 7”) rather than Chuck Berry or the Rolling Stones getting their kicks.

I imagine Thierry’s father despairing at my sluggishness, but nonetheless I made my first stop just 50km from Paris, in the village of Barbizon in the Fontainebleau forest. I stretched my legs in the shady wooded paths in the footsteps of the mid-18th-century artists who decamped here from the city to be inspired by nature.

Back on the road, I counted numerous art deco frontages of now-derelict mechanics along the route. “There were sometimes as many as 12 garages in a 6km stretch,” Thierry had told me. “Not just because the petrol tanks were so tiny back then, but because the cars broke down all the time!”

I drove through pretty riverside towns such as Charité-sur-Loire and Nevers and parked up at the Hôtel de Paris in Moulins, a charming town that’s intersected by the RN7. The historic hotel has played host to many French stars over the decades, from Coco Chanel to Edith Piaf, and was such a popular stopping point in the 50s that it used to have two daily lunch sittings – the first for those heading south from Paris, the second for those driving north from Lyon and the Riviera.

The next morning, I journeyed further back in time in La Pacaudière, a tiny village that bore witness to the importance of this north-to-south route centuries before it thronged with holidaymakers. Le Petit Louvre is a coaching inn in the village with a gargantuan, gleaming Burgundian roof that since the early 1500s has served variously as trading point, post office, prison and school, as well as hosting many passing bigwigs.

While residents in La Pacaudière are now free of traffic jams thanks to a bypass that avoids the village, those in the next village of Lapalisse hold a biennial traffic jam party called Embouteillage to celebrate the nostalgic bottlenecks of the 60s.

My next stop was Roanne, one of those French towns most Britons have never heard of that turns out to be a gastronomic gem, in this instance partly due to it being home to Michelin-starred chef Michel Troisgros. While he has a three-star gastronomic restaurant in the nearby village of Ouches, I stopped at little-sister restaurant Le Central, which is bang on the RN7 as it cuts through town in front of la gare.

The route’s history is intertwined with that of the Michelin Guide, which provided essential information and maps for millions of holidaymakers. Many legendary chefs and eateries are synonymous with the route – from Eugénie Brazier, the first woman to earn six Michelin stars, to Fernand Point with La Pyramide in Vienne, who achieved three Michelin stars in the 30s.

My lunch at Le Central started with a fish broth amuse bouche, continued with a hunk of white fish and confit peppers, and ended with a volcanic île flottante called Mont Fuji, all of which really kickstarted the gastronomic second half of my slow journey through France.

Not far after Roanne came the visual highlight of my trip: the Ozo petrol station which Thierry and his friends have restored to its former glory. He’d told me how the first guardian of the station had been a woman – AKA the godmother – who had lived in the tiny kiosk and been on hand 24/7 to help drivers at the pump.

Fully fuelled, my drive then took me to the Vallée de la Gastronomie, a stretch of central France that pulses with the heartbeat of artisans, chefs, producers and winemakers.

I met Pierre-Yves at Maison Mure in St Symphorien-de-Lay, an artisan boulanger, pâtissier and chocolatier who has created a cake that celebrates the Nationale 7, a light sponge sandwich in the shape of its road sign. I spent the night in a cottage at Domaine de Clairefontaine, a small hotel and bistronomic restaurant.

The next morning, I continued to Tain-l’Hermitage, visiting its Citè du Chocolat museum and hiking through the Hermitage vineyards that border the town. I stopped over at Maison Chabran in Pont-de-l’Isère, another good example of the many superlative family-run hotel-restaurants that dot the length of the RN7.

The culinary treats came one after the other as I made my way south, from roadside nougat in Montélimar to the historic rolling vineyards of Châteauneuf-du-Pape, France’s first wine appellation. My journey reached its gastronomic zenith with an overnighter at the Michelin-starred La Mère Germaine, perched in the heart of the wine village, before I trundled to the coast, the greenery of la vraie France now behind me and the dusty roads, rocky outcrops of the Luberon and big hitters such as Orange’s Théâtre Ancien, Avignon’s papal palace and Aix-en-Provence’s Cézanne celebration ahead.

From plane trees to palm trees, from big rivers to the Mediterranean, the route was now edged by melon vendors and seafood stalls, with seemingly infinite blue sea in front. I spent the last night of my road trip in Fréjus, a town that combines ancient history with modern-day Med sparkle, staying in l’Aréna hotel. In 1799, Napoleon slept here en route from Egypt to his coup d’état in Paris.

I like to take the road less travelled when I can in France, but this time I had taken the road much travelled, then barely travelled, and now more travelled again. My out-of-season journey down the Route des Vacances was a memorable mix of quiet roads, nostalgia, superlative food and wine, and a variety of landscapes.

With the summer holidays on the horizon, travel lovers are preparing for their getaways

An insurance provider has shared a checklist for drivers planning a European getaway. Ahead of summer, many families and adventurers are preparing for road trips or holidays abroad. For anyone planning to drive their car in Europe, Green Flag recommends checking five things before setting off.

Sharing advice for motorists online, Green Flag said: “It’s worth taking a few minutes to make sure everything is properly arranged before you head off on your European travels. A quick check, a few weeks before you go, means you’ll have time to address anything that’s not already in place. Take a few minutes and check:

1. Whether any existing breakdown cover includes European travel
2. Which countries are covered under the policy
3. You have your vehicle insurance documents
4. Your driving licence and passport are valid
5. Any local driving requirements, such as safety equipment rules and items you’re expected to have in your car.”

The motoring experts explained that drivers should know their breakdown cover options, which could help them decide whether to take out European breakdown cover for the trip. Green Flag said the insurance helps drivers if their car develops a fault or breaks down during a trip outside of the UK but within Europe.

If drivers don’t take out insurance and then experience difficulties, it could prove costly. Green Flag said: “If you don’t have European breakdown cover and your car develops an issue while travelling abroad, you’d need to call up a breakdown and rescue service that operates in the country you’re in.

“This usually means contacting a local recovery operator and paying for roadside help and towing directly. Costs vary depending on the country, time of day and distance involved.

“In many cases, payment is required upfront, and getting English-speaking help may be difficult depending on where you are.” Green Flag added that you might also need to arrange accommodation and pay the costs to return your car to the UK if it can’t be repaired locally.

Despite this, some drivers might decide to go ahead without additional breakdown cover. The blog advised: “Whether it’s worth getting breakdown cover for your trip to Europe depends on how much of a risk you consider breaking down abroad to be.

“If you’re happy to figure things out should they happen, then maybe European breakdown cover isn’t for you. But if you’d rather set off knowing you’re covered should your car break down, then you’ll probably want to consider getting European breakdown cover.”

Nonetheless, knowing your options ahead of travel means you’re prepared in case of an emergency. For drivers considering European cover, insurers often offer single-trip or multi-trip cover.

ACTRESS Rosalind Halstead has admitted drink driving at nearly four times the limit.

The star, 41 — married to Emmerdale’s Chris Coghill who plays Kev Townsend in the ITV soap — was arrested near their home.

A breathalyser test found her alcohol level was 138 micrograms. The legal limit is 35mg.

She was driving her 2003 Jaguar X-Type without insurance when she was stopped in Haringey, North London.

She admitted both charges at Highbury magistrates’ court and could face up to six months in jail when she is sentenced next month.

JPs also slapped her with an interim driving disqualification.

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Rosalind appeared in Hugh Grant‘s 2004 comedy Bridget Jones: The Edge of Reason, and 2005 musical Mrs Henderson Presents fronted by Judi Dench.

She went on to star in ITV’s 2009 Wuthering Heights alongside Tom Hardy and Charlotte Riley.

The actress has also starred in BBC series Sherlock in A Scandal in Belgravia, and BBC drama Holby City.

She most recently featured in Star Wars spin-off series Andor.

Sheriff Budensiek told reporters at a news conference that the crash happened after Woods allegedly attempted to overtake a pressure cleaner truck at “a high rate of speed”.

DUI investigators came to the scene and “Mr Woods did exemplify signs of impairment”, the sheriff said.

“They did several tests on him,” Budensiek told reporters. “He did explain the injuries and surgeries that he’s had and we did take that into account, but they did some in-depth roadside tests.”

He was placed under arrest after the incident, which took place on Beach Road in Jupiter Island just before 14:00 local time on Friday (about 19:00 GMT).

The sheriff explained that investigators at the scene and jail were “really not suspicious of alcohol being involved” and Woods ultimately passed a breathalyser test with “triple zeros”. But, he added, Woods then refused a urine test.

Budensiek also said Woods had been “co-operative but was trying not to incriminate himself”.

“He has a right to refuse that test,” added the sheriff. “There is a statute which he will be charged with for refusing to take that test, but we will never get definitive results as to what he was impaired on at the time of the crash.”

US president Donald Trump was asked about the crash on Friday, saying: “I feel so badly. [Woods has] got some difficulty. There was an accident. That’s all I know.

“He’s a very close friend of mine, he’s an amazing person, an amazing man.”

Sheriff Budensiek said Woods would remain in jail for eight hours then be released on bond. The charges are misdemeanours, not felonies.

The BBC has contacted the golfer’s representatives for comment.

THIS is the moment Justin Timberlake is put in cuffs as the body cam footage of his arrest for drink driving is released.

The pop star, 45, was arrested in Sag Harbor, New York, in June 2024 after he failed to stop at a stop sign and could not stay in his lane.

Shortly after leaving The American Hotel following a night out with friends, the singer was pulled over while traveling southbound on Madison Street, a public highway in the Hamptons village.

Cops, often stationed nearby, noticed Justin swerving on the road and blowing through a stop sign.

They later smelled alcohol on his breath and noted that he was unsteady on his feet and also had slowed speech and glassy eyes.

The body cam footage of his arrest was released on Friday after the star’s legal team reportedly tried to previously prevent its release.

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In the video, an officer can be seen shining a flashlight in Timberlake’s face at the roadside before the star performs poorly on sobriety tests.

He is asked to walk in a straight line but has difficulty with the instructions, appearing confused.

Timberlake tells them: “Guys, I’m just following my friends back to my house. I’m not doing anything.”

While attempting the sobriety test, he stumbles before apologising and saying ” I’m a little nervous”.

When asked to do the next test, the officers are forced to explain multiple times before Timberlake says “sorry, my heart is racing” while clutching his chest.

Looking unsteady on his feet, the singer is then heard saying: “By the way, these are like, really hard tests.”

After failing the roadside tests, an officer is then seen asking Timberlake “turn around for me please”.

Saying nothing and looking resigned, he slowly turns before he’s put in handcuffs.

A friend appears and is shocked when police tell her Justin is going with them, saying: “You’re arresting Justin Timberlake? Stop it. What?”

She pleads with the officers to speak with him and give him his phone before she takes his car home.

She begs: “Can you guys please do me a favour because you loved Bye Bye Bye or Sexy Back, do me one favour. This is insane.”

At the end of the footage, the 10-time Grammy winner can be seen in the back of a cop car behind bars.

He was taken into custody that night and arraigned in Sag Harbor Village Justice Court the following morning.

He was released without bail on his recognizance and was also charged with one count of DWI due to his refusal of the breathalyzer, according to Justin’s lawyer.

Timberlake’s lawyers previously sued the Village of Sag Harbor to prevent the release as it showed him “in an accutely vulnerable state”, reports CBS.

It was later agreed it would be released with redactions.

That September, Timberblake reached a plea deal to bring the case to an end.

The judge sentenced Justin to a $500 fine with a $260 surcharge, and 25 hours of community service at the nonprofit of his choosing.

After the sentencing, Justin said: “Even if you’ve had one drink, don’t get behind the wheel of a car.

“There are so many alternatives. You can call a friend [or] take an Uber.”

He added: “This is a mistake that I made, but I’m hoping that whoever is watching and listening right now can learn from this mistake. I know that I certainly have.”

During the proceedings the star remained standing throughout and gave a statement in which he expressed remorse for his actions.

MIAMI — Voting technology firm Smartmatic is seeking to dismiss a criminal indictment for money laundering, blaming President Trump and his allies for seeking its prosecution as part of a “campaign of retribution” against those they blame for his 2020 election loss.

Smartmatic’s parent company, UK-based SGO Corporation, was added to a criminal indictment last fall previously charging several executives with paying $1 million in bribes to election officials in the Philippines.

In a motion to dismiss the indictment filed Tuesday, attorneys for Smartmatic said the company had been cooperating with the Justice Department since it first learned of its investigation in 2021, including by producing millions of pages of documents and making presentations to federal agents. A trial date for the executives, including co-founder Roger Pinate, had been set and the company believed that it was in the clear.

But when Trump returned to the White House, the Justice Department reversed course and decided to press charges against Smartmatic. Attorneys for the company said the decision was prompted by Trump’s demands to prosecute his perceived enemies and his “mantra” that Smartmatic helped rig the 2020 U.S. presidential election won by Joe Biden — allegations that are at the heart of a $2.7-billion lawsuit filed by Smartmatic against the president’s allies in the media.

“The prosecution of SGO furthers their collective false narrative that President Trump did not actually lose the 2020 election,” Smartmatic said in the filing in Miami federal court.

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Attorneys likened the prosecution to the Justice Department’s targeting of Kilmar Armando Ábrego García, a Salvadoran migrant who was criminally charged for conduct years earlier after he successfully sued the Trump administration over its decision to deport him.

In the years since the election, the filing states, “Smartmatic USA has exercised its right to hold those individuals and entities legally accountable for their deluge of defamatory statements and the attendant damage inflicts on its business, putting it squarely in the crosshairs for retribution.”

The criminal case against Smartmatic and its employees stems from payments, between 2015 and 2018, that were allegedly made to obtain a contract with the Philippine government to help run that country’s 2016 presidential election. Pinate, who no longer works for Smartmatic but remains a shareholder, has pleaded not guilty.

As part of the criminal case, prosecutors in August sought the court’s permission to introduce evidence they argue shows that revenue from a $300-million contract with Los Angeles County to help modernize its voting systems was diverted to a “ slush fund” controlled by Pinate through the use of overseas shell companies, fake invoices and other means.

They also accused Pinate of secretly bribing Venezuela’s longtime election chief by giving her a luxury home with a pool in Caracas. Prosecutors say the home was transferred to the election chief in an attempt to repair relations following Smartmatic’s abrupt exit from Venezuela in 2017 when it accused then-President Nicolas Maduro ’s government of manipulating tallied results in elections for a rubber-stamping constituent assembly.

Smartmatic was founded more than two decades ago by a group of Venezuelans who found early success running elections while the late Hugo Chavez, a devotee of electronic voting, was in power. The company later expanded globally, providing voting machines and other technology to help carry out elections in 25 countries, from Argentina to Zambia.

But Smartmatic has said its business tanked after Fox News gave Trump’s lawyers a platform to paint the company as part of a conspiracy to steal the 2020 election.

Fox said it was legitimately reporting on newsworthy events but eventually aired a piece refuting the allegations after Smartmatic’s lawyers complained. Nonetheless, it has aggressively defended itself against the defamation lawsuit in New York — arguing that the company was facing imminent collapse over its own internal misconduct, not due to any negative coverage.

Goodman writes for the Associated Press.