DRC

Forces from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), supported by local militias and Ugandan troops, repelled an early morning attack by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) on the mining hub of Manguredjipa in North Kivu province on Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025.

The assault, which began around 5:30 a.m., targeted the town located 100 kilometres west of Butembo in Lubero territory. Locals told HumAngle that the ADF rebels were first sighted at the Ngoma Institute in DRC, with sources saying the assailants approached from a farm in Mangingi, a peripheral quarter of Manguredjipa.

A priest from the St. Joseph Catholic Parish in Manguredjipa noted that the coalition forces were present “in large numbers” and quickly pursued the attackers. “Until 7 a.m. this morning, gunfire was still being heard in Manguredjipa,” the priest revealed.

A local of the Brazza area corroborated the swift action, saying, “They were not lucky to reach the centre of the town, because they arrived near a position of the Wazalendu, and the FARDC were on alert.” 

Clashes were ongoing in the area where the rebels had invaded when HumAngle spoke to locals.

The incursion triggered a rapid displacement of residents from the southeastern area of Manguredjipa, including Brazza, Mangingi, and Matonge, who sought refuge in the town’s centre. Military analysts suggest the ADF aimed for the city’s commercial heart and a nearby health facility. While official casualty figures remain unknown, residents have reported one civilian fatality. A young man was hit by a bullet while fleeing his Mangingi quarter towards the centre of the town.

The ADF offensive on Manguredjipa follows clashes just the day before. On Monday, October 27, 2025, a coalition of FARDC, Wazalendo, and UPDF forces engaged ADF rebels spotted in N’tembe, a village ten kilometres from Manguredjipa.

One resident, Nelson, believes the Monday fighting was a prelude to the attack on the town. “We heard gunfire throughout the day on Monday, and the group of assailants targeted the position of our forces to get to Manguredjipa,” he said, adding that the daylight timing of the successful defence likely averted a greater tragedy. “God helping, they arrived in the town by daybreak. If they had arrived at night, we should have counted several deaths, especially as heavy rain fell in the town during the night.”

Neighbouring countries agree on terms of economic cooperation in several areas, including energy and supply chains for minerals.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda have agreed on terms of economic cooperation in several sectors, as the two countries move towards delivering on a peace deal signed in June.

The tenets agreed on Friday summarise a regional economic integration framework, which includes elements of cooperation on energy, infrastructure, mineral supply chains, national parks and public health, according to the State Department of the United States, which brokered the deal.

A source familiar with the matter said a preliminary draft of the framework has been agreed to and there would now be an input period to get reaction from the private sector and civil society before it is finalised, the Reuters news agency reported.

In the statement, Rwanda and the DRC affirmed that each country has “full, sovereign control” over the exploitation, processing and export of its natural resources, and recognised the importance of developing mineral processing and transformation capacity within each country, according to Reuters.

The DRC views the plundering of its mineral wealth as a key driver of the conflict between its forces and Rwanda-backed M23 rebels in the country’s east that has killed thousands of people.

‘Mineral deal first’

The deal signed in Washington, DC, on June 27 aims to attract Western investment to a region rich in tantalum, gold, cobalt, copper, lithium and other minerals. According to Human Rights Watch, it is “a mineral deal first, an opportunity for peace second”, linking economic integration and respect for territorial integrity with the promise of billions of dollars of investments.

The two countries are also committed to ensuring that the minerals trade no longer provides funding to armed groups and to creating a world-class industrial mining sector in the region. The deal would also ensure better cross-border interoperability on mineral supply chains, according to the statement.

They also agreed to connect new infrastructure to the US-backed Lobito Corridor, underscoring Washington’s aim of greater access to resources in the region and efforts to counter China.

The Ruzizi III hydropower project and Lake Kivu methane exploitation were the only specific projects mentioned in the statement, despite US emphasis on critical minerals. The countries said they intended to prioritise financing for Ruzizi and work together to exploit methane gas sustainably.

Friday’s announcement comes after the two countries held the first meeting of a joint oversight committee on Thursday in a step towards implementing the deal, even as other commitments are yet to be fulfilled.

In the Washington agreement, the two countries pledged to implement a 2024 agreement that would see Rwandan troops withdraw from eastern DRC within 90 days.

The Congolese military’s operations targeting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Congo-based armed group that includes remnants of Rwanda’s former army and militias that carried out a 1994 genocide, are meant to conclude over the same timeframe.

The deal also said the DRC and Rwanda would form a joint security coordination mechanism within 30 days and implement a plan agreed upon last year to monitor and verify the withdrawal of Rwandan soldiers within three months.

But 30 days from the signing have passed without a meeting of the joint security coordination mechanism.

The source familiar with the matter said the joint security coordination mechanism meeting would be held on August 7 in Addis Ababa.

The DRC is also involved in direct talks with M23 hosted by Qatar, and last month the two sides pledged to sign a separate peace agreement by August 18, though many outstanding details need to be negotiated.

The United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) has condemned the recent surge in violence in Djugu territory. This includes lethal attacks by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels in Ituri and North Kivu, leading to the deaths of civilians.

In a statement issued in Kinshasa on July 23, MONUSCO expressed strong condemnation of the recent attacks by the Convention pour la Révolution Populaire (CRP) armed group against the DR Congo army. They denounced the ongoing deadly assaults by the ADF, which have resulted in the deaths of 82 civilians in the Ituri and North Kivu provinces.

The UN organisation raised concerns regarding the ADF attacks that occurred from July 8 to 9, in the northeastern regions of Eringeti and Irumu within Ituri province. These attacks were a retaliatory response to joint operations conducted by the Congolese army and the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) against an armed group in the area, resulting in the tragic loss of 47 civilian lives. In light of these events, MONUSCO has offered heartfelt condolences to the affected families and communities, reiterating the UN Secretary General’s call for foreign armed groups to lay down their weapons and return to their countries of origin without conditions.

“The actors of this violence, whoever they are and whatever their motivations, must account for their acts before the competent jurisdictions. We call on armed groups which are signatories to the Aru II peace accord in Ituri to fully respect their engagements, notably by observing without delay the cessation of hostilities and to prefer peaceful channels in the resolution of conflicts,” Bruno Lemarquis, assistant special representative of the UN Secretary General in DR Congo and interim chief of MONUSCO, declared. “We equally exhort all the other armed groups active in the province to lay down their arms in conformity with calls by the Congolese authorities and the international community.”

The global organisation also condemned the attacks on civilian populations that occurred on July 21 in Djugu. It specifically denounced the looting and desecration of the Catholic parish of Lopa, which has been attributed to the Cooperative for the Development of Congo (CODECO) armed group. The organisation emphasised that these attacks targeted places of worship, schools, health centres, and hospitals, thereby constituting serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights.

“MONUSCO encourages the provincial authorities to continue to promote dialogue between all communities in Ituri in order to reduce tensions. It reaffirms its constant engagement in favour of dialogue, social cohesion and the search for lasting solutions for peace in the Eastern DR Congo. It remains fully mobilised on the side of the Congolese authorities and the local communities in order to reduce tensions, protect civilians and support the stabilisation efforts in the affected zones,” the MONUSCO statement noted.

Ituri province has been the site of armed violence and inter-communal conflicts for several years. This violence persists despite an agreement reached on June 28 between six local groups: CODECO, Zaire/Auto-Defence, MAPI, the Patriotic Resistance Front of Ituri (FRPI), the Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) militant group, and Chini Ya Tuna. The accord aimed at ceasing hostilities was signed in Aru, a village near the border with Uganda, northeast of Bunia, the provincial capital. This agreement was facilitated within the framework of the Aru II dialogue, which had the support of the Congolese government and international partners.

Following the signing of the bilateral peace accord between the DR Congo and Rwanda, six armed groups have agreed on a truce in the northeastern part of the DR Congo. The UN mission in Congo has saluted the crucial progress and called on armed groups that refused to sign the agreement to join the peace process.

Representatives of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have signed a deal in Qatar to end fighting in the eastern DRC. The declaration commits parties to an eventual peace agreement that includes the restoration of state authority in the country’s east.

Kampala, Uganda – Rwanda is in “command and control” of M23 rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda has “unilaterally doubled its military presence” in the DRC, and armed groups – including those aligned to the Congolese government – are committing rights violations against civilians, according to a group of United Nations experts.

An as-yet unpublished report from UN experts on DRC that was leaked to the media and seen by Al Jazeera describes violations by all parties to the conflict and blames neighbouring governments for allegedly exploiting and escalating the current crisis.

The report was submitted to the UN Security Council in May, the Reuters news agency reported. It is expected to be released soon, a UN expert who contributed to the report told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, without specifying a date.

While analysts see these reports as an essential tool of accountability, Kigali and Kampala have called the experts biased.

Neither government replied to Al Jazeera’s request for comment about the contents of the report, but both have repeatedly denied the accusations levelled against them.

Meanwhile, the new findings risk putting a damper on the cautious optimism garnered by the signing of a peace deal between Rwanda and the DRC in the US last month, and ongoing Qatar-mediated peace talks between Kinshasa and M23.

Rwanda’s ‘instruction’, control of resources

For years, M23, which the UN says is backed by Rwanda – a charge Kigali denies – has been embroiled in conflict with the Congolese army and its allied militias known as Wazalendo. Early this year, M23 made rapid advances, seizing control of Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu, respectively, which it still holds today.

The latest UN experts report – the first since M23’s advance – offers a stark assessment of the conflict, placing blame on Rwanda for facilitating the rapid expansion of the rebel forces.

Rwanda is providing “critical support” to M23, which takes “instructions” from Rwanda’s government and intelligence services, said the report.

In previous reports, the UN experts found there were some 3,000-4,000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside M23 in the DRC.

“One week prior to the [M23] Goma attack, Rwandan officials confidentially informed the Group [of experts] that President Paul Kagame had decided to imminently take control of Goma and Bukavu,” the new report alleged.

Rwanda has repeatedly denied backing M23, while Kigali has sharply criticised the UN experts.

“These reports were written long ago,” President Paul Kagame said at a news conference in Kigali on July 4, after the contents of the report started circulating in international media.

“They come here just to confirm a narrative they already had,” the Rwandan leader said about the UN panel of experts.

Kagame likened the experts to an arsonist who torches a house but also acts as both judge and prosecutor. “The very ones who burned the [house] are the ones in the seat to judge and prosecute.”

The report by UN experts, however, only reasserted its criticism of Kigali.

The Rwandan army’s “de facto direction and effective control” over M23’s operations “render Rwanda liable for the actions” of the group, the report said, arguing that Rwanda’s conduct meets the threshold for international sanctions.

Last month’s US-brokered deal between the DRC and Rwanda does not include M23, but it stipulates that all parties should comply with the Qatar peace process. It also highlights that the Congolese government should facilitate the disengagement of the armed group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which was established by Hutus linked to the killings of Tutsis in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Rwanda should then lift its “defensive measures” inside the DRC, the agreement said.

While Kigali has often argued that its actions in the DRC are aimed at addressing longstanding security threats posed by the FDLR, the UN experts assert that its actions went far beyond legitimate security concerns.

The experts noted that “the final objective of Kigali was to control the territory of the DRC and its natural resources.”

Their report details how minerals, including coltan, were looted from mines in towns seized by M23, then smuggled into Rwanda. “Once in Rwanda, the looted minerals were mixed with local production, effectively laundering them into the downstream supply chain under the guise of Rwandan origin,” the report said.

Part of the minerals smuggled to Rwanda were purchased by Boss Mining Solutions Inc, represented by Eddy Habimana, who has previously been implicated in the illegal trafficking of minerals from the DRC, the report added.

Beyond Rwanda, the report also outlines violations of international law by another neighbour, Uganda.

Amid the Rwanda/M23–DRC fighting, there was a “rapid military build-up” by the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, the report said.

Troops significantly increased this year “effectively doubling Uganda’s footprint in the country”, it added.

The Ugandan army, which has conducted joint operations with the Congolese military against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel movement with origins in Uganda, since 2023, “unilaterally” increased its troop presence in eastern DRC, the report added.

“The DRC government confirmed that the new UPDF deployment was executed without its prior approval, and that UPDF was undertaking unilateral initiatives outside the framework of joint operations with the [Congolese army],” the report read.

The deployment, according to the panel of experts, raised questions about Kampala’s motives, particularly given past allegations of UPDF support to M23. While Uganda claimed the troop movements were defensive and aimed at securing its economic interests, the report says their positioning created a de facto buffer zone that shielded M23 from northern counterattacks.

In response, Uganda’s ambassador to the UN, Adonia Ayebare, wrote on X that the report “contains falsehoods” and attempts to undermine the joint military operation with the DRC. He said Uganda will make an official statement after publication of the report.

​​General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda’s army commander also posted on X, saying: “While the UN so called ‘Group of Experts’ writes biased reports against us, we (UPDF) continue to save the lives of human beings in our region.”

The report by the UN experts had called out “repeated incendiary public statements” by Kainerugaba in which they said he emphasised close cooperation between the UPDF and the Rwandan army.

The report also accused Thomas Lubanga, a former ICC convict living in Kampala, of forming a politico-military movement to oppose the Congolese government, “with at least moral and passive endorsement from the Ugandan authorities”.

However, addressing journalists in Kampala on July 16, Lubanga said he is in forced exile because of persecution by Kinshasa, and if his movement had been receiving support from Uganda, it “would find itself on Kinshasa’s doorstep today”.

Ugandan, Rwandan interests in DRC

Kristof Titeca, a professor at the University of Antwerp who recently published a report on Uganda’s operations in DRC, urges readers to view the UN report and the backlash it has provoked in the context of regional dynamics.

Kigali and Kampala share overlapping interests in the DRC – chiefly concerning security, political influence, and economic access – but these interests also place them in a complex relationship of both cooperation and competition, he said.

Titeca argues that the resurgence and rapid expansion of M23 was, in part, triggered by Kigali’s fear that Kampala might encroach on its influence in eastern DRC after Uganda allowed its soldiers to enter DRC in pursuit of the ADF.

As M23 gained ground towards the end of 2024, Uganda reacted with troop deployments, particularly aimed at preventing the rebels – and by extension, Rwanda – from entering areas it sees as its sphere of interest.

Titeca says the military manoeuvres were as much a strategic message to Rwanda as they were about protecting Ugandan interests.

Drawing from movements and postures observed since late 2024, Titeca suggests that Kigali and Kampala may have an implicit understanding of their respective zones of influence.

“Some people think there might be some agreement between Kampala and Kigali on their area of interest,” he said.

In eastern DRC, “they are friends and also enemies at the same time,” he added, referring to Uganda and Rwanda.

Kinshasa’s violations

For the UN experts, Kinshasa bears some responsibility, too. On the Congolese side, the report paints a picture of a state under siege, struggling to maintain sovereignty over its eastern territories.

The government continued to rely heavily on irregular Wazalendo groups, and on the FDLR, despite the latter being under UN sanctions, as proxies in its fight against M23 and the Rwandan army.

While strategic, the report says, this alliance has worsened the security and human rights situation, contributing to reprisal attacks, child recruitment and sexual violence.

As it called out M23’s actions during the taking of Goma and Bukavu, the report also documented a pattern of grave international humanitarian law and rights violations – including looting, sexual violence, and killings – by retreating Congolese soldiers and Wazalendo fighters at the same time.

“These abuses occurred in a climate of impunity, in the general context of a weakening chain of command,” it said.

Al Jazeera sought a response to these claims from the Congolese government, but received no reply.

In dismissing the report, the Rwandan president accused the panel of perpetuating a biased narrative against Kigali and of ignoring Congolese government complicity with the FDLR, which he says continues to spread anti-Tutsi views that led to the 1994 genocide.

“All the reports, 75 percent of them, blame AFC/M23 and Rwanda,” Kagame said at the July 4 news conference. “You will find they never write anything comprehensive about FDLR or how Congolese institutions spread hate and genocide ideology. How can experts not see that?”

Speaking to Al Jazeera, Rwandan analyst Thierry Gatete echoed Kagame’s criticisms, questioning the credibility of the UN panel and alleging that they rarely conduct field research.

“They sit in New York or Paris and rely on testimonies from Congolese officials or FDLR sympathisers,” he said.

The report notes that Rwanda denied the group of experts access to Kigali. However, Gatete says Rwanda initially cooperated with the panel but later gave up because the reports were consistently biased and, in his view, inconsequential. “Nobody takes what they write seriously,” he said.

While Rwanda and Uganda view the UN reports as biased, others see them as essential tools for accountability.

Stewart Muhindo, a researcher with Congolese civil society group LUCHA, said the panel provides critical evidence that challenges both state and non-state actors.

“The panel tells hard truths,” he noted, pointing out that the report also criticises the DRC government for its continued collaboration with the FDLR, despite promises to end the alliance. “It’s not just about blaming Rwanda.”

Muhindo also agrees with UN experts that the DRC’s reliance on Wazalendo fighters has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis. These irregular forces, though not sanctioned like the FDLR, have been implicated in atrocities, including attacks on civilians and the recruitment of child soldiers, he said.

“Despite ongoing peacemaking initiatives, efforts to stabilise the region continue to face significant challenges,” the UN experts said in the report. “Civilians bore the brunt of the conflict, enduring widespread displacement, insecurity, and grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.”

Paul Kagame gives cautious welcome to US-brokered agreement, but says success depends on goodwill from warring parties.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has cautiously welcomed a United States-brokered peace deal with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), while suggesting Kigali will retaliate if provoked.

Speaking at a news conference in Kigali on Friday, Kagame said Rwanda remained committed to the agreement but questioned whether Kinshasa would uphold its part of the deal.

“If the side that we are working with plays tricks and takes us back to the problem, then we deal with the problem like we have been dealing with it,” Kagame said.

The agreement, backed by the administration of US President Donald Trump, was signed last week and calls for Rwandan troops to withdraw from eastern DRC within 90 days.

The region has seen intense fighting this year, with M23 rebels seizing major towns. The United Nations has accused Rwanda of backing the group with thousands of troops – an allegation Kigali denies.

While the peace deal is seen as a turning point, analysts do not believe it will quickly end the fighting because M23 – a major belligerent in the conflict – says the agreement does not apply to it.

US ‘not to blame’ if deal fails

Rwanda insists its military presence in eastern DRC is a response to threats from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group made up of ethnic Hutu fighters linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

Kagame said Kinshasa must act to dismantle the FDLR if the deal is to succeed.

“We are grateful to the Trump administration for its efforts,” he said. “If it doesn’t work, they aren’t the ones to blame.”

There has been no official response from Kinshasa, which has consistently accused Rwanda of fuelling the conflict.

Rwanda-backed M23 is the most prominent armed group in the conflict in eastern DRC, and its major advance early this year left bodies on the streets. With 7 million people displaced in DRC, the UN has called it “one of the most protracted, complex, serious humanitarian crises on Earth”.

M23 has not been involved in the US-mediated efforts, although it has been part of other peace talks. On Thursday, both the Congolese government and M23 representatives agreed that they would return to Qatar for further discussions aimed at ending the conflict.

Meanwhile, Washington has proposed a separate investment plan that could allow Western companies to tap into the region’s rich deposits of tantalum, copper, and gold – resources that have long fuelled violence in eastern DRC.

Kagame’s appearance on Friday marked his first public remarks since June 6, prompting speculation during his absence about his health. Dissidents abroad, including former adviser David Himbara, claimed the president was seriously unwell.

Kagame dismissed the rumours with a joke. “Some of my personal health problems might originate from managing you people,” he said, sparking laughter.

“What is the problem? What would people want me to account for? That I am not human?” he added. The president appeared in good health throughout the briefing.

Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are expected to sign a United States-mediated peace deal on Friday following several months of conflict that has killed thousands of people and displaced millions in resource-rich eastern DRC.

Neither country is formally at war, but the DRC accuses its neighbour, Rwanda, of backing the M23 rebel group, which is waging war in eastern DRC. Rwanda denies this charge.

In January, a deadly offensive by the rebels – aided by Rwandan forces, according to a United Nations expert panel – escalated a decades-long conflict in eastern DRC. The M23 has since seized the strategic cities of Goma and Bukavu, and its attacks have raised fears of a regional war.

The peace agreement comes amid reports that the US is considering investments in the mineral-rich region in return for security and calm in an area where dozens of militias vying for resource control have operated since the mid-1990s.

Here’s what we know about the peace agreement to be announced:

What’s the background to the crisis?

The DRC and Rwanda conflict dates back to the Rwandan genocide of Tutsis and centrist Hutus in 1994.

Following the overthrow of the genocidal government by the Rwandan Defence Forces, Hutu genocidaires fled into the neighbouring DRC’s poorly governed eastern region. They hid among civilian refugees and continued to launch attacks on Rwanda.

Kigali’s attempts to attack those forces led to the First and Second Congo Wars (1996-1997 and 1998-2003). Rwanda and Uganda were accused of targeting Hutu civilians, and looting and smuggling the DRC’s coffee, diamonds, timber, coltan and gold. Other neighbours similarly interfered, choosing Rwanda or the DRC’s side.

Eastern DRC has been in the throes of low-level conflict since then. More than six million people have been killed, and millions have been displaced. At least 100 armed groups taking advantage of a security vacuum operate in the area and control lucrative mines. The DRC has one of the world’s largest reserves of coltan and cobalt. It is also rich in gold, tantalum, tin and tungsten, which are critical for tech gadgets.

M23, which first emerged in 2012, is one of those forces. The group mostly comprises Congolese Tutsi soldiers who fought in the war and were to be integrated into the army. In 2011, they revolted, claiming ethnic discrimination in the force. M23 now says it is defending the rights of Congolese Tutsis. However, critics accuse the group of being a front for Rwanda’s ambitions to control the region – a charge that Kigali rejects. President Felix Tshisekedi has also accused longtime Rwandan leader Paul Kagame of backing the group.

A 2022 United Nations expert report noted that Rwanda is actively backing the M23 and that about 3,000 to 4000 Rwandan troops are on the ground in the DRC. The US has also said that Rwanda backs the group. Rwanda counters the allegations by accusing the DRC of working with other armed groups like the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel outfit. Kinshasa insists that it does not work with the group.

Why did the conflict resurface?

M23, which was initially pushed back with the help of a UN force, resurfaced in 2022 with a series of violent, sporadic attacks. In January 2025, it launched a lightning offensive, armed with heavy artillery, seizing towns in quick succession and promising to march on Kinshasa.

An alliance of the Congolese Defence Forces, the FLDR, and a force from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) attempted to push the group back. In May, the SADC forces withdrew.

African Union-led mediation attempts like the Luanda Peace Process (2022) and the Nairobi Peace Process (2023) have failed to end the violence, as each side blames the other for violating ceasefires. In March, President Joao Lourenco of Angola, who attempted to strike a deal for months, stepped down as official mediator.

Meanwhile, the European Union has cut military aid to Rwanda and the United States has imposed sanctions on key Rwandan army officials for their involvement in the conflict.

In April, US Secretary of Defence Marco Rubio began negotiations with DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner and her Rwandan counterpart, Olivier Nduhungirehe.

Qatar is also involved in the mediation. Tshisekedi and Kagame met Qatar’s emir in Doha in rare first face-to-face talks in March.

What’s in the peace agreement?

A full draft of the agreement to be signed on Wednesday has not been made available.

Earlier drafts during the negotiation process included standard provisions like:

• Either side’s respect for territorial integrity and a cessation of hostilities.
• Disengagement, disarmament and conditional integration of non-state armed groups.
• The return of refugees and displaced persons.

Earlier in April, the US Department of State released conditions that would guide the negotiations, although it is not confirmed if they were included in the final agreement. They were categorised as such:

• Sovereignty: Both sides agreed to recognise and respect each other’s territorial borders.
• Security: Both committed to not supporting any armed groups and to establishing a joint security mechanism to target militias.
• Economic issues: Both countries agreed to use existing regional framework structures, such as the East African Community, to expand transparent trade and investment opportunities, including those to be facilitated by “the US government or US investors” in mineral supply chains, hydropower development and national park management.

Is the deal a bargaining chip for DRC’s minerals?

Some critics have raised fears that the US could use the deal as leverage for greater access to the DRC’s minerals. Such a scenario, they warn, could cause a replay of the violence of past decades, when the DRC’s minerals were a major draw for interfering foreign governments.

These fears are rooted in a February pitch from the Tshikekedi government to the US. The DRC offered a minerals-for-security deal to Washington, essentially asking the US government to oversee the stability of eastern DRC in exchange for minerals.

US envoy to Africa Massad Boulos confirmed on a trip to DRC in April that Washington was interested in a mineral deal. Talks have been ongoing in parallel with the Rwanda-DRC peace deal, according to some reports, although there are no details yet.

Under President Donald Trump, Washington is racing to secure supplies of minerals used to manufacture high-tech gadgets and weapons.

“The intertwining of peace and mineral interests is deeply alarming, echoing a tragic and persistent pattern in the DRC’s history,” analyst Lindani Zungu wrote in an opinion piece for Al Jazeera, recalling how colonial rulers exploited the DRC’s resources, and how its neighbours did the same during the Congo wars.

“This ‘peace deal’ risks becoming another instrument of neo-colonialism,” Zungu warned. “In this context, foreign capital is used not to build, but to extract – deepening the divide between resource-rich African nations and wealthy consumer economies.”

Will this fix the DRC crisis?

Questions remain over how this deal will fix myriad tensions in the DRC. The draft agreements do not mention remediation or resolution processes.

Chief among the issues, analysts say, is the overall weak governance and justice system in the country that historically sees corrupt officials and perpetrators of injustice go scot-free. Analysts point to some politicians in the country who were part of the Congo wars and who did not face trials.

Both the M23 and the Congolese armed forces have been accused of atrocities, including extrajudicial killings and sexual assault. One M23 rebel leader, Corneille Nangaa, was the head of the country’s elections commission before he fell out with President Tshisekedi over alleged “backroom deals” related to contested 2018 general elections. In December 2023, he announced that his Congo River Alliance was joining M23.

Another cause of tension is the discrimination that Congolese Tutsis say they face in the DRC, in the form of ethnic killings and workplace discrimination, among others. The minority group is largely associated with Rwanda, and hate speech by politicians canvassing for votes often inflames tensions with local Congolese. The M23 claims to be fighting for this group, although critics say that’s a pretext to justify its violence.

Despite the order for a ceasefire aimed at facilitating the Doha peace talks between the government forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and various armed groups, heavy fighting has persisted in South Kivu. Since June 18, 2025, clashes have intensified between M23/AFC rebels and the Wazalendo militia, particularly in Kabare, Kalehe, and Walungu territories.

On June 18, reports from several local sources indicate that heavy and light arms detonations occurred in the Walungu territory, particularly in Nyangezi and its surrounding areas. A local informant mentioned that a similar situation is unfolding in Walungu territory, with clashes reported in Lurhala and nearby regions; however, the casualty figures remain unknown.

Intense combat has been reported in the Kabare territory, particularly in Cirunga, Mumosho, and Katana. According to a local source in Cirunga who spoke to HumAngle early this morning, “the Wazalendo attempted to drive out M23/AFC rebels in Cirunga, which led to the deaths of two people.”

Local civil society sources report widespread panic in Mumosho and Katana and conflicts around Kigabi. The clashes in Mumosho extended to Nyantende, where gunshots were heard, causing panic in the Panzi area.

“I heard at least four gunshots, but they were rather far away from where I was,” said one student, adding that “we were in class and we heard gunshots and were forced to seek shelter”. The situation in Kahele remains tense. Yesterday, inhabitants reported hearing gunshots around 3:30 a.m., forcing them to stay indoors.

The recent clashes violate the ceasefire intended to support various peace talks to establish peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo). The DR Congo government is currently conducting peace negotiations in Doha, Qatar’s capital.

In April, representatives from the DR Congo government and the M23/AFC affirmed their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities and categorically rejected hate speech and intimidation. They urged all communities to adhere to these commitments.

Amnesty International says torture, killings and enforced disappearances have taken place in areas under rebel control.

M23 rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have committed serious abuses against civilians, “including torture, killings and enforced disappearances”, in areas under their control, according to Amnesty International.

“These acts violate international humanitarian law and may amount to war crimes,” Amnesty said in a statement on Tuesday.

The allegations come amid a renewed surge in violence that erupted in January, when the Rwandan-backed M23 group captured the strategic city of Goma in North Kivu province. The rebels went on to seize Bukavu in South Kivu in February, escalating a conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands.

Between February and April, Amnesty researchers spoke to 18 people who had been detained by M23 in Goma and Bukavu. Many said they were held on accusations of supporting the Congolese army or government – claims for which no proof was presented. Several were not told why they were being held.

According to Amnesty, detainees were crammed into overcrowded, unhygienic cells, lacking adequate food, water, sanitation and medical care. Some of those interviewed said they saw fellow prisoners die due to these conditions or from acts of torture.

Witnesses described gruesome scenes, including two detainees being bludgeoned to death with hammers and another shot dead on the spot.

All of the former detainees said they were either tortured or saw others being tortured with wooden sticks, electric cables or engine belts, the rights group said.

Relatives searching for the missing were often turned away by M23 fighters, who denied the detainees were being held – actions Amnesty says amount to enforced disappearances.

Peace deal remains elusive

“M23’s public statements about bringing order to eastern DRC mask their horrific treatment of detainees. They brutally punish those who they believe oppose them and intimidate others, so no one dares to challenge them,” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s regional director for East and Southern Africa.

“Regional and international actors must pressure Rwanda to cease its support for M23,” added Chagutah.

The United Nations and DRC’s government say Rwanda has supported M23 by providing arms and sending troops – an accusation Kigali denies.

The UN estimates that about 4,000 Rwandan soldiers support M23.

M23 is among roughly 100 armed groups fighting for control in eastern DRC, a region rich in minerals and bordering Rwanda. The ongoing conflict has driven more than seven million people from their homes, including 100,000 who fled this year alone.

Despite recent pledges by the Congolese army and the rebels to seek a truce, clashes have continued. M23 previously threatened to advance as far as the capital, Kinshasa, more than 1,600km (1,000 miles) away.

In April, Rwanda and DRC agreed to draft a peace deal by May 2, committing to respect each other’s sovereignty and refraining from providing military support to armed groups.