bunker

This old RAF bunker once helped keep Britain’s radar network running during World War II – and is now a unique holiday home with incredible views of the Dorset coast

During the darkest days of the Battle of Britain, it would’ve seemed just a little unlikely that the concrete bunkers built to defend against the Luftwaffe would one day see cheery holidaymakers arrive with luggage in tow.

But few getaways offer quite the same experience as the Standby Generator Bunker in Ringstead, Dorset, a converted former World War II radar facility that’s now a unique holiday destination.

Built in 1941, this hidden gem once housed a large generator that was crucial to keeping the Chain Home radar network running if the power grid failed, forming one of six subterranean spaces on the former RAF Ringstead site.

Its job was to provide back-up power for a transmitter bunker located a short distance up the road, which sent out radio waves into the Channel that would bounce back to a receiver if an enemy aircraft was detected. This information was then relayed to RAF Fighter Command, who was given the all-important task of intercepting German bomber planes before they could reach Britain’s major towns and cities.

After victory over the Axis was assured in 1945, RAF Ringstead carried on as a Rotor station during the first years of the Cold War, to guard against the new Soviet threat. The generator bunker was eventually decommissioned in 1956, and stayed empty for almost seventy years, disappearing further into overgrowth as the decades passed by.

Now marvellously restored and repurposed as a luxury holiday let, this Grade II listed structure sprang back to life as a holiday cottage in late 2024, with its owners keen to retain original wartime features while furnishing it with all the luxuries desired by a 21st-century holidaymaker.

I arrived on a pleasant September afternoon to find the bunker in tiptop condition. What’s obvious straight away is just how well this once-functional space has been adapted to its new role as somewhere to truly unwind and ‘get away from it all’, with comfortable furniture and an island kitchen spread across the spacious open-plan front room, all facing towards the enormous window.

Three bedrooms are located over two floors, including one double room, with the property sleeping eight people in total.

On the walls are some wonderful bits of wartime ephemera, including a selection of British and American civilian posters directed at the civilian population, as well as photographs showing the Chain Home network and RAF aircraft in action.

And then there’s the sublime coastal view – framed in a blast-shaped opening from the concrete surround – of the English Channel, which stretches out effortlessly into the horizon as you peer through a row of trees at the bottom of the garden.

A spot of lunch or perhaps a glass of wine can be enjoyed out on the balcony, giving you the same perspective that was once keenly surveyed by the military, albeit with the task of national survival on their minds, rather than rest and relaxation.

On the first day of our stay, my other half and I ventured down to Ringstead Bay to make the most of a spot of bright autumn weather. We acquainted ourselves with the giant seaweed on the pebble beach as we walked to the charming town of Osmington Mills.

By the following day, a Met Office weather warning had been ushered in across the south of England, and we elected to do what any sane person would in such a situation – head to the pub.

We tucked into a hearty roast at the Smuggler’s Inn, a 13th-century pub around 20 minutes walk away. Our visit coincided with the Iron Man triathlon in nearby Weymouth, and ripples of applause bounced around the cosy interior as competitors reunited with their families for a well-earned pint following a mammoth 69-mile trek.

For the final day, Durdle Door was top of our to-see list, as it should be for anyone who finds themselves in this part of the country. This famous colossal limestone arch has been shaped over millions of years by the relentless force of the sea, and attracts visitors from all over the world with its postcard-perfect beauty.

A choppy sea on our visit meant a particularly spectacular display of the waves crashing up against the sides of the arch, delighting the gaggle of tourists who lined the beach, taking selfies.

We then took a short walk over to Lulworth Cove, a natural horseshoe bay surrounded by dramatic jagged cliffs and rolling hills. One particularly recent addition to this beauty spot has been the Weld Estate’s Saltwater Sauna, which since April has given visitors the opportunity to get themselves nice and steamy in a booth overlooking the beach, before dashing into the cool waters a few yards below.

A great natural high, I’m told, though admittedly I was more interested in the comfort offered by the sausage rolls sold by the harbour.

And that was my time in Dorset, spent enjoying just a small slice of what this handsome area has to offer, and lounging in accommodation quite unlike any other I’ve ever been to.

When the autumn weather does catch up with you, there is certainly something to be said for coming back to a bunker like this one, with its living roof, expansive views and intriguing backstory. There being such fine scenery quite literally on your doorstep, you really don’t have to be a history buff to get into what the Standby Generator Bunker has to offer – though I would say in my case, it certainly didn’t hurt.

Book it

The Standby Generator Bunker is available for bookings through Sykes Cottages, starting from £1001 for seven nights.

Grigory Skvortsov, who denies wrongdoing in sharing details of the bunkers, will serve his sentence in a maximum-security prison.

A Russian court has found a photographer guilty of treason and jailed him for 16 years for allegedly sharing information about Soviet-era underground bunkers with an American journalist.

The court in the western city of Perm sentenced Grigory Skvortsov on Thursday after a closed-door trial, without giving more details on the charges. Skvortsov, who was arrested by Russian authorities in 2023, has denied any wrongdoing.

The court said Skvortsov would serve his sentence in a maximum-security corrective prison camp.

It also published a photograph of him in a glass courtroom cage dressed in black as he listened to the verdict being read out.

In a December 2024 interview with Pervy Otdel, a group of exiled Russian lawyers, Skvortsov said he had passed on information that was either publicly available online or available to buy from the Russian author of a book about Soviet-era underground facilities for use in the event of a nuclear war.

Skvortsov did not name the US journalist he was working with in the interview with Pervy Otdel.

Since its invasion of neighbouring Ukraine in 2022, Russia has radically expanded its definition of what constitutes state secrets and has jailed academics, scientists and journalists it deems to have contravened the new rules.

Skvortsov, who specialises in architecture photography, has also spoken out publicly against Moscow’s military offensive on Ukraine. He has alleged that Federal Security Service (FSB) officers beat him during his arrest in November 2023 and said they tried to force him under duress to admit guilt to treason.

An online support group for Skvortsov said on Telegram after the verdict that “a miracle had not happened” and the photographer’s only hope of getting out of jail was to be exchanged as part of a prisoner swap between Russia and the West.

The Nobel Peace Prize-winning rights organisation Memorial has listed Skvortsov as among those subjected to criminal prosecution that is likely “politically motivated and marked by serious legal violations”.

Earlier this year, a Russian court sentenced four journalists to five and a half years in prison each after convicting them of “extremism” linked to their alleged work with an organisation founded by the late opposition leader Alexey Navalny.

On Sunday at approximately 2 a.m. Tehran time, seven B-2 stealth aircraft attacked the Iranian nuclear facilities in Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan, strikes enabled as much by the belief that Iran had this coming as the particular technology of the American bombers. A drawling President Trump put it in stark terms shortly after the operation ended. “For 40 years, Iran has been saying death to America, death to Israel. They have been killing our people, blowing off their arms, blowing off their legs, with roadside bombs. That was their specialty.”

Convention drives coverage of Iran in the United States, from stock images of anti-American murals to the enduring menace of “Iranian-backed militias.” Now there is an emerging consensus that overthrowing the government in Tehran will accomplish what Israeli and U.S. missiles and air assaults have not: an end to Iran’s nuclear program and that country’s destabilizing aspirations for regional hegemony, not to mention an end of the oppressive Islamic Republic itself. A series of headlines, analysts and politicians have in recent days presented regime change as a natural certainty, nothing less than a magic bullet. This too is seen as Iran’s due.

Very few of these expert voices have taken the next step by asking, “Then what?” Where does the magic bullet land? Sovereign imperatives await the next group to come into power. Democratic or otherwise, the government that replaces the current regime will be laser-focused on Iran’s survival. And there is very little reason for Israel or the U.S. to think that a reconstituted Iran will become more conciliatory toward either country once the war ends.

The reality is that nationalism, not theocracy, remains what what the historian Ali Ansari calls the “determining ideology” of Iran. There is a robust consensus among scholars that politics in Iran begins with the idea of Iran as a people with a continuous and unbroken history, a nation that “looms out of an immemorial past.” Nationalism provides the broad political arena in which different groups and ideologies in Iran compete for power and authority, whether monarchist, Islamist or leftist.

And that means that the patriotic defense of Iran isn’t a passing phase, produced under the duress of bombs, but the default position, the big idea that holds Iran together, hardened over the last two centuries of Iranian history and the trauma of the loss of territory and dignity to outside powers, including the Russians, the British and the Americans.

Getting rid of Islamic rule won’t change this dynamic; it is almost sure to guarantee that something worse will come along, sending Iranian politics in unexpected and more corrosive directions. Americans, after all, need only look to their current administration (or past interventions in the Middle East) for examples of how populist responses to foreign invasions, real or imagined, can lead to unthinkable outcomes.

“Trump just guaranteed that Iran will be a nuclear weapons state in the next 5 to 10 years, particularly if the regime changes,” Trita Parsi of the U.S.-based Quincy Institute wrote Saturday night. This is especially true if a new regime is democratic. The promised “liberation” of the Iranian people through devastating bombing campaigns presents the worst-case scenario for Israel and the U.S., as no future elected government would survive unless it sustained, and perhaps surpassed, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s current belligerence.

There is tragedy here. Ordinary Iranians, like most people, want peace and security, preferably through diplomacy and dialogue. The unprovoked attacks of the last week and their subsequent justification by not only the U.S. but also nearly all of the European Union, a disastrous sequence that began with Trump’s wanton violation of President Obama’s Iran deal in 2018, have convinced an increasing number of Iranians that the restraint of arms, nuclear or otherwise, is national suicide.

Insofar as the Islamic Republic can claim that it is the only Iranian government in more than 200 years to have lost “not an inch of soil,” it continues to cling to power. Of course, such legitimacy comes with a dual edge. This regime may survive in the short term, but if and when it does fall it will be because its leaders failed to keep Israeli and American arms out, munitions that have already killed more than 800 of their fellow citizens in less than a week, according to the Washington-based group Human Rights Activists.

One of the most common conventions when it comes to Iran, typically presented as a gesture of grace, is to draw a distinction between its government and the people, to lay blame on “the mullahs” and not the country’s long-suffering citizens for their country’s status as a rogue actor. As a way to appeal to Iranians of the righteousness of his cause, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his surrogates have deployed tropes of civilizational greatness that would make even the most ardent Persian chauvinist blush. On Thursday, the Israeli prime minister announced that the time had come for the Jews to repay an ancient debt: “I want to tell you that 2,500 years ago, Cyrus the Great, the king of Persia, liberated the Jews. And today, a Jewish state is creating the means to liberate the Persian people.” Regime change, by this logic, is a project of recovery and revivalism, a surefire way to make Iran great again.

Iranians are proving to be less nuanced, and unconvinced. The distance between the Iranian state and society has in the last week been reduced to almost nothing. Across the range of experience and suffering, from imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize laureates and formerly imprisoned Palm D’Or winners to working-class laborers left behind by the revolution, the overriding sentiment today in Iran is clear: These clerics may be scoundrels, but they’re our scoundrels, our problem to solve.

Nearly 50 years into an unwanted dictatorship, Iranians have developed a refined capacity for identifying bad faith. They know who has Iran’s interests at heart and who is trying to save his own skin.

Iranian American Shervin Malekzadeh is a visiting assistant professor of political science at Pitzer College and author of the forthcoming book, “Fire Beneath the Ash: The Green Movement and the Struggle for Democracy in Iran, 2009-2019.”

US President Donald Trump says he is still weighing his options regarding United States military intervention amid escalating hostilities between Israel and Iran.

Standing on the South Lawn of the White House on Wednesday, Trump said, “The next week is going to be big,” adding that Iranian officials are eager to negotiate. However, he warned them that “it’s very late to be talking,” after they reached out to him.

Officials and experts have suggested that the US’s 30,000-pound (13,000kg) bunker buster bomb is the only weapon capable of destroying the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant, a facility believed to be central to Tehran’s nuclear programme and carved deep into a mountain.

The United States is the only country to possess these bombs, which it delivers using B-2 bombers. If deployed against Iran, it would represent a major shift from primarily intercepting missiles on Israel’s behalf to conducting active offensive strikes against Iran.

What are bunker buster bombs?

“Bunker buster” is a general term for bombs designed to destroy targets located deep underground that conventional bombs cannot reach.

The US military’s most powerful bunker buster is the GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator. Weighing about 30,000 pounds (13,600 kg), including a 2,700kg (6,000-pound) warhead, this precision-guided bomb is made of high-strength steel and built to penetrate up to 200 feet (61 metres) underground before exploding.

The B-2 Spirit, a US stealth bomber, is currently the only aircraft designed to deploy the GBU-57 and can carry two bunker buster bombs at a time. The US Air Force says multiple bombs can be dropped sequentially, either by the same aircraft or by several, allowing each strike to burrow deeper, amplifying the overall impact.

Israel also operates US-made bunker busters, including the GBU-28 and BLU-109, which are typically dropped from fighter jets such as the F-15. These weapons, however, have a much shallower penetration range and are not capable of reaching extreme depths of fortified sites like Iran’s Fordow nuclear facility. In 2024, Israel reportedly used successive BLU-109 bombs to kill Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in his underground headquarters in Beirut.

How deep is Iran’s Fordow nuclear facility?

Iran’s Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant, located about 95km (60 miles) southwest of Tehran, is built into the side of a mountain, reportedly up to 80-90 metres (260-300 feet) underground, to survive air strikes and bunker buster attacks.

Construction of the Fordow facility is believed to have begun in about 2006, and it became operational in 2009, the same year Iran officially acknowledged it.

Under the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, known as the JCPOA, Iran agreed to halt enrichment at Fordow and convert the site into a research centre. However, after the US withdrew from the agreement in 2018, Iran resumed uranium enrichment at the facility. Iran has insisted its nuclear programme is for civilian purposes.

Fordow is reportedly defended by Iranian and Russian surface-to-air missile systems, though those defences may have already been targeted in Israel’s ongoing strikes.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed the campaign as a mission to dismantle Iran’s missile and nuclear capabilities, describing them as an existential threat. Officials have confirmed that Fordow is a key target.

“This entire operation … really has to be completed with the elimination of Fordow,” said Yechiel Leiter, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, in an interview with Fox News.

Other nuclear sites targeted

Israel is believed to have destroyed the above-ground section of Iran’s uranium enrichment facility at Natanz, the country’s largest nuclear site.

According to the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the resulting power loss may have also caused damage to the underground enrichment halls at the facility.

Before and after satellite imagery reveals the extent of the damage at Natanz.

Israeli attacks have also damaged the Isfahan enrichment facility in central Iran.

Potential nuclear and chemical contamination

On Monday, Rafael Grossi, the head of the UN nuclear watchdog, said there was a possibility of both radiological and chemical contamination from the damaged Natanz site.

Speaking at an emergency IAEA session in Vienna, Grossi said radiation levels remain normal outside Iran’s Natanz and Isfahan nuclear sites, both of which were hit in Israeli strikes. However, he warned that ongoing military escalation increases the risk of a radiological release.

Fordow is located about 32 kilometres (20 miles) south of the city of Qom, Iran’s seventh-largest city with a population of some 1.4 million and a major religious and political centre.