declaration

March 7 (UPI) — The author prefers to use the lowercase “n” to challenge the Kim family regime’s legitimacy.

Calls for an end of war declaration on the Korean peninsula return with steady rhythm. Each time they appear, they promise a step toward reconciliation.

The latest proposal came when South Korea’s Unification Ministry urged a political declaration formally ending the Korean War as part of a broader effort to restart dialogue with north Korea and move toward a peace regime.

The argument is simple: A declaration would signal political will for peace and reduce tension on the peninsula.

The desire for peace is genuine. Koreans want peace. Americans want peace. Soldiers who have stood watch along the Demilitarized Zone for seventy years want peace.

The real question is not whether peace is desirable. The real question is whether a declaration contributes to peace when the military reality remains unchanged.

Paper and rhetoric do not trump steel.

The Military Reality That Has Not Changed

The Korean War ended in July 1953 with an armistice agreement, not a peace treaty. The armistice halted the fighting but preserved the underlying conflict.

The security architecture that followed rests on deterrence. It rests on the Republic of Korea-U.S. alliance, the presence of American forces in Korea, extended deterrence and the readiness of combined forces.

Across the DMZ sits the fourth largest army in the world, as north Korea fields roughly 1.2 million troops.

More than seventy percent of those forces remain deployed between Pyongyang and the Demilitarized Zone. Their posture is offensive. Their purpose has not changed since 1950.

The Republic of Korea’s forces are organized differently. They are structured for defense. They rely on alliance integration and American reinforcement in crisis. The combined posture has deterred major conflict for seven decades.

None of that changes with a declaration.

Artillery remains within range of Seoul. Ballistic missiles remain deployed. Nuclear weapons remain part of the regime’s strategy.

Words do not move artillery tubes.

The Strategic Misreading Behind the Proposal

Supporters of an end of war declaration often argue that symbolic gestures can change political dynamics in Pyongyang.

The belief is that such a declaration would demonstrate that the alliance is abandoning what the regime calls its “hostile policy.” This signal, the argument goes, might restart negotiations and encourage denuclearization.

This logic rests on a misunderstanding of the Kim family regime.

For more than seventy years the regime has pursued the same strategic objective. It seeks to dominate the Korean peninsula under its rule. The tools have changed over time, but the objective has not.

The regime uses coercion, subversion, diplomacy, and military pressure in combination. Negotiations are not an alternative to this strategy. They are part of it.

When the regime speaks about hostile policy, it does not refer to rhetoric. It refers to the structural pillars of deterrence. The regime defines hostile policy as the ROK/U.S. alliance, the presence of U.S. forces in Korea, and the nuclear umbrella that protects South Korea and Japan.

Removing these pillars is central to the regime’s long-term strategy.

How a Declaration Can Undermine Deterrence

Advocates often describe an end of war declaration as symbolic and not legally binding. That may be correct in a narrow legal sense. In strategic terms, however, symbolism matters.

Politics follows narrative.

Once the war is declared over, critics of the alliance will ask a simple question. If the war is over, why are U.S. forces still stationed in Korea?

The argument will not remain academic. Political factions in both countries will push for reductions in American troop presence. They will question combined exercises. They will challenge extended deterrence.

The declaration would not cause these debates, but it would accelerate them. It would provide rhetorical oxygen to arguments that already exist.

From Pyongyang’s perspective this outcome would be ideal. The regime has long defined the alliance and U.S. military presence as the central obstacles to its objectives. Weakening alliance cohesion through political pressure achieves what military confrontation cannot.

The Political Warfare Dimension

An end of war declaration would not occur in a vacuum. It would unfold in a contested information environment shaped by political warfare.

north Korea, China, and Russia have repeatedly used narrative and diplomacy to shape perceptions about security on the peninsula. If negotiations over a declaration stall, the narrative battlefield will shift quickly.

Pyongyang will argue that peace is blocked by American hostility. Beijing and Moscow will echo that message in international forums. The United States will be portrayed as the obstacle to reconciliation.

Sanctions policy will become the central battleground. north Korea has already signaled that meaningful progress requires sanctions relief. Yet the United Nations Security Council resolutions remain in force precisely because of the regime’s nuclear and missile programs.

If sanctions remain in place, the regime and its partners will claim that Washington refuses to embrace peace. The propaganda line will be clear. The United States talks about diplomacy while clinging to confrontation.

The goal is not persuasion alone. The goal is alignment. By shaping public debate in South Korea and internationally, these narratives seek to weaken alliance unity and pressure policymakers.

This is political warfare conducted through diplomacy, media narratives, and strategic messaging.

Diplomacy Without Illusions

None of this means the United States or South Korea should reject diplomacy. Peace on the peninsula remains the long-term objective of the alliance.

Diplomacy, however, must be grounded in reality.

An end of war declaration can only contribute to security if it is tied to concrete military measures. Negotiations would need to address conventional force deployments near the DMZ. They would need to include ballistic missile programs and nuclear weapons. Verification would be essential.

Absent those steps, a declaration would alter language while leaving the balance of power untouched.

The alliance cannot afford that illusion.

Strategic Theater Versus Strategic Stability

Political leaders understandably seek symbolic achievements that demonstrate progress toward peace.

A declaration ending the Korean War would carry powerful historical meaning. But symbolism is not strategy.

A declaration without corresponding changes in military posture risks becoming strategic theater. It produces headlines but not stability. Worse, it may erode the deterrent structure that has preserved peace for generations.

The paradox is clear. A gesture meant to signal peace could weaken the very mechanisms that prevent war.

The Question That Matters

The central question remains unchanged.

Will the Kim family regime behave like a responsible member of the international community?

If it reduces conventional forces, dismantles nuclear weapons, and abandons its hostile posture, then an end of war declaration could become part of a genuine peace settlement.

If those conditions remain absent, the declaration becomes something else. It becomes leverage in a broader campaign aimed at weakening the alliance.

History suggests caution.

For seven decades the regime has used negotiations to gain concessions while preserving its core capabilities. It has advanced nuclear weapons even during diplomatic engagement.

Why should a symbolic declaration suddenly transform that pattern?

Conclusion

Peace on the Korean peninsula is a worthy goal. It is a goal shared by Koreans, Americans, and the broader international community.

But peace is not achieved through declarations alone.

It is secured through credible deterrence, alliance unity, and diplomacy grounded in the behavior of adversaries rather than hopes about their intentions.

The ROK/U.S. alliance has preserved stability for generations because it rests on credible military power. That credibility depends on readiness, presence, and integration. Until the military threat from the north changes, the war cannot truly be declared over.

Paper and words do not trump steel.

David Maxwell, executive director of the Korea Regional Review, is a retired U.S. Army Special Forces colonel who has spent more than 30 years in the Asia-Indo-Pacific region. He specializes in Northeast Asian security affairs and irregular, unconventional and political warfare. He is vice president of the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy and a senior fellow at the Global Peace Foundation, where he works on a free and unified Korea. After he retired, he became associate director of the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University. He is on the board of directors of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea and the OSS Society and is the editor at large for the Small Wars Journal.

SEOUL, March 6 (UPI) — South Korea’s Unification Ministry called Friday for pursuing a declaration formally ending the Korean War, describing it as a step toward restarting dialogue with North Korea and easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula.

The ministry outlined the proposal in a policy report presented to the National Assembly’s foreign affairs and unification committee and shared with reporters, as part of President Lee Jae Myung’s broader effort to stabilize inter-Korean relations after years of heightened tensions.

Seoul “will promote a ‘peace declaration’ reflecting the political will to end the Korean War and initiate discussions on establishing a peace regime, including the signing of a peace treaty,” the report said.

North and South Korea remain technically at war because the 1950-53 Korean War ended with an armistice rather than a peace agreement.

The ministry said the declaration could serve as an initial step toward transforming the armistice system into a lasting peace framework and helping institutionalize what it described as a policy of “peaceful coexistence” between the two Koreas.

The report comes amid mixed signals from North Korea following its recent Workers’ Party congress, where leader Kim Jong Un said there was “no reason” Pyongyang could not improve relations with the United States if Washington abandons what he called its hostile policy.

Kim maintained his dismissive stance toward South Korea, however, calling it “the most hostile entity.” The Lee administration has pursued a series of confidence-building steps aimed at lowering tensions — efforts Kim described as “a clumsy deceptive farce.”

Lee has said South Korea aims to act as a “pacemaker” for renewed diplomacy between Washington and Pyongyang, working with regional partners to create conditions for dialogue between the United States and North Korea.

The ministry’s report noted that U.S. President Donald Trump has expressed willingness to address the unresolved wartime status of the Korean Peninsula and said Washington has reaffirmed its openness to talks with Pyongyang without preconditions.

Seoul said it will also seek the appointment of a U.S. special envoy for North Korea and expand coordination with neighboring countries to encourage the North to return to negotiations.

Despite those efforts, tensions could rise again soon.

South Korea and the United States are scheduled to begin their large-scale springtime military exercise, Freedom Shield, on Monday. Pyongyang routinely condemns the allies’ joint drills as rehearsals for an invasion, and the report noted that North Korea may respond with statements or military provocations.

Feb. 21 (UPI) — President Donald Trump approved an emergency declaration that will mobilize the Federal Emergency Management Agency to assist in the clean-up of millions of gallons of sewage in the Potomac River.

The declaration comes five weeks after nearly 250 million gallons of sewage spilled into the river after a sewage line collapsed.

The Potomac River runs between Maryland, Virginia and Washington, D.C.

“The President’s action authorizes FEMA to coordinate all disaster relief efforts to alleviate the hardship and suffering caused by the emergency on the local population and to provide appropriate assistance to save lives, to protect property, public health and safety and to lessen or avert the threat of a catastrophe,” FEMA said in a press release.

The spill started when the Potomac Interceptor, a 72-inch in diameter pipe that carries up to 60 million gallons of wastewater per day from Maryland and Virginia to a treatment plant in Washington, D.C., ruptured on Jan. 19, spilling 243 million gallons of untreated wastewater into the river.

DC Water, which operates the pipe, installed a temporary bypass on Jan. 24, stopping more wastewater from leaking into the river.

Washington, D.C., Mayor Muriel Bowser on Feb. 18 formally declared a major disaster in the District and directly requested that Trump mobilize FEMA to help with cleaning up the waterway as work starts on a permanent fix, which could take as long as 10 months to complete.

On Feb. 16, Trump said that he would send FEMA to assist with the clean-up and, with his approval of Bowser’s declaration, the agency will now be mobilized to provide equipment and resources necessary.