deadlock

“ Well, the shutdown melodrama continues.”

That’s how, with the verbal equivalent of a sigh, Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana summed up the third day of the United States government shutdown.

On Friday, the US Senate reconvened before a weekend recess to vote yet again on a continuing resolution that would keep the government funded through November 21.

Republicans have touted the resolution as a “clean” budget bill, maintaining the status quo. But Democrats have said they will refuse to consider any bill that does not consider healthcare spending.

By the end of the year, subsidies under the Affordable Care Act are slated to expire, a fact expected to cause insurance premiums to spike for many Americans. And Democrats have called on Republicans to reconsider cuts to Medicaid, the government insurance programme for low-income households, following the passage of a bill earlier this year that narrows its requirements.

But the result has been an impasse on Capitol Hill, with both parties exchanging blame and no resolution in sight. Frustration was visible on both sides.

“This shutdown is bone-deep, down-to-the-marrow stupid,” Kennedy said from the Senate floor.

For a fourth time on Friday, Democrats rejected the Republicans’ proposal, which previously passed the House of Representatives along party lines.

Only three senators splintered from the party caucus: Democrat Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada, Democrat John Fetterman of Pennsylvania and Independent Angus King of Maine.

On the Republican side, Senator Rand Paul also refused to vote alongside members of his party. His concern, he said, was how the spending would contribute to federal debt.

The result was a vote of 54 to 44 in the 100-seat Senate chamber, far short of the 60 votes Republicans need to overcome a Democratic filibuster to scuttle the bill.

As a counterproposal, Democrats put forward a bill that would see more than $1 trillion dedicated to healthcare spending. But that too floundered in a Senate vote.

Finger-pointing on Capitol Hill

In a news conference afterwards, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said the deadlock could only be broken if the Republicans changed their tactic and negotiated on the question of healthcare.

“Today, we saw the Republicans run the same play, and they got the same result. The question is: Will they change course?” he told reporters.

Schumer accused Republicans of having “wasted a week” with four votes that ended in the same result.

“ My caucus and Democrats are adamant that we must protect the healthcare of the American people,” he said. “ Instead of trying to come to the table and negotiate with Democrats and reopen the government, the White House and fellow Republicans have vowed to make this a ‘maximum pain’ shutdown.”

Republican leaders, meanwhile, accused the Democrats of attempting to bog down the process instead of proceeding with the status quo.

House Speaker Mike Johnson also argued that programmes like Medicaid were in desperate need of reform.

“Medicaid has been rife with fraud and abuse, and so we reformed it. Why? To help provide more and better health services for the American people,” he said at a news conference. “ We had so many people on Medicaid that never were intended to be there.”

Johnson accused Schumer of attempting to appeal to the progressive branch of the Democratic Party, in anticipation of a 2028 primary for his Senate seat: “ He’s got to show that he’s fighting Republicans.”

Both sides of the aisle, however, expressed sympathy for the federal workers caught in the middle of the shutdown.

The Congressional Budget Office has estimated that nearly 750,000 people are facing furloughs each day the shutdown continues. Others are required to keep working without pay.

The total compensation for the furloughed employees amounts to roughly $400m per day, according to the budget office’s statistics. Thanks to a 2019 law, the Government Employee Fair Treatment Act, federal employees will eventually receive backpay – but only after the shutdown concludes.

Pressure tactics

In an effort to force the Democrats to pass the continuing resolution, Johnson issued a notice on Friday afternoon that the House of Representatives would not return to session until October 14 at the earliest.

Instead, his memo called on representatives to engage in a “district work period”, away from the US capital.

That announcement was designed to place pressure on the Senate to act on the continuing resolution the House had already passed. Prior to Johnson’s announcement, the House had been expected to resume its work in the Capitol on October 7.

Meanwhile, John Thune, the Senate majority leader, indicated he would be willing to weigh the Democrats’ concerns about healthcare, but only once the government was reopened.

Still, he made no guarantee that the expiring healthcare subsidies would be re-upped if the Democrats did relent.

“ We can’t make commitments or promises on the COVID subsidies because that’s not something that we can guarantee that there are the votes there to do. But what I’ve said is I’m open to having conversations with our Democrat colleagues about how to address that issue,” Thune said.

“ But that can’t happen while the government is shut down.”

Republican President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has threatened to use the shutdown as an opportunity to slash the federal workforce and cut programmes that benefit Democratic strongholds.

Already this week, his administration has said it is suspending $18bn in New York City infrastructure projects, including for tunnels under the Hudson River, as well as about $8bn in clean energy initiatives.

But on Friday, Russ Vought, Trump’s director for the US Office of Management and Budget, announced another major city would be targeted for cuts: Chicago, Illinois.

Vought posted on social media that two Chicago infrastructure projects, worth $2.1bn, “have been put on hold to ensure funding is not flowing via race-based contracting”.

At a news briefing afterwards, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said a reduction in the federal workforce was also in the works, with Vought meeting with agency leaders to discuss layoffs.

“Maybe if Democrats do the right thing, this government shutdown can be over. Our troops can get paid again. We can go back to doing the business of the American people,” Leavitt said.

“But if this shutdown continues, as we’ve said, layoffs are an unfortunate consequence of that.”

But Democratic leaders dismissed those threats as pressure tactics meant to distract from the key question of healthcare.

In his remarks, Schumer argued that healthcare was a top priority for Republican districts too, and that Republican leaders should respond accordingly.

“It’s simple,” Schumer said. “ They can reopen the government and make people’s healthcare more affordable at the same time.”

Caspar Veldkamp and other ministers step down after cabinet rejects sanctions against Israel, prompting broader political upheaval.

Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp has resigned after failing to secure cabinet support for additional sanctions against Israel over its military onslaught in Gaza.

Veldkamp, a member of the centre-right New Social Contract party, said on Friday that he could not achieve agreement on “meaningful measures” and had repeatedly faced resistance from colleagues over sanctions already in place.

His efforts included imposing entry bans on far-right Israeli ministers, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, citing their role in inciting settler violence against Palestinians.

Veldkamp also revoked three export permits for navy ship components, warning of “deteriorating conditions” in Gaza and the “risk of undesirable end use”.

“I also see what is happening on the ground in Gaza, the attack on Gaza City, and what is happening in the West Bank, the building decision for the disputed settlement E1, and East Jerusalem,” Veldkamp told reporters.

His departure leaves the Netherlands without a foreign minister as the European Union navigates security guarantees for Ukraine and continues talks with the United States over tariffs.

Following his resignation, all New Social Contract ministers and state secretaries confirmed their support for Veldkamp and resigned from the caretaker government in solidarity.

Al Jazeera’s Step Vaessen, reporting from Berlin on developments in the Netherlands, said Veldkamp was “under increasing pressure from lawmakers in parliament, especially from the opposition who have been requesting stricter sanctions against Israel”.

While Veldkamp had announced travel bans for two Israeli ministers a few weeks ago, Vaessen said the foreign minister was facing growing demands after Israel’s attacks on Gaza City and the “increasing aggression” that the Dutch government “should be doing more”.

“Veldkamp has also been pushing for a suspension of the trade agreement that the EU has with Israel,” Vaessen added, noting that the Dutch foreign minister had “increasingly become frustrated because Germany was blocking that. So there was also this push from the Dutch parliament that the Netherlands shouldn’t wait anymore for any European sanctions but should put sanctions on Israel alone.”

Europe-Israel relations

Despite limited Dutch sanctions on Israel, the country continues to support the supply chain of Israel’s F-35 fighter jet.

Research from the Palestinian Youth Movement shared with Al Jazeera in June shows that ships carrying F-35 components frequently dock at the port of Rotterdam, operated by Danish shipping company Maersk.

The F-35 jets have been used by Israel in air strikes on Gaza, which have left much of the Strip in ruins and contributed to the deaths of more than 62,000 people since October 2023.

Earlier this week, the Netherlands joined 20 other nations in condemning Israel’s approval of a large West Bank settlement expansion, calling it “unacceptable and contrary to international law”.

Meanwhile, Israel’s military attacks on Gaza continue, forcing civilians from Gaza City southwards amid mounting famine. A global hunger monitor confirmed on Friday that residents of Gaza City and surrounding areas are officially facing famine conditions.

No successor to Veldkamp has been announced. The caretaker Dutch government, which has been in place since the collapse of the previous coalition on June 3, is expected to remain until a new coalition is formed following elections in October, a process that could take months.

Dhaka, Bangladesh – Sinthia Mehrin Sokal remembers the blow to her head on July 15 last year when she, along with thousands of fellow students, marched during a protest against a controversial quota system in government jobs in Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka.

The attack by an activist belonging to the student wing of the then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League party left Sokal – a final-year student of criminology at the University of Dhaka – with 10 stitches and temporary memory loss.

A day later, Abu Sayed, another 23-year-old student, was protesting at Begum Rokeya University in the Rangpur district, about 300km (186 miles) north of Dhaka, when he was shot by the police. A video of him, with his arms outstretched and collapsing on the ground moments later, went viral, igniting an unprecedented movement against Hasina, who governed the country with an iron fist for more than 15 years before she was toppled last August.

Students from schools, colleges, universities and madrassas took to the streets, defying a brutal crackdown. Soon, the young protesters were joined by their parents, teachers and other citizens. Opposition parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, lent crucial support, forming an unlikely united front against Hasina’s government.

“Even students in remote areas came out in support. It felt like real change was coming,” Sokal told Al Jazeera.

On August 5, 2024, as tens of thousands of protesters stormed Hasina’s palatial residence and offices in Dhaka, the 77-year-old leader boarded a military helicopter and fled to neighbouring India, her main ally, where she continues to defy a Bangladesh court’s orders to face trial for crimes against humanity and other charges.

By the time Hasina fled, more than 1,400 people had been killed, most when government forces fired on protesters, and thousands of others were wounded, according to the United Nations.

Three days after Hasina fled, the protesters installed an interim government, on August 8, 2024, led by the country’s only Nobel laureate, Muhammad Yunus. In May this year, the interim government banned the Awami League from any political activity until trials over last year’s killings of the protesters concluded. The party’s student wing, the Chhatra League, was banned under anti-terrorism laws in October 2024.

Yet, as Bangladesh marks the first anniversary of the end of Hasina’s government on Tuesday, Sokal said the sense of unity and hope that defined the 2024 uprising has given way to disillusionment and despair.

“They’re selling the revolution,” she said, referring to the various political groups now jostling for power ahead of general elections expected next year.

“The change we fought for remains out of reach,” said added. “The [interim] government no longer owns the uprising.”

‘What was my son’s sacrifice for?’

Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner presiding over Bangladesh’s democratic overhaul, faces mounting political pressure, even as his interim government seeks consensus on drafting a new constitution. Rival factions that marched shoulder to shoulder during anti-Hasina protests are now locked in political battles over the way forward for Bangladesh.

On Tuesday, Yunus is expected to unveil a so-called July Proclamation, a document to mark the anniversary of Hasina’s ouster, which will outline the key reforms that his administration argues Bangladesh needs – and a roadmap to achieve that.

But not many are hopeful.

“Our children took to the streets for a just, democratic and sovereign Bangladesh. But that’s not what we’re getting,” said Sanjida Khan Deepti, whose 17-year-old son Anas was shot dead by the police during a peaceful march near Dhaka’s Chankharpul area on August 5, 2024. Witnesses said Anas was unarmed and running for cover when a police bullet struck him in the back. He died on the spot, still clutching a national flag.

“The reforms and justice for the July killings that we had hoped – it’s not duly happening,” the 36-year-old mother told Al Jazeera. “We took to the streets for a better, peaceful and just country. If that doesn’t happen, then what was my son’s sacrifice for?”

Others, however, continue to hold firm in their trust in the interim government.

“No regrets,” said Khokon Chandra Barman, who lost almost his entire face after he was shot by the police in the Narayanganj district.

“I am proud that my sacrifice helped bring down a regime built on discrimination,” he told Al Jazeera.

Barman feels the country is in better hands now under the Yunus-led interim government. “The old evils won’t disappear overnight. But we are hopeful.”

Atikul Gazi agreed. “Yunus sir is capable and trying his best,” Gazi told Al Jazeera on Sunday. “If the political parties fully cooperated with him, things would be even better.”

The 21-year-old TikToker from Dhaka’s Uttara area survived being shot at point-blank range on August 5, 2024, but lost his left arm.

A selfie video of him smiling, despite missing an arm, posted on September 16 last year, went viral, making him a symbol of resilience.

“I’m not afraid… I’m back in the field. One hand may be gone, but my life is ready to be offered anew.”

‘Instability could increase’

Others are less optimistic. “That was a moment of unprecedented unity,” said Mohammad Golam Rabbani, a professor of history at Jahangirnagar University on the outskirts of Dhaka.

Rabbani had recited a poem during a campus protest on July 29, 2024. Speaking at an event last month to commemorate the uprising, he said: “Safeguarding that unity should have been the new government’s first task. But they let it slip.”

The coalition of students, professionals and activists, called Students Against Discrimination, that brought down Hasina’s government, began to fragment even before Yunus took charge.

Hoping to cash in on massive anti-Awami League sentiment, the main opposition BNP has been demanding immediate elections since the uprising. But parties like the National Citizens Party, formed by student leaders of the 2024 protests, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami want deeper structural reforms before any vote is held.

To reconcile such demands, the Yunus administration formed a National Consensus Commission on February 12 this year. Its mandate is to merge multiple reform agendas outlined by expert panels into a single political blueprint. Any party or coalition that wins the next general election must formally pledge to implement this charter.

But so far, the meetings of the commission have been marked by rifts and dissent, mainly over having a bicameral parliament, adopting proportional representation in both its houses, and reforming the appointment process for key constitutional bodies by curbing the prime minister’s influence to ensure greater neutrality and non-partisanship.

“If the political forces fail to agree on reforms, instability could increase,” warned analyst Rezaul Karim Rony.

But Mubashar Hasan, adjunct fellow at Western Sydney University’s Humanitarian and Development Research Initiative, thinks a political deadlock is “unlikely”, and that most stakeholders seem to be moving towards elections next year.

Hasan, however, remains sceptical of the reforms themselves, calling them a “cosmetic reset”.

“There’ll be some democratic progress, but not a genuine shift,” he told Al Jazeera. He pointed out that the Awami League, which once represented millions, remains banned – a fact that some analysts have pointed out could weaken the credibility of Bangladesh’s electoral democracy. 

Deepti, who lost her teenage son during the protests, said political parties are scrambling for power, and not acting against the people who enabled Hasina’s brutal repression during last year’s protests.

“Most of the officials and law enforcement members involved in the violence are still at large, while political parties are more focused on grabbing power,” she told Al Jazeera.

Sharif Osman Bin Hadi, the spokesman for Inquilab Manch (Revolution Front), a non-partisan cultural organisation inspired by the uprising, warned that elections without justice and reforms would “push the country back into the jaws of fascism”.

His group, with more than 1,000 members in 25 districts, organises poetry readings, exhibitions and street performances to commemorate the 2024 uprising and demand accountability, amid widespread concerns over deteriorating law and order across the country.

‘A city of demonstrations’

While the police remain discredited and are yet to recover from the taint of complicity in perpetuating Hasina’s strong-armed governance, military soldiers are seen patrolling Bangladesh’s streets, armed with special power to arrest, detain and, in extreme cases, even fire on those breaking the law.

In a recent report, rights group Odhikar said at least 72 people were killed and 1,677 others injured in incidents of political violence between April and June this year. The group also documented eight alleged extrajudicial killings during this period involving the police and notorious paramilitary forces like the Rapid Action Battalion.

Other crimes have also surged.

Police recorded 1,587 cases of murder between January and May this year, a 25 percent rise from the same period last year. Robbery nearly doubled to 318, while crimes against women and children topped 9,100. Kidnapping and robbery have also seen a spike.

“Mob justice and targeted killings have surged, many with political links,” Md Ijajul Islam, the executive director of the nonprofit Human Rights Support Society, told Al Jazeera. “Unless political parties rein in their activists, a demoralised police won’t be able to contain it.”

The demoralisation within the police stems mostly from the 2024 uprising itself, when more than 500 police stations were attacked across Bangladesh and law enforcement officials were missing from the streets for more than a week.

“The force had to restart from a morally-broken state,” Ijajul said.

Several police officers Al Jazeera spoke to at the grassroots level pointed to another problem: the collapse of what they called an informal political order in rural areas.

“During the Awami League era, police often worked in tandem with the ruling party leaders, who mediated local disputes,” said a senior police officer at the Roumari police station in the Kurigram district near the border with India.

“That structure is gone. Now multiple factions – from BNP, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and others – are trying to control markets, transport hubs and government tenders,” he said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media.

In Dhaka, things are no better.

“Every day, managing street protests has become one of our major duties,” Talebur Rahman, a deputy commissioner with the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, told Al Jazeera.

“It feels like Dhaka has become ‘a city of demonstrations’ – people break into government offices, just to make their demands heard,” said Rahman.

Still, Rahman claimed the city’s law and order situation was better than immediately after the 2024 uprising. In a televised interview on July 15, Yunus’s spokesperson, Shafiqul Alam, also claimed that “if you consider overall statistics, things are stabilising”, he told Somoy Television network, referring to law and order in Dhaka.

Alam said that many people who were denied justice for years, including during the uprising, are now coming forward to register cases.

Some agree.

“Things are slowly improving,” said 38-year-old rickshaw-puller Mohammad Shainur in Dhaka’s upscale Bashundhara neighbourhood.

The economy, for one, has shown some positive signs. Bangladesh is the world’s 35th largest economy and the second in South Asia – mainly driven by its thriving garment and agriculture industries.

Foreign reserves climbed from more than $24bn in May 2024, to nearly $32bn by June this year, helped by a crackdown on illicit capital flight, record remittances and new funding from the International Monetary Fund. Inflation, which peaked at 11.7 percent in July 2024, dropped to 8.5 percent by June this year.

But there is also widespread joblessness, with the International Labour Organization saying that nearly 30 percent of Bangladesh’s youth are neither employed nor pursuing education. Moreover, a 20 percent tariff announced by the United States, the largest buyer of Bangladesh’s garments, also threatens the livelihood of 4 million workers employed in the key sector.

Back in Dhaka, Gazi is determined to preserve the memory of 2024’s protests.

“Let the people remember those martyred in the uprising, and those of us who were injured,” he told Al Jazeera. “We want to remain as living symbols of that freedom.”

“I lost one hand, and I have no regrets. I will give my life if needed – this country must be governed well, no matter who holds power.”

The United States Supreme Court has reached a deadlock in a case over whether a religious charter school in Oklahoma should be publicly funded.

Thursday’s tie vote allows a lower court ruling to stand. Previously, Oklahoma’s state-level Supreme Court had barred the use of government funds to establish the St Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School, citing constitutional limits to the government’s role in religion.

But the US Supreme Court’s split vote on Thursday leaves an avenue open for other, similar cases to advance. With no decision from the highest court in the country, no new precedent has been set to govern funding for charter schools, which are independent institutions that receive government funding.

It is relatively rare, though, that a Supreme Court case should end in a tie vote. The Houston Law Review in 2020 estimated that there had only been 183 ties at the Supreme Court since 1791, out of more than 28,000 cases.

Normally, there are nine justices on the court’s bench — an odd number, to ensure that the judges are not evenly split.

But Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself from the hearings over the St Isidore school. Though she did not indicate her reasons, it is widely believed that Barrett stepped away from the case to avoid potential conflicts of interest.

Barrett has a close personal relationship with an adviser to the St Isidore school, lawyer Nicole Garnett. As young legal professionals in the late 1990s, they clerked together on the Supreme Court, and they eventually taught together at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana.

When US President Donald Trump nominated Barrett to the Supreme Court in 2020, Garnett even wrote an opinion column in the newspaper USA Today, praising her friend as “remarkable” and describing their lives as “completely intertwined”.

The Supreme Court’s brief, two-line announcement on Thursday acknowledged Barrett’s absence.

“The judgment is affirmed by an equally divided Court,” it read. “JUSTICE BARRETT took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.”

That left the court split four to four, though the precise breakdown was not provided. Chief Justice John Roberts is thought to have joined with the three left-leaning justices on the bench to oppose the school’s use of government funds.

The Supreme Court currently has a conservative supermajority, with six justices leaning rightward.

In the past, the court has signalled receptiveness to expanding religious freedoms in the US, including in cases that tested the Establishment Clause of the US Constitution.

While that clause bars the government from “the establishment of religion”, what qualifies as establishing a religion remains unclear — and is a source of ongoing legal debate.

The Oklahoma case stretches back to 2023, when the Catholic Archdiocese of Oklahoma City submitted an application to open a taxpayer-funded charter school that would share Catholic teachings.

The school would have been the first of its kind, offering public, religious education online for children from kindergarten through high school. The plan was to open the following year.

The Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board initially voted down the proposal in April, only to give it the go-ahead in June by a narrow vote of three to two.

That teed up a legal showdown, with opponents calling the school a clear violation of the constitutionally mandated separation of church and state. But supporters argued that barriers to establishing a Catholic charter school limited their freedom of religion.

Plans for the school even ended up dividing Oklahoma’s government. The state attorney general, Gentner Drummond, opposed the charter school as a form of “state-funded religion”. The governor, Kevin Stitt, supported the proposal. Both men are Republicans.

In Oklahoma, as in the majority of other US states, charter schools are considered part of the public school system.

When the case reached the state-level Oklahoma Supreme Court in 2024, that distinction became pivotal. The fact that St Isidore was a public — not private — school ultimately caused the court to strike it down, for fear of constitutional violations.

The judges ruled in a six-to-two decision that establishing St Isidore with state funds would make it a “surrogate of the state”, just like “any other state-sponsored charter school”.

The school, the judges explained, would “require students to spend time in religious instruction and activities, as well as permit state spending in direct support of the religious curriculum and activities within St. Isidore — all in violation of the establishment clause”.

The school’s backers appealed to the Supreme Court, leading to arguments being held in April. It was unclear at the time which way the high court seemed to be leaning, with Roberts pressing both sides with questions.

But conservatives on the Supreme Court’s bench seemed in favour of backing St Isidore’s appeal. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, for instance, argued that withholding taxpayer funds from the religious school “seems like rank discrimination against religion”.

“All the religious school is saying is, ‘Don’t exclude us on account of our religion,’” he said.

The left-leaning justices, meanwhile, indicated that a ruling in favour of St Isidore would pave the way for public schools to become religious institutions, a slippery slope that could require the government to fund faith-based education of all stripes.

On Thursday, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which has backed a separate lawsuit against the school, framed the deadlock at the Supreme Court as a victory for the separation of church and state.

“The very idea of a religious public school is a constitutional oxymoron. The Supreme Court’s ruling affirms that a religious school can’t be a public school and a public school can’t be religious,” said Daniel Mach, director of the ACLU’s Program on Freedom of Religion and Belief.

But proponents pledged to keep on fighting. Jim Campbell, who argued in favour of St Isidore on behalf of Oklahoma’s charter school board, noted that the court may “revisit the issue in the future”, given the deadlock.

“Oklahoma parents and children are better off with more educational choices, not fewer,” he said.