bases

Army installations within the lower 48 states will have operating nuclear microreactors starting in the fall of 2028 if the Army’s Janus program moves forward on schedule. The addition of nuclear power will diversify the energy sources available on military bases and provide a critical enhancement to their resiliency, the Army says. 

“What resilience means to us is that we have power, no matter what, 24/7,” Dr. Jeff Waksman, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Installations, Energy and Environment, said during a media roundtable attended by TWZ at last week’s Association of the U.S. Army’s (AUSA) main annual conference.

Waksman’s comments followed a briefing earlier in the day at which Army Secretary Daniel P. Driscoll and Department of Energy (DOE) Secretary Christopher Wright jointly announced the launch of the Janus Program. 

“The U.S. Army is leading the way on fielding innovative and disruptive technology,” Driscoll said. “We are shredding red tape and incubating next-generation capabilities in a variety of critical sectors, including nuclear power.”

Janus is the Army’s plan to realize President Donald Trump’s Executive Order 14299, titled “Deploying Advanced Nuclear Reactor Technologies for National Security,” which directs the Department of War to commence operation of an Army-regulated nuclear reactor at a domestic military installation no later than September 30, 2028.

Some time in the next few weeks, barring a long extension of the government shutdown, the Army will release an Area of Interest (AOI) solicitation with a draft request for proposals (RFP) attached, according to Waksman. An industry day event thereafter will give the Army feedback on potential microreactor approaches and contact with interested companies and startups. 

A competition will follow, after which the Army expects to select multiple companies to build and deliver microreactor prototypes to an initial batch of base/installation sites (likely nine sites) yet to be determined. The companies selected will each be given one Army site to deliver their prototypes to, and each firm will be required to build two reactors.   

“They will build one, and then in a staggered fashion, build a second,” Waksman explained. “The reason why we’re doing that is because you have to get to Nth-of-a-kind to have a commercial product. [By Nth-of-a-kind Waksman means multiple units of a product or, in this case, reactor.] We want to see that these companies have a path to get from their first prototype to the second one and beyond to the Nth-of-a-kind.”

The program is named for Janus, an ancient Roman god of beginnings, gates, and transitions. Accordingly, its approach is about transitioning from one-off prototypes to multiple-unit commercial systems, Waksman added. 

It dovetails with an initiative announced by the Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) last April called Advanced Nuclear Power for Installations (ANPI). It also seeks to field nuclear microreactors that can supplement energy sources at DoW installations, whose power is typically drawn from commercial grids.

DIU is a partner in Janus and will contribute funding to the program. It will also act as the contracting officer, and Janus will use its contracting authorities. However, the Army will conduct program management. Waksman says Janus will have different technical requirements than ANPI and reflect changes in the nuclear power market, including new entrants that have emerged since last spring. 

Hovering in the background is yet another nuclear project called Pele, which emerged from the DoD’s Strategic Capabilities Office (SCO) in 2022. The stated intent there was to “design, build, and demonstrate a prototype mobile nuclear reactor within five years.” 

Pele was envisioned as potentially transportable operational nuclear energy, and the project continues with integrator BWXT, which is in the process of manufacturing and delivering the first advanced microreactor. The transportable nuclear reactors developed for Pele are designed to be transported within four 20-foot shipping containers, allowing them to be potentially moved to areas where the military or government may need to stand up power generation infrastructure to support military or other operations. 

While Pele is developmentally interesting, Waksman said, “We do not at this time see nuclear power as a tactical application.” This is largely because tactical reactor development drives up cost, and there is currently no need for megawatt power at the combat edge, Waksman explained.

As such, Janus microreactors will go to domestic installations to bolster energy supply, and some certainly have unique needs for power beyond redundancy. For example, remote Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska relies on a 70-year-old coal-fired power plant on the base for its primary energy needs. Since 2021, the Air Force has been working to at least demonstrate a small nuclear reactor at Eielson for exactly this reason.

A next step beyond could see the deployment of small nuclear reactors to strategic support areas, which could range from the Indo-Pacific periphery, from Hawaii to Pacific islands, for instance, as well as other locales. However, Waksman stresses the need to complete the first phase before further extending the program. 

Energy resilience is the core of Janus. Waksman observed that on Army installations and other service installations, power resiliency is currently 100 percent provided by fossil fuels. Renewable power generation exists on some installations, but is not considered highly resilient, nor a primary source of energy. He added that every grid globally is reliant on a base-load power source – fossil fuel, geothermal, hydropower, or nuclear. 

“Unless you’re in one of the few places in the world where geothermal is viable or you have a dam nearby, your only choices are nuclear or fossil fuel at this time…There’s just no ability to have a grid that works solely on solar and wind and batteries at this point.” 

“Anyone who’s seen big solar arrays on military installations knows that the moment that you have a Black Start exercise and the grid goes down, those are immediately cut off. They do not provide power, so the resiliency is fossil fuels. You have a certain number of backup power days, but that is a huge vulnerability…”

Black Start is a congressionally mandated requirement for DoW installations, testing their ability to operate without grid power in an emergency.

The microreactors that Janus will seek to deploy will be what commercial industry refers to as Generation IV or so-called “Passive Reactors” which, by design, cannot melt down. Utilizing low-enriched uranium (to about 5 percent), they will generally not be higher than 20 megawatt plants. Even so, they’ll likely offer surplus power, which could potentially provide energy resiliency to local communities. 

“If everything goes black outside the fence, that’s where most soldiers live, where their families live and where a lot of critical infrastructure is,” Waksman said. “I’ve been to a lot of hardened [military] sites. I’ve yet to see one that is resilient to everything going down outside the fence line. Selling some of this [power] outside the fence line is something that we’re actively interested in doing.”  

Such a scheme is in a legal gray area, Waksman noted, but there is precedent — a military-based reactor sold energy to an adjacent community in the early 1980s. However, the Army believes it could offer excess power commercially with some limitations. Waksman said that the Department of the Army is currently negotiating with Congress on this issue and is seeing bipartisan support. 

Thanks to the low-enrichment nature of the small reactors, the Army does not expect a requirement for extra force protection at nuclear-powered installations. 

The United States’ existing fleet of reactors runs on uranium fuel that is enriched up to 5 percent with uranium-235, called Low-enriched uranium (LEU). U-235 — the main fissile isotope that produces energy during a chain reaction — is considered safe for use in commercial nuclear reactors.

The ubiquity of LEU makes integration of small reactors on military installations more affordable, Waksman noted. Affordability is a major consideration within Janus. How much the military is willing to pay for resiliency is a hard question, Waksman admits. He offered that the Army doesn’t think nuclear power cost needs to be equivalent with fossil fuels, but just reasonably close. He cites the roughly 40 cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh) that consumers pay in Hawaii and Alaska, rather than the 10 to 12 cents per kWh paid in the continental U.S. to illustrate the point. At the 40 cents per kWh level, the Army expects there will be a significant commercial market over and above military nuclear power generation demand.  

Hawaii and Alaska also illustrate the kind of environments, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, where there is current energy scarcity. Such scarcity makes moving a missile defense system, directed energy systems, large radars, or artificial intelligence data centers to an island or a remote Arctic site problematic. 

The strain on available local energy infrastructure imparted by these kinds of systems means they are often limited by ad hoc diesel power generation or other arrangements, Waksman explained. Installing advanced microreactors could potentially transform such locales from energy-scarce environments to a state of energy abundance, which could support defense and other infrastructure. This could be critical to U.S. success in the Pacific. 

There may be political challenges to placing microreactors on Pacific islands, other foreign territories, or even within the United States, Waksman acknowledged. But he opined that many places don’t necessarily oppose nuclear power. They oppose not being consulted about it. He says there will be pre-engagement discussion with any proposed local community. If they object, the Army won’t go there. 

“We’re not here to impose nuclear power on any local communities,” he added. Foreign placements would fall under Status of Forces Agreements. Waksman points to the fact that the Navy has successfully concluded these throughout the Pacific, “so it can be done”. 

Janus could also bring second and third-order benefits with it. Introducing advanced microreactors to military installations could kick-start the U.S. commercial nuclear power market and attract new blood to replenish the current critical shortage of nuclear engineers in America, Waksman said. 

The model being used for the Janus competition, he explained, is the NASA COTS (Commercial Orbital Transportation System) model, which was the catalyst for the creation of SpaceX. Elon Musk’s company made space engineering cool again, inspiring students to go into the rocketry/space field, Waksman says.  

“There’s a feeling [that] nuclear needs a SpaceX. There are innovative, exciting startups, so we’re hoping to cultivate them in the same way that NASA cultivated SpaceX and make nuclear sexy again and encourage more top young engineering talent to go into the field.”

Trump’s Executive Order has put the Army on a tight timeline to make Janus a reality. 

“We will do everything in our power to successfully meet the Executive Order,” Waksman affirmed. 

Brandon Cockrell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Energy and Sustainability, also attended the roundtable and concluded the meeting by asserting that there is already significant competition among states and municipalities to get advanced microreactors at local bases.

“There are some states across the U.S. that are already leaning forward heavily with tax deferments and resources… This is a whole concerted effort to get the nuclear industry to the next phase in the nation.”  

Contact the editor: [email protected]

Drone sorties over past week have caused the temporary closures of several Danish airports, raising security concerns amid war in Ukraine.

Denmark has barred civilian drones from its airspace before a European Union Summit, following reported sightings of drones at several military locations overnight on Saturday. The Nordic country has been on alert following a string of drone incidents over the past week, which have led to the closure of several airports.

The ban will remain in place from Monday through Friday of the coming week, when Denmark, which holds the rotating presidency of the EU for the second half of this year, will be hosting European leaders.

“We are currently in a difficult security situation, and we must ensure the best possible working conditions for the armed forces and the police when they are responsible for security during the EU summit,” Defence Minister Troels Lund Poulsen said in a statement on Sunday.

In a statement earlier in the day, the country’s Ministry of Defence said it had “several capacities deployed” after the drone sighting, without elaborating on the deployment, the number of drones or the locations.

The latest incident comes a day after the NATO military alliance announced it was upgrading its mission in the Baltic Sea with an air defence frigate in response to the drone incursion in Denmark.

In a statement sent to the Reuters news agency, NATO said it would “conduct even more enhanced vigilance with new multi-domain assets in the Baltic Sea region”.

It added that the new assets included “intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance platforms and at least one air-defence frigate”.

Copenhagen Airport was closed on Monday for several hours after several large drones were observed in its airspace. In the days that followed, five smaller Danish airports, both civilian and military, were also shut temporarily.

‘A hybrid attack’

The Danish transportation ministry said “all civilian drone flying in Danish airspace will be prohibited … to remove the risk that enemy drones can be confused with legal drones and vice versa.

“We cannot accept that foreign drones create uncertainty and disturbances in society, as we have experienced recently. At the same time, Denmark will host EU leaders in the coming week, where we will have extra focus on security,” Danish Minister for Transport Thomas Danielsen said in a statement.

“A violation of the prohibition can result in a fine or imprisonment for up to two years,” according to the statement.

Denmark will host EU leaders on Wednesday, followed by a summit on Thursday of the wider, 47-member European Political Community, set up to unite the EU with other friendly European countries after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

Denmark has called the drones part of a “hybrid attack”. It has stopped short of saying definitively who it believes is responsible, but Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has suggested it could be Moscow, calling Russia the primary “country that poses a threat to European security”. The Kremlin denies blame.

NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said last week that Russian involvement could not be ruled out – an accusation that Moscow has already rejected.

A German air defence frigate arrived in Copenhagen on Sunday to assist with airspace surveillance during the high-profile events.

Meanwhile, the incursions come at the same time Estonia accused Russia last week of three MiG-31 fighter jets violating its airspace for 12 minutes before NATO Italian fighter jets escorted them out.

However, Russia has also denied that its jets have violated Estonia’s airspace.

Speaking at the UN on Saturday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov hit out at accusations from the West, blaming it for scaremongering about the possibility of a “third world war”.

“Russia is being accused of almost planning to attack NATO and EU countries. President [Vladimir] Putin has repeatedly debunked these provocations,” he said.

Sept. 27 (UPI) — Denmark on Saturday reported more suspicious drones flying above its largest military base, the second time its airspace was violated this week after another group of drones grounded commercial flights days ago.

Finland, Germany and Lithuania on Saturday also reported sighting drones in their airspace, which follows reports from other NATO nations, including Estonia, Poland and Romania, that reported airspace violations.

In the latest incident, the BBC reported drones were observed above Karup airbase, forcing the nation’s military base to close airspace to commercial traffic. Drones were spotted flying over the country on Thursday near Skrydstrup air base, causing the closure of Aalborg Airport, as others were detected over the southern cities of Esbjerg and Sonderborg.

Additionally, on Saturday, Lithuania report that three drones were noticed near Vilnius, which delayed several commercial flights, Lithuanian broadcaster LRT reported, while Yle reported that a drone flew over the Valajasosky power plant in Rovaniemi, Finland.

Danish Defense Minister Troels Lund Poulsen has said that there is no evidence directly linking the aircraft to Russia, though there has been a significant rise in Russian violations of allied airspace, according to European leaders.

“There can be no doubt that everything points to this being the work of a professional actor when we are talking about such a systematic operation in so many locations at virtually the same time. This is what I would define as a hybrid attack using different types of drones,” Poulsen said Thursday after drones were spotted over the country.

In a separate incident, Danish authorities said a Russian warship was spotted near their waters with the tracking system off, the Danish outlet Ekstra Bladet reported.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov called the allegations “unfounded.”

The Danish Defense Ministry confirmed that drones appeared near multiple military installations but did not specify which ones, according to the BBC. Denmark’s Defense Command, which did not disclose the number of drones it detected, told the Danish news outlet DR News that it deployed resources in response to the drone incursions.

Karup airbase is home to all of the Danish Armed Forces’ helicopters, airspace surveillance and parts of the Danish Defence Command.

Earlier in the week, on Monday, Denmark’s Copenhagen Airport also halted operations because of drone sightings, as did authorities Norway’s Oslo Airport.

Overnight Wednesday, the airspace above Aalborg Airport in northern Jutland was closed — several flights were cancelled and two inbound flights were diverted for about 1 hour — after police reported a drone, Danish broadcaster TV2 said.

German media also reported drone sightings on Friday night in Schleswig-Holstein, which is near the Danish border.

The incursions over NATO members’ borders have increased in the last few weeks after Poland shot down Russian drones violating its airspace on Sept. 10, which came at the same time as a massive strike on Ukraine at the same time. This was the first time NATO had engaged Russian assets over its territory since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

Romania reported a similar violation on Sept. 13 and scrambled F-16s after detecting a Russian drone.

Three Russian MiG-31 jets later entered Estonian airspace over the Gulf of Finland on Sept. 19, which spurred Estonian leaders to invoke Article 4 of the NATO treaty, which allows any member of the alliance to call for consultations if it feels its “territorial integrity, political independence or security” is under threat.

BRITAIN must ramp up missile defences – like Israel’s Iron Dome – or risk its nuclear bases being obliterated in the first hours of a war with Russia.

Moscow would target RAF jets and Royal Navy nuclear submarines if it launched a surprise attack, a report by the Rusi think tank has warned.

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A pre-emptive strike could “cripple” Britain’s nuclear deterrent and conventional military power – as most of the UK’s best weapons are “concentrated on just a few sites”.

The report warned a single Russian Yasen-class submarine could launch 40 cruise missiles from the Norwegian Sea with “relatively low warning”.

Yet the UK lacks both the radars to detect them “skimming over the sea” – or the weapons to shoot them down.

The report’s author Sidharth Kaushal said the immediate threat comes from sub-sonic Russian cruise missiles which can be launched from planes and submarines.

By 2035 the main risk will come from intermediate range ballistic missiles, like the Oreshnik blasted at Ukraine last year.

By 2040 the UK will need to defend against “hypersonic glide vehicles” which can travel at 20 times the speed of sound.

He also warned short range drones could be smuggled close to targets and launched from sea containers – like Ukraine’s Operation Spiders Web – or launched by Spetznaz special forces.

Kaushal said calls for a British Iron Dome were warranted by Russia’s focus on “long-range conventional precision strike” weapons.

He said: “The initial priority is the expansion of its capacity for the defence of critical military installations against what is primarily a cruise missile threat.”

The report urged Keir Starmer to buy space based sensors and long range radars that can see 3000km away, the equivalent of Lands End to Moscow.

He said “long-range precision strikes” was central to Kremlin military doctrine.

He said: “The destruction of aircraft on the ground is particularly salient. The destruction of nuclear attack submarines that carry submarine-launched cruise missiles is also described as a priority.”

Russian targets would likely the Royal Navy Bases at Devonport and Clyde and RAF Marham in Norfolk, where the nuclear capable fleet of F-35 stealth jets is based.

It comes after RAF war games showed Britain would be overwhelmed if it faced a Russian missile attack like the first night of the war in Ukraine.

Air Commodore Blythe Crawford said: “It was not a pretty picture.”

The drills suggested bases would be blown to smithereens and £100 million fighter jets could get blitzed before they could hide.

Air Cdre Crawford, who was head the RAF’s Air and Space Warfare Centre at the time, said it showed the UK “home base” was no longer safe.

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The drills used a £36 million wargaming system to test the UK’s responses to “hundreds of different types of munitions” attacking from multiple different directions.

It exposed multiple vulnerabilities including a chronic shortage of airfields and a lack of hardened shelters for protect and hide jets on the ground.

The government sold off scores of airfields and watered-down the RAF’s powers to commandeer civilian runways.

The Armed Forces rely on RAF Typhoons, which scramble from RAF Lossiemouth, to shoot down incoming drones and cruise missiles.

The only British missiles that could intercept Russian ballistic missiles are based onboard the Royal Navy’s Type 45 destroyers.

Air Cdr Crawford warned Britain had got lax by standing at the edge of Europe and “feeling as though the rest of the continent stood between us and the enemy”.

He said: “Ukraine has made us all sit up.” The government announced last week it was buying six more launchers to for its Sky Sabre air defence systems.

The weapons, used by the Royal Artillery, can shoot down targets the size of a tennis ball at two times the speed of sound.

As the Democratic Party searches for direction in the post-2024 landscape, its leaders seem bent on alienating their own base over Gaza. This is not a matter of nuance or tactical positioning; it’s a profound moral and political miscalculation.

That failure is on vivid display in the decision by House Democratic Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (Redlands) to help lead a delegation of mostly freshman Democratic representatives recently to Israel. The trip included meetings with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is on trial for corruption in Israel and is the subject of arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Polling makes the disconnect impossible to ignore. In July, Gallup found that just 8% of Democrats approve of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, with disapproval overwhelming. Pew Research Center reported in April that 69% of Democrats now hold an unfavorable view of Israel — a striking shift from just a few years ago. And Data for Progress has consistently found supermajority Democratic support for a permanent ceasefire; in May 2024, 83% of Democrats backed a permanent ceasefire, and in a June 12, 2024, poll a majority of Democrats said they believed Israel was committing war crimes in Gaza.

Aguilar’s role makes this especially galling. He isn’t a backbencher; he’s a high-ranking member of the Democratic Party leadership. That gives him a particular responsibility to model principled conduct for newer members. Instead, he’s showing them the wrong lesson: that obedience to the donor class matters more than representing constituents. The point is underscored by his fundraising: OpenSecrets reports Aguilar received about $678,000 from donors categorized as “Pro-Israel” in the 2023–24 cycle.

The mechanics of that influence are no mystery. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee and allied pro-Israel PACs reward loyalty with torrents of campaign cash and punish dissent with lavishly funded primary challenges. Reps. Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush — both outspoken critics of Israel’s conduct in Gaza — have been textbook examples: Bowman was unseated after record outside spending flooded his race, and Bush faced a barrage of super-PAC money that ultimately toppled her. The incentive structure is clear: Toe the line and your coffers swell; cross it and a financial juggernaut rolls over you.

There is a political price for complying with this pressure, however. The Institute for Middle East Understanding, using YouGov, found that among voters who backed Joe Biden in 2020 but chose someone else in 2024 “ending Israel’s violence in Gaza” was the top issue for 29% nationally — ahead of the economy — and 20% in battleground states. Those results point to a straightforward conclusion: Ignoring Democratic voters on Gaza depresses enthusiasm and peels away enough support to matter in close races.

Gaza is politically damaging not only because of the issue itself — though the moral stakes could hardly be higher — but also because it has become a measure of where leaders’ loyalties lie. Voters read it as a test of whether their representatives will stand with the people who elected them or with wealthy donors and foreign lobbies. Fail that test and many will assume you might betray them on other critical issues in the future.

The Democratic leadership’s unwillingness to adapt is not just bad politics; it’s a betrayal of basic democratic principles. Rank-and-file Democrats overwhelmingly want an end to the carnage, an end to unconditional military aid to Israel, and policies rooted in human rights and international law. Yet too many leaders seem more concerned with keeping favor in donor circles than with honoring the public’s will.

If Democrats hope to retain their coalition, they need to realign policy with their voters’ values: call for a permanent ceasefire; condition U.S. military assistance on compliance with international law; and replace photo-op delegations with diplomacy that centers on justice and accountability.

Until then, every AIPAC-sponsored trip led by a party leader will read like a declaration of priorities — and a reminder of the price the party will continue to pay at the ballot box.

George Bisharat is a professor emeritus at UC Law San Francisco and a longtime commentator on U.S. policy toward the Middle East.

Sunday was one of those cloudless late-summer Dodger Stadium afternoons in which the flags in center field stirred lazily in the slight breeze and the air felt far hotter than the thermometer said.

The temperature was 83 degrees at the matinee’s first pitch, yet many fans crowded into the top rows of the reserved and loge levels and stood atop the outfield pavilions in search of shade from an unrelenting sun that hovered directly overhead.

As for the Dodgers, they were just as hot as the weather until the bullpen gate swung open at the start of the eighth inning Sunday, with relievers Blake Treinen and Alex Vesia giving up three solo home runs in the span of six batters in a 5-4 loss to the Toronto Blue Jays.

The deciding run scored when second baseman Ernie Clement drove Vesia’s first pitch over the wall in left field for this eighth homer of the season, ruining another splendid outing from starter Tyler Glasnow and a big offensive day from Shohei Ohtani, who reached base four times before striking out against reliever Mason Fluharty with the bases loaded in the ninth.

Mookie Betts followed by grounding into a force out, the second time in as many innings the Dodgers left the bases loaded. The Dodgers had 10 hits and 13 walks on the afternoon but were one for 10 with runners in scoring position, stranding 16.

Even more important: The loss, combined with the Padres’ win over the Boston Red Sox in San Diego, cut the Dodgers’ lead in the National League West to two games.

The Blue Jays came to Los Angeles after a three-game sweep of the Rockies in Colorado in which they scored 45 runs and had 63 hits. Against the Dodgers, Toronto scored just three times and had just 17 hits entering the fifth inning. Glasnow did his part, giving up two runs and four hits through 5 2/3 innings, striking out eight. It was his fifth stellar start in six outings since returning from an inflamed shoulder last month and he left with a 3-2 lead, the first time since his first start of the season in March that he left a game with a chance at a win.

But the bullpen couldn’t hold it, with Treinen giving up back-to-back homers to Vladimir Guerrero Jr. and Addison Barger with one out in the eighth. After the Dodgers came back to tie the score on a bases-loaded walk to Freddie Freeman in the bottom of the inning, Vesia gave the lead right back in the ninth.

Glasnow, as he has all season, deserved a better fate. He has given up more than two runs just once in his last nine starts and has given up just 20 hits in 34 2/3 innings since returning from the injured list. Yet he has little positive to show for it, with nine of his 11 starts ending with no decision despite a 3.06 ERA and .172 opponents’ batting average.

“I really like the way that he’s got the blinders on it, and nothing’s affecting him,” Dodger manager Dave Roberts said before the game. “To say a player, specifically Tyler, is unflappable is a big compliment, and I think that that’s something he’s worked on because he gets emotional.

“There’s things that you can’t control at times, and his ability to kind of lock back in, he’s been really, really impressive.”

Glasnow got off to a slow start, getting an out on his first pitch then missing the strike zone on five of his next six before Guerrero — who came in hitting .364 lifetime against Glasnow — drove a run-scoring double to the wall in center field.

But by the time Glasnow came out to start the second inning, he had a lead. Ohtani evened the score, lining his 23^rd career leadoff home run into the right-field bleachers to run his hitting streak to nine games, matching his season high. Two outs later, Freeman put the Dodgers in front, slicing an 0-2 pitch over the wall in left-center for his 14^th homer of the season.

Glasnow, who continued to struggle with his control, nearly gave the lead back, loading the bases on two walks sandwiched around a double by Joey Loperfido. But after a mound visit from pitching coach Mark Prior, the right-hander got Nathan Lukes to ground into an inning-ending double play.

That allowed the Dodgers to extend their lead to 3-1 in the bottom of the second when Freeman walked with the bases loaded.

Glasnow wouldn’t be in trouble again until the sixth, when Bo Bichette led off with a single and came around to score on a two-out flare to right by Ty France, cutting the lead to 3-2. That drove Glasnow from the mound an out short of the seventh inning.

The Dodgers missed a chance to add to that lead shortly after Glasnow left when Ohtani was thrown out at third on the front end of a double steal with two on and two out and Freeman at the plate to end the sixth. That proved costly when Treinen, the fourth reliever summoned to close out the game, coughed on the lead on the back-to-back homers.

Freeman wouldn’t be denied his next opportunity, drawing his second bases-loaded walk of the game, and the fourth walk of the inning, on a full-count pitch to tie the score with two out in the eighth.

But while the Dodgers would load the bases again the ninth, they would get no more.

WASHINGTON — Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth says bases in Indiana and New Jersey can house detained immigrants without affecting military readiness — a step toward potentially detaining thousands of people on bases on U.S. soil.

Hegseth notified members of Congress from both states this week of the proposal to temporarily house detained immigrants at Camp Atterbury in Indiana and Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst in New Jersey.

President Trump has moved to aggressively detain and deport people in the country illegally, a push that has swept up large numbers of immigrants, including many with no prior criminal records, and forced federal authorities to find places to house them.

Hegseth said the presence of the detainees would not negatively affect the bases’ operations or training. Officials have not said when detainees could begin arriving at the facilities or if other military bases are under consideration.

Speaking to reporters outside the White House, Trump’s border chief, Tom Homan, said there are about 60,000 beds available for detained immigrants and the goal is to expand to 100,000.

“We’re looking for any available bed space we can get that meets the detention standards we’re accustomed to,” Homan said Friday. “The faster we get the beds, the more people we can take off the street.”

Democratic lawmakers from both states and civil rights advocates condemned the idea of housing immigrants at the bases, questioning the effect on military resources and the justification for so many detentions.

“Using our country’s military to detain and hold undocumented immigrants jeopardizes military preparedness and paves the way for [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] raids in every New Jersey community,” New Jersey’s Democratic delegation said in a statement.

Democratic Rep. Andre Carson of Indiana said his questions about detainee conditions have gone unanswered by the Trump administration.

He cited concerns raised about conditions at other facilities and said, “The fact that ICE has detained so many individuals that they now need to expand detention space in Indiana is disturbing.”

Amol Sinha, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey, said in a statement that housing immigrants in military facilities sets a dangerous precedent “and is contrary to the values embedded in our Constitution.”

Both of the bases identified by Hegseth have housed Afghan or Ukrainian refugees in recent years.

During Trump’s first administration, he authorized the use of military bases to detain immigrant children — including Army installations at Ft. Bliss and Goodfellow Air Force Base in Texas.

In 2014, President Obama temporarily relied on military bases to detain immigrant children while ramping up privately operated family detention centers to hold many of the tens of thousands of Central American families who crossed the border.

Klepper and Freking write for the Associated Press. AP writers Christine Fernando and Darlene Superville in Washington contributed to this report.

France has handed over its two remaining military bases in Senegal, ending its 65-year presence in the African country. A departure ceremony was held in Dakar for the final contingent of around 350 French soldiers.

About 350 French soldiers are leaving Senegal, marking the end of a departure process that began in March.

France has officially handed over its two remaining military bases in Senegal, leaving the onetime colonial power with no permanent presence in either West or Central Africa.

France returned Camp Geille, its largest base in Senegal, and its airfield at Dakar’s airport in a ceremony on Thursday attended by top French and Senegalese officials, including Senegalese Chief of the General Staff Mbaye Cisse and General Pascal Ianni, the head of the French forces in Africa.

The pullout ends the French army’s 65-year presence in Senegal and comes after similar withdrawals across the continent as former colonies increasingly turn their backs on the nation that once ruled them.

France’s withdrawal from Senegal also comes as the Sahel region faces a growing conflict. The violence across Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger is threatening Gulf of Guinea nations to the south.

About 350 French soldiers, who had primarily been tasked with conducting joint operations with the Senegalese army, are now leaving the country, marking the end of a departure process that began in March.

General Cisse said the handover marked “an important turning point in the rich and long military journey of our two countries”.

France is “reinventing partnerships in a dynamic Africa”, Ianni said. “We are turning a page in the military history of our two countries, … a very special relationship and one essential for the countries of the region.”

After storming to victory in elections last year by promising dramatic change, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye demanded France withdraw its soldiers by 2025.

However, unlike the leaders of other former French colonies such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, which are run by military governments, Faye has insisted that Senegal will keep working with Paris.

After gaining independence in 1960, Senegal became one of France’s staunchest African allies, playing host to French troops throughout its history.

Faye has also urged France to apologise for colonial atrocities, including the massacre on December 1, 1944, of dozens of African troops who had fought for France in World War II.

With governments across Africa increasingly questioning France’s military presence, Paris has closed or reduced the numbers of its soldiers at bases across its former empire.

In February, France handed back its sole remaining base in Ivory Coast, ending decades of French presence there.

The month before, France turned over the Kossei base in Chad, its last military foothold in the Sahel region.

Coups in Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali from 2020 to 2023 have swept military strongmen to power. Their governments have collectively ejected 4,300 French soldiers. All three countries have cut ties with France and turned to Russia instead for help in fighting the Sahel’s decade-long unrest.

The Central African Republic, also a former French colony to which the Kremlin has sent mercenaries, has likewise demanded a French pullout.

Meanwhile, the French army has turned its base in Gabon into a camp shared with its Central African host.

Only the tiny Horn of Africa nation of Djibouti will be home to a permanent French army base after Thursday’s withdrawal. France intends to make that base with about 1,500 people its military headquarters for Africa.

June 10 (UPI) — President Donald Trump announced Tuesday that Army bases, which honored Confederate leaders before 2023, will have their original names reinstated. Trump said, “it’s no time to change.”

Trump made the announcement during a speech at Fort Bragg to celebrate the Army’s 250th birthday, which will also be celebrated this weekend in Washington, D.C., with a military parade.

“For a little breaking news, we are also going to be restoring the names to Fort Pickett, Fort Hood, Fort Gordon, Fort Rucker, Fort Polk, Fort A.P. Hill and Fort Robert E. Lee,” Trump said.

“We won a lot of battles out of those forts. It’s no time to change. And I’m superstitious. I like to keep it going,” he added.

Fort Bragg’s name was recently restored from Fort Liberty after Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth signed an order earlier this year. Instead of honoring Confederate general Braxton Bragg, the base now honors World War II paratrooper and Silver Star recipient Roland Bragg.

“Fort Bragg, it shall always remain. That’s never going to be happening again,” Trump said Tuesday.

The Pentagon also restored Fort Moore’s original name to Fort Benning, with the retired name honoring a different man and not Confederate general, Lt. Gen. Henry Benning. The Georgia base now honors Corporal Fred Benning, who was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for extraordinary heroism during World War I.

While most of the bases will be renamed in honor of someone with the same surname, Trump implied that Fort A.P. Hill and Fort Robert E. Lee would not.

“We won two world wars in those forts,” Trump told supporters last July during a campaign rally, as he criticized the Biden administration for dropping the bases’ original names.

Former President Biden ordered the bases be renamed in 2021 following Black Lives Matter protests the previous year. Biden signed a bill that created a naming commission to change the names of forts that honored Confederates, while giving the commission three years to complete the job.

During Tuesday’s speech, Trump also discussed the protests in Los Angeles and his deployment of National Guardsmen and Marines, saying “this anarchy will not stand.”

“Generations of Army heroes did not shed their blood on distant shores only to watch our country be destroyed by invasion and third world lawlessness here at home, like is happening in California,” Trump said.

“As commander in chief, I will not let that happen. It’s never going to happen. What you’re witnessing in California is a full-blown assault on peace, on public order and on national sovereignty carried out by rioters bearing foreign flags with the aim of continuing a foreign invasion of our country,” the president continued.

“This week, we remember that we only have a country because we first had an Army — and after 250 years, we still proudly declare that we are free because you are strong.”

The Army will continue the celebration of its 250th anniversary with a military parade on Saturday in Washington, D.C. Saturday is also Flag Day and Trump’s 79th birthday.

Ukrainian drones struck multiple military airbases deep inside Russia on Sunday in a major operation a day before the neighbours held peace talks in Istanbul.

The Russian Defence Ministry said Ukraine had launched drone strikes targeting Russian military airfields across five regions, causing several aircraft to catch fire.

The attacks occurred in the Murmansk, Irkutsk, Ivanovo, Ryazan, and Amur regions. Air defences repelled the assaults in all but two regions – Murmansk and Irkutsk, the ministry said.

“In the Murmansk and Irkutsk regions, the launch of FPV drones from an area in close proximity to airfields resulted in several aircraft catching fire,” the Defence Ministry said. FPV drones are unmanned aerial vehicles with cameras on the front that relay live footage to operators, who in turn use those visuals to direct the drones.

The fires were extinguished, and no casualties were reported. Some individuals involved in the attacks had been detained, the Russian Defence Ministry said.

On Sunday night, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy praised the “absolutely brilliant” Ukrainian drone attack on the Telegram messaging app.

But the Sunday attacks were only the latest in a series of audacious hits on Russian military facilities, territory and symbols of power over the past three years of war — often acknowledged by Kyiv, and in some cases widely believed to have been carried out by Ukrainian special forces.

What happened on June 1?

Zelenskyy said 117 drones had been used to attack the Russian bases on Sunday. “Russia has had very tangible losses, and justifiably so,” he said.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) said that it had hit Russian military planes worth a combined $7bn in a wave of drone strikes on Russian air bases thousands of kilometres behind the front line.

Targets included the Belaya airbase in Irkutsk, about 4,300km (2,670 miles) from the Ukrainian border, and the Olenya airbase in south Murmansk, some 1,800km (1,120 miles) from Ukraine.

Earlier on Sunday, multiple local media reports in Ukraine claimed that the operation was carried out by the SBU using drones smuggled deep into Russia and hidden inside trucks.

At least 41 Russian heavy bombers at four airbases were hit, the reports said. The strikes reportedly hit Tu-95 and Tu-22 strategic bombers, which Russia uses to fire long-range missiles at Ukrainian cities.

Russia is yet to confirm the extent of the damage, but the attack could mark Ukraine’s most damaging drone strike of the war to date.

Al Jazeera’s John Hendren, reporting from Kyiv, said it’s “an audacious strike, one that Ukraine has been waiting a long time and patiently to deliver, and it’s come after Russian air strikes into Ukraine have dramatically accelerated over the past couple of weeks”.

What’s the backdrop?

Both Russia and Ukraine have sharply ramped up their drone attacks against the other side in recent days.

Russia launched more than 900 kamikaze drones and 92 missiles last week, killing at least 16 civilians. Those attacks followed days of Ukrainian strikes on Russian military infrastructure in Russia’s Tula, Alabuga and Tatarstan regions, in which Kyiv used at least 800 drones.

Meanwhile, Ukraine sent a delegation to Istanbul led by its Defence Minister Rustem Umerov for talks on Monday with Russian officials. A previous round of talks, on May 16, led to a deal under which Ukraine and Russia exchanged 1,000 prisoners of war each. Monday’s talks led to an agreement on another prisoner swap.

Zelenskyy, who has previously voiced scepticism about Russia’s seriousness about peace talks, said that the Ukrainian delegation would enter the meeting in Istanbul with specific priorities, including “a complete and unconditional ceasefire” and the return of prisoners and abducted children.

Russia has said it has formulated its own peace terms and ruled out a Turkish proposal for the meeting to be held at the leaders’ level.

Monday’s meeting in Turkiye was spurred by US President Donald Trump’s push for a quick deal to end the three-year war. But the meeting did not lead to any major breakthrough.

Trump, who has increasingly demonstrated frustration with the lack of progress towards a ceasefire, recently vented his frustration at Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“Something has happened to him,” Trump wrote on his social media platform on May 25, referring to Putin. “He has gone absolutely CRAZY!”

Trump told reporters, “We’re in the middle of talking and he’s shooting rockets into Kyiv and other cities.”

The US president is yet to react to Sunday’s Ukrainian attacks on Russian airbases.

The strikes are the latest in a series of stunning, headline-grabbing attacks that Russia has periodically suffered since it launched the full-fledged invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

Crimea Bridge attacks, 2022 and 2023

In May 2018, four years after Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula, Putin drove a truck across a newly built bridge connecting the Russian mainland to the peninsula, enraging Ukrainians.

Ukraine would take its revenge, first in 2022 and then again in 2023.

In October 2022, a truck explosion that Russia blamed on Ukraine blew up a part of the bridge. Russia repaired the damage, and Putin tried to revive the symbolism of 2018, again driving across it, this time in a Mercedes.

But Ukraine would strike again. In July 2023, the bridge that serves as a crucial supply route for Russian forces in Ukraine was blown up. Russia’s National Antiterrorism Committee said the strike was carried out by two Ukrainian sea drones. Officials said two people were killed and a child was wounded.

Black Sea Fleet attacks, 2023

In September 2023, Ukraine launched a series of attacks on occupied Crimea, using drones and missiles to target key facilities of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet near Sevastopol.

Satellite images showed that the first attack destroyed half of the Black Sea Fleet’s communications command centre in Verkhnosadove.

Ukraine followed up on that attack with a strike against the Saky airfield in Crimea, which was hosting 12 Russian combat aircraft, including Su-24 and Su-30 fighter-bombers, according to the Ukrainian broadcaster Suspilne.

Then came the most devastating of the attacks, on September 22.

Ukraine hit the Black Sea Fleet command headquarters and claimed to have killed 34 officers, including fleet commander Admiral Viktor Sokolov. A further 105 soldiers were reportedly wounded.

Kremlin attack, 2023

In the dead of night in early May 2023, the ultimate symbol of Russian power for centuries — the Kremlin — came under attack, as flashes of light from small explosions over the red building’s citadel were seen in images and grainy video around the world.

Moscow said that two Ukrainian drones had been used in the attack on Putin’s residence, but had been disabled by electronic defences.

“We regard these actions as a planned terrorist act and an attempt on the president’s life, carried out on the eve of Victory Day, the May 9 Parade, at which the presence of foreign guests is also planned,” the Kremlin said in a statement.

Zelenskyy denied that his country had attacked the Russian capital or its president.

“We don’t attack Putin, or Moscow, we fight on our territory,” Zelenskyy told a news conference in Helsinki, Finland. But independent analysts, including from Western nations that are Ukrainian allies, believe Ukrainian special forces were behind the drone attacks on the Kremlin.

And a year later, Ukraine would blur the line between its territory and Russian land in the escalating war between the neighbours.

Kursk invasion, 2024 and 2025

Ukrainian forces launched a surprise attack on the Kursk region on August 6, 2024, taking Moscow by surprise. Russia began evacuating the neighbouring Belgorod region as the country’s forces were forced to confront Ukraine’s offensive in Western Russia.

At the height of the incursion, Ukrainian forces claimed nearly 1,400 square kilometres (540 square miles) of Kursk — roughly twice the size of Singapore.

By the start of 2025, Russia had most of the territory it lost in Kursk before Ukraine launched a second wave of attacks in January.

However, Kyiv suffered a major setback earlier this year after Trump temporarily cut off all military and intelligence assistance. By early March, Russia had recaptured most of the territory.