ballistic

The short-range weapon is believed to have flown 700km (435 miles) and landed in the East Sea, otherwise known as the Sea of Japan.

North Korea has fired at least one ballistic missile towards its eastern waters, the South Korean military has said, just days after United States Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth visited South Korea for annual security talks.

South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff confirmed the development on Friday, saying the short-range missile flew 700km (435 miles) towards the East Sea, otherwise known as the Sea of Japan.

The Japanese government also said North Korea had launched a missile, adding that it is likely to have fallen in waters outside of Japan’s exclusive economic zone.

Pyongyang’s latest launch comes four days after South Korea said its neighbour had fired 10 rounds of artillery into its western waters, and about a week after US President Donald Trump gave Seoul permission to build a nuclear-powered submarine.

Experts say the move, which will see South Korea join a small club of countries using such vessels, will greatly enhance its naval and defence capabilities.

South Korea wants to receive enriched uranium from the US to use as fuel for the nuclear-powered submarine, which it plans to build at home, a South Korean presidential official said on Friday.

Since they both took office earlier this year, Trump and his South Korean counterpart Lee Jae Myung have sought to restart dialogue with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

However, Kim has shunned any talks with Washington and Seoul since previous discussions with the US collapsed in 2019.

North Korea’s leader said in September that he was open to talks provided that the US drop its demand for Pyongyang to give up its nuclear weapons. He has repeatedly said his country is an “irreversible” nuclear state.

Last month, Kim attended a major military parade in Pyongyang, along with high-level officials from allied countries, including Russia and China. It showcased some of his nation’s most powerful weapons, including a new intercontinental ballistic missile.

North Korean and Russian military officials met in Pyongyang this week to discuss strengthening cooperation, North Korea’s official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said on Friday.

Pak Yong Il, vice director of the Korean People’s Army’s General Political Bureau, met a Russian delegation led by Vice Defence Minister Viktor Goremykin on Wednesday.

KCNA said the allies discussed expanding ties as part of the “deepened bilateral relations” agreed between Kim and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Earlier this week, South Korea’s spy agency said it had detected possible recruitment and training activities in North Korea, noting this could signal a potential further deployment of troops to Russia.

So far, Seoul estimates that Pyongyang has sent 15,000 soldiers to Russia to aid it in its war against Ukraine, and large numbers have died on the battlefield there.

On Tuesday, the South Korean National Intelligence Service also said it believes that Kim has dispatched about 5,000 military construction troops to its ally since September to help with infrastructure restoration projects.

SEOUL, Oct. 22 (UPI) — North Korea fired a flurry of short-range ballistic missiles on Wednesday, Seoul’s military said, a week ahead of U.S. President Donald Trump‘s scheduled visit to South Korea for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit.

“Our military detected several projectiles presumed to be short-range ballistic missiles fired from the Junghwa area of North Hwanghae Province in a northeasterly direction around 8:10 a.m. today,” Seoul’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said in a text message to reporters.

The missiles flew approximately 217 miles, the JCS said, and may have landed inland rather than in the East Sea.

“Under a robust South Korea-U.S. combined defense posture, the military is closely monitoring North Korea’s various movements and maintaining the capability and readiness to overwhelmingly respond to any provocation,” the JCS said.

Japan’s new Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said at a press conference that the missiles did not reach Japan’s territorial waters or exclusive economic zone. She added that Tokyo was coordinating closely with Washington and Seoul, including sharing real-time missile warning information.

The launch was North Korea’s fifth of the year, and the first since South Korean President Lee Jae Myung took office in June. Lee has made efforts to rehabilitate relations between the two Koreas, with conciliatory gestures such as removing propaganda loudspeakers from border areas.

The missile test comes ahead of South Korea’s hosting of the APEC summit in Gyeongju on Oct. 30-Nov. 1. Trump is expected to visit Gyeongju before the official summit for bilateral meetings with leaders including Chinese President Xi Jinping and South Korea’s Lee.

Analysts had speculated that the North may conduct a provocation ahead of the event as Pyongyang continues its push to be recognized as a nuclear-armed state.

The regime unveiled its latest intercontinental ballistic missile, the Hwasong-20, at a massive military parade earlier this month. The ICBM, which North Korean state media called the regime’s “most powerful nuclear strategic weapon,” is a solid-fuel missile believed capable of reaching the continental United States.

North Korea last fired a flurry of short-range ballistic missiles into the East Sea on May 8, in what South Korean officials characterized as a potential weapons test before export to Russia. Pyongyang has supplied missiles, artillery and soldiers to Russia for its war against Ukraine and is believed to be receiving much-needed financial support and advanced military technology in return.

DEVELOPING STORYDEVELOPING STORY,

Experts warned N Korea could launch provocative missile tests before or during the upcoming APEC summit in South Korea.

North Korea has fired multiple, short-range ballistic missiles towards waters off its eastern coast, South Korea’s military said, marking its first missile launch in months.

The launch of missiles on Wednesday morning comes a week before South Korea hosts the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, which will see Chinese President Xi Jinping, United States President Donald Trump, and other world leaders gather in the South Korean city of Gyeongju for talks.

South Korea’s military said that it “detected several projectiles, believed to be short-range ballistic missiles” fired towards the East Sea, which is also known as the Sea of Japan, the official South Korean Yonhap news agency reports.

“Our military has stepped up monitoring in preparation for (the possibility of) additional launches and is maintaining a steadfast readiness posture while sharing relevant information with the US and Japan,” South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said, according to Yonhap.

North Korea last fired short-range ballistic and cruise missiles towards the East Sea on May 8 and May 22 , meaning the latest launch is the first under South Korea’s new president, Lee Jae Myung, who took office in June, Yonhap said.

Experts had warned that North Korea could launch provocative missile tests before or during the APEC summit to underscore its commitment to being recognised as a nuclear-armed state, the Associated Press news agency reports.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un earlier this month displayed a new long-range Hwasong-20 Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM), described as the country’s “most powerful”, during a huge military parade in Pyongyang, with top Chinese, Russian and other leaders in attendance.

The parade, which marked the 80th anniversary of the founding of North Korea’s ruling Workers’ Party, highlighted Kim’s strengthening diplomatic presence on a regional and global level and his consistent drive to build sophisticated weapons capable of delivering nuclear payloads.

Pyongyang has long rejected international bans on its weapons development, which it says is necessary to protect North Korea from potential attack by its enemies, the US and South Korea.

Trump met the North Korean leader during his first term in office, and said recently that he hopes to meet Kim again, possibly this year.

Pyongyang has said that Kim is open to future talks with Trump, but with the caveat that North Korea will never agree to relinquish its nuclear arsenal.

North Korea showcased its newest intercontinental ballistic missile, the Hwasong-20, during a military parade in Pyongyang overseen by leader Kim Jong Un. The missile is believed to be capable of reaching anywhere on the US mainland.

India has tested a rail-mobile version of its nuclear-capable Agni-Prime medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM). The development puts India in a small group of nations that have developed this kind of technology, and comes as New Delhi seeks to enhance its conventional and nuclear missile forces amid similar efforts by its two major adversaries, China and Pakistan.

India’s Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO), the country’s main military research and development agency, announced the successful test firing of an Agni-Prime from a rail-based mobile launcher system on September 24. The test, which the DRDO says involved a “full operational scenario,” was carried out at an undisclosed site in the country in collaboration with India’s Strategic Forces Command (SFC).

India’s Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh posted on X today: “This successful flight test has put India in the group of select nations having capabilities that have developed a canisterized launch system from an on-the-move rail network.”

As seen in publicly released video imagery, the missile launcher is integrated inside a modified boxcar, with clamshell-type doors on the top. Doors on the sides of the boxcar open up to allow the blast from the missile’s rocket motor to vent out the sides. Interestingly, the boxcar appears to be fitted with an extendable arm that serves to move overhead electrical wires. This is an important consideration since almost all of India’s broad-gauge rail network is electrified.

The Agni-Prime (or Agni-P) is designed to have a range of between 1,000 and 2,000 kilometers (621 and 1,243 miles). In its road-mobile form, the missile has already been introduced to service, according to the DRDO.

Ultimately, the missile is expected to complement or replace India’s previous Agni-I, with a range of 700 kilometers (435 miles), and Agni-II, which also has a range of 2,000 kilometers. According to the U.K.-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) think tank, India currently has 12 Agni-I and eight Agni-II launchers in service.

The rail-based version of the launch system includes the containerized Agni-P missile, as well as an independent launch capability, communication systems, and undisclosed protection features.

There have been suggestions that the rail-based missile test attracted particular interest from China, with the Chinese missile and satellite-tracking vessel Yuan Wang 5 having been noted in the Indian Ocean ahead of the launch.

At the same time, India declared a no-fly zone over the Bay of Bengal consistent with a missile test for September 24–25.

India’s continued efforts to enhance its nuclear-capable missile force come amid China’s rapid military buildup. India also has long-running border disputes with Beijing. Meanwhile, there are continued tensions between India and its neighbor Pakistan, the two countries briefly going to war in May of this year. China and Pakistan maintain close relationships, also at a military level.

According to recent assessments, China has around 600 nuclear warheads, far more than either India (roughly 180 warheads) or Pakistan (around 170).

With its maximum range of 2,000 kilometers (1,243 miles), the Agni-P is able to cover all of Pakistan but could also be used to strike targets in the southwest of China. By making the missile rail-mobile, the number of targets within China that can be held at risk is significantly increased.

The possibility has also been raised that India might field its Agni-P missiles with conventional warheads, which would follow the practice established for earlier members of the Agni missile family and provide for additional flexibility.

But it’s as a part of India’s nuclear forces that the rail-mobile Agni-P is most significant.

After all, a railcar-based missile launcher offers New Delhi a relatively cheap way of fielding additional ballistic missiles in a way that would make them much less vulnerable to preemptive or counterattacks.

In an operational context, the rail-based launcher would exploit India’s very extensive railway network — around 40,000 miles in all — allowing missiles to be rapidly dispersed in a way that would be challenging for any opponent to detect and monitor. With rail tunnels available throughout India, these would provide ready-made hardened bunkers for the rail-mobile missile launchers to be concealed in. Not only would this make them harder to destroy, but it would also be a major challenge for an adversary to track their movements.

In this way, the rail-based Agni-P could be rolled out of a tunnel, fired, and then rolled back into the tunnel or moved to another one very rapidly, making them extremely hard to destroy. They could also be moved around in disguised cars, among other normal rail cars, making them almost impossible to spot for daily operations. At the same time, decoy cars could be produced very easily, further complicating detection and targeting by any adversary.

During the Cold War, the Soviet Union fielded a rail-based intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), known as the RT-23 Molodets, and the Kremlin had also previously planned to reintroduce this capability, with a system called Barguzin, before canceling that project to focus on the Avangard hypersonic missile.

In the past, the United States also explored rail-mobile ICBMs on different occasions as one of many options to help reduce the vulnerability of its strategic missile forces.

More recently, however, there has been a resurgence of interest in this method of missile fielding. Notably, North Korea has also begun to test-fire ballistic missiles from a railway-based system, as you can read about here. China, too, is developing a rail-based version of its DF-41 ICBM.

Although a timeline for its possible operational fielding is unclear at this point, the testing of a rail-mobile version of the Agni-Prime is a significant development for India. It’s also one that could have far-reaching implications both for its own strategic forces and for the balance of power in the region.

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China officially unveiled a nuclear-capable air-launched ballistic missile (ALBM) called the JL-1 at its sprawling military parade in Beijing yesterday. With the JL-1 displayed alongside submarine-launched and intercontinental ballistic missiles (SLBM/ICBM), the event also marked the first time that elements of all three legs of the current Chinese strategic nuclear triad had been shown together publicly.

The JL-1 was one of many notable reveals at yesterday’s parade, as TWZ had already been reporting on as preparations had gotten underway earlier in the summer. It is important to note up front that the JL-1 (Jinglei-1) ALBM should not be confused in any way with the now-retired JL-1 (Julang-1) SLBM. Jinglei translates into English variously as sudden thunder, thunderbolt, or thunderclap, while Julang is typically translated as huge wave.

The JL-1 ALBM is very likely to be the same missile that has been referred to in the past in the West as the CH-AS-X-13, and which is understood to have been in development since at least the mid-2010s. Grainy images of an extremely similar, if not identical missile have been seen loaded underneath the fuselages of specialized H-6N missile carrier aircraft on several occasions in the past, but Chinese authorities have not previously acknowledged its existence. The H-6N, which is also capable of being refueled in flight to extend its range, was officially shown to the public for the first time at another major parade in Beijing back in 2019.

The CH-AS-X-13 has also been referred to as the KF-21 in the past, based on past reports that it is derived, at least in part, from the DF-21 series of two-stage ground-launched ballistic missiles. Though this connection has yet to be officially confirmed, the JL-1s, or mockups thereof, shown at the parade yesterday are broadly in line with the design of the DF-21D, which consists of a main stage and a maneuverable re-entry vehicle (MARV) on top that detaches in the latter stage of flight. The JL-1 also has a three-fin tail configuration indicative of an air-launched missile. The DF-21D is conventionally armed and optimized for anti-ship strikes. China’s longer-range DF-26 also has a two-stage configuration with a MARV, but is notably larger than the DF-21. Depending on their exact design, MARVs can allow for additional terminal phase course corrections for improved accuracy, as well as maneuvering to make any attempt at an intercept more difficult.

Imagery had also emerged in the past, as seen below, which has contributed to discussions about the possibility of a second variation on the CH-AS-X-13, or another different missile for the H-6N, with what may be a wedge-shaped unpowered hypersonic boost-glide vehicle (HBGV) on top. Conical HBGV designs that can look similar externally to a MARV also exist.

However they are designed, HBGVs are fundamentally different from MARVs, the latter of which still follow a roughly ballistic path to their impact point. In contrast, after release, HBGVs are designed to proceed along relatively shallow, atmospheric flight paths to their targets while also being able to maneuver erratically along the way. Coupled with hypersonic speed, defined as anything about Mach 5, presents additional challenges for defenders. It is worth noting here that larger ballistic missiles also reach hypersonic speeds in the terminal phase of flight.

The Pentagon has also posited in the past that the CH-AS-X-13 may be capable of carrying conventional or nuclear warheads, as is the case with the DF-21 series and the DF-26. The connection to the DF-21, and the DF-21D most specifically, has also prompted previous discussions about the H-6N having an anti-ship role, particularly against U.S. carrier strike groups. Few hard details were offered during the parade about the JL-1, but it was explicitly described as a nuclear weapon, though this would not preclude the existence of a conventionally-armed version for use against targets at sea or on land.

During the event, state media narrators also reportedly said the JL-1 has a range of approximately 4,970 miles (8,000 kilometers). If true, this is substantially longer than the assessed maximum range of current-generation DF-21 variants, as well as the DF-26. The Pentagon’s most recent unclassified annual report to Congress on Chinese military developments, released in 2024, said the DF-21D “has a range exceeding 1,500 km [932 miles].” That same report pegged the DF-26’s range at approximately 2,485 miles (4,000 kilometers).

As a general rule, missiles fired from aircraft benefit from the speed and altitude of the launch platform, particularly when it comes to range. As such, an air-launched ballistic missile can reasonably be expected to have greater reach than a comparable design launched from the ground or a vessel at sea. As an example, Russia’s air-launched Kinzhal is understood to have an appreciably longer range than the ground-launched Iskander-M short-range ballistic missile it is based on.

Whatever its exact capabilities might be, the JL-1’s appearance at the parade yesterday had the additional and perhaps greater significance of being the first official display of the aerial component of China’s present nuclear triad to the public. Of the currently accepted nine nuclear powers globally (which includes Israel and its unacknowledged stockpile), only the United States, Russia, China, and India field triads in any form. The core arguments for having a nuclear triad are the operational flexibility it offers, as well as its resilience to attack. Even if one or two legs were to be neutralized, capacity would remain to launch retaliatory strikes.

The Pentagon had publicly assessed back in 2019 that the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) was moving to resume a strategic nuclear deterrence role with the appearance of the H-6N. Before then, the exact status of China’s stockpile of air-dropped nuclear bombs had become unclear. With the operational fielding of the H-6N in 2020, the Pentagon further assessed that the PLA had established a “nascent nuclear triad.”

“The PLAAF has operationally fielded the H-6N bomber, providing a platform for the air component of the PRC’s [People’s Republic of China] nuclear triad. The H-6N, compared to other H-6 bombers, adds an air-to-air refueling probe as well as its recessed fuselage modifications that enable external carriage of a nuclear-capable ALBM,” the Pentagon wrote in its unclassified 2024 report to Congress on Chinese military developments. “The ALBM carried by the H-6N appears to be armed with a maneuvering reentry vehicle, indicating the ALBM – along with the DF-26 IRBM [intermediate-range ballistic missile] – likely can conduct nuclear precision strikes against targets in the Indo-Pacific theater.”

China’s triad, which we now know officially includes the JL-1, is part of a larger nuclear build-up underway in the country that also includes expanding the land and sea-based legs. The construction of vast new fields of silos for ICBMs in recent years has been a particularly visible component of this broader effort. Those silos may not all be intended to hold missiles as part of a ‘shell game’ to create targeting complications for opponents.

“Over the next decade, the PRC [People’s Republic of China] probably will continue to modernize, diversify, and expand its nuclear forces rapidly. The PLA seeks a larger and more diverse nuclear force, comprised of systems ranging from low-yield precision strike missiles to ICBMs with multi-megaton yields to provide it multiple options on the escalation ladder,” according to the Pentagon’s 2024 report on China to Congress. “In 2023, Beijing continued its rapid nuclear expansion. DoD estimates the PRC has surpassed 600 operational nuclear warheads in its stockpile as of mid-2024 and will have over 1,000 operational nuclear warheads by 2030, much of which will be deployed at higher readiness levels. The PRC will continue growing its force through at least 2035.”

“The PRC has not publicly or formally acknowledged or explained its nuclear expansion and modernization. The buildup almost certainly is due to the PRC’s broader and longer-term perceptions of progressively increased U.S.-PRC strategic competition. The PLA’s nuclear expansion and modernization very likely are tied to its overall military strategy – seeking to close capability gaps and become a competitive global power,” the report added. “As a result, the PRC probably perceives that a stronger nuclear force is needed to deter U.S. intervention, check potential nuclear escalation or first strike, and will allow for increased control of the scope and scale of escalation during a conflict in a way its previously smaller and less diverse nuclear force could not.”

All of this is in line with the establishment of a nuclear triad, as well as the Pentagon’s past assessment that China has been moving to adopt a launch-on-warning (LOW) deterrent posture. LOW entails a plan to execute a massive counterstrike upon detecting incoming nuclear threats, primarily to help ensure a retaliatory strike can be successfully initiated before the hostile weapons reach their targets.

There have also been separate discussions about how the growing size of China’s nuclear stockpile points to plans for so-called countervalue targeting, in which weapons would also be aimed at an enemy’s population centers. Strikes directed at military targets are referred to as counterforce.

Altogether, the public debut of China’s JL-1 ALBM is a very important development with ramifications well beyond the missile itself.

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What looks to be a new Chinese road-mobile intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) dubbed the DF-61, or at least a transporter-erector-launcher (TEL) for it, has emerged amid last-minute preparations for a massive military parade in Beijing. There have been reports for some time now that China has been developing next-generation ICBMs, including a successor to its road-mobile DF-41 ICBM, as part of a larger buildup of its nuclear deterrent arsenal.

Imagery showing 16-wheeled TELs loaded at least with canisters marked DF-61 (whether or not there is an actual missile inside is unknown) is now beginning to circulate online. It is currently early morning on September 3 in Beijing. Preparations for the imminent parade, which will mark the 80th anniversary of the country’s victory over Japan in World War II, have been going on for months now, and various new capabilities have already emerged.

No hard details have yet to emerge about the DF-61, and it is unknown at this time whether or not it is said to be in service. A point of reference, the DF-41 was first shown to the public at another major parade in 2019, but its development is understood to have started before 2000, and it had reportedly begun entering operational service in 2017. The DF-41 is some 20 meters long, has an estimated range of between 12,000 and 15,000 kilometers, and can be loaded with up to 10 multiple independently-targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) warheads, according to the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think tank.

A story last year from The Washington Times said that references to a DF-41 successor, referred to at that time variously as the DF-45 and DF-51, have appeared on the Chinese web since at least 2020. That piece came after U.S. Air Force Gen. Anthony Cotton, head of U.S. Strategic Command, reportedly told members of Congress that China was developing a “new generation of mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles” at a closed-door hearing.

“Sometimes called the DF-45 or DF-51, it is clearly intended to outperform the DF-41,” Rick Fisher, a senior fellow with the International Assessment and Strategy Center think tank, told The Washington Times at that time. “Such an ICBM would not be much larger than a DF-41 to preclude a road-mobile version.”

Fisher also told The Washington Times that China had the capacity to build larger TELs if the DF-45/DF-51 were to be significantly larger than the DF-41. However, as it stands now, the DF-61 looks to be broadly in line size-wise with the DF-41, with both using 16-wheeled TELs.

“The DF-45 would have a takeoff weight of 112 tons and a payload weighing 3.6 tons and be armed with seven 650-kiloton warheads. The new missile’s estimated range would be 7,456 to 9,320 miles,” The Washington Times also reported, though the sourcing behind these details is unclear.

“There are other reports of a DF-51. For example, there is a passing reference to it in a 2006 article in a Hong Kong publication. One report indicates that: 1) its launch-weight is 130-tons, 2) it can carry three five-megaton MIRVs , and 3) it can carry China’s Fractional Orbital Bombardment System,” according to a seprate 2024 report from the National Institute for Public Policy (NIPP) think tank. “Another report says it has a range of 15,000-km and can carry 14 warheads. The U.K.’s Teleraph.com says 10 warheads. Both ten and 14 relatively light warheads are reasonable numbers for a missile more capable than the DF-41.”

NIPP’s report also noted that “it is unclear whether the DF-45/DF-51 is one or two systems” and that, “if it is two systems, one might be a replacement for the DF-41 and the other for the DF-5.” The newly emerged DF-61 could still be just one of several all-new ICBM designs China has been working on.

What is well known is that China has been investing heavily in recent years in expanding its ICBM arsenal, including the construction of vast new fields of silos, as a part of a larger nuclear build-up. What looks to be a new silo-specific variant of the existing DF-31 ICBM, the DF-31BJ, is also included in today’s parade.

“The PLARF [People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force] is advancing its long-term modernization plans to enhance its ‘strategic deterrence’ capabilities,” the Pentagon had noted in the unclassified version of an annual report on Chinese military developments that it sent to Congress in December 2024. “The PRC is developing new intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) that will significantly improve its nuclear-capable missile forces and will require increased nuclear warhead production.”

“Over the next decade, the PRC [People’s Republic of China] probably will continue to modernize, diversify, and expand its nuclear forces rapidly. The PLA seeks a larger and more diverse nuclear force, comprised of systems ranging from low-yield precision strike missiles to ICBMs with multi-megaton yields to provide it multiple options on the escalation ladder,” that report added. “In 2023, Beijing continued its rapid nuclear expansion. DoD estimates the PRC has surpassed 600 operational nuclear warheads in its stockpile as of mid-2024 and will have over 1,000 operational nuclear warheads by 2030, much of which will be deployed at higher readiness levels. The PRC will continue growing its force through at least 2035.”

The DF-61 is just one of a number of major unveilings still expected to come at the parade today. As already noted, many new capabilities, including a number of new air combat drone designs and previously unseen high-speed strike missiles, have already broken cover during the months-long preparations for today’s event.

If nothing else, we now know the official nomenclature of at least one new ICBM design China has been working on.

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The United Kingdom is seeking a new battlefield ballistic missile, a class of weapon that it last fielded back in the Cold War. The Nightfall program reflects expanding interest in long-range precision strike systems, not just in the United Kingdom, but in Europe more broadly, spurred by Russian aggression and its own expanding missile arsenal.

The U.K. Ministry of Defense yesterday published a request for information (RFI) for the missile, providing details of what is required. At this stage, the Nightfall program is in the “open early engagement” phase, with the ministry judging interest from potential suppliers, ahead of a firm procurement decision.

The key performance parameter of having a range of greater than 600 kilometers (373 miles) puts it in the category of a short-range ballistic missile, a class of weapon that can reach out to between 300 and 1,000 kilometers (186 and 621 miles). There is a stated requirement for each launcher to deliver at least two “effectors,” each of which should weigh around 300 kilograms (661 pounds), based on a high-explosive payload. There is no mention of any other types of warheads being required. The wording makes it clear that the two or more effectors requirement relates to each launcher, rather than each missile. It should be noted that, while the RFI uses the broad term “effectors,” it also specifically refers to the requirement for a ballistic missile.

The range figure puts the missile well beyond the reach of the U.S.-made Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS), for example, a short-range ballistic missile which has a stated maximum range of 300 kilometers (186 miles). While ATACMS has been exported, the United Kingdom is not an operator.

For its new Precision Strike Missile (PrSM), another short-range ballistic missile, the U.S. Army has outlined plans for incremental development that will increase its range from 500 kilometers (311 miles) to 1,000 kilometers (621 miles), with plans to extend this even further in the future.

As well as its basic ballistic trajectory, there is a demand for “some basic maneuverability,” suggesting that the United Kingdom might favor a weapon capable of being used on a depressed quasi-ballistic trajectory. This mode of launch renders a ballistic missile more capable of significant maneuvering in flight, presenting major challenges even for opponents with more robust missile defense capabilities.

As for the launcher, this is required to be a mobile platform, capable of operating in “a high threat tactical environment,” suggesting that a good degree of mobility and at least some armored protection are required. It also specifies that the launcher has a low multispectral signature, making it harder for enemy sensors to detect. All missiles are required to be fired from the launcher within 15 minutes of stopping at a launch location. After launch, the launcher must be able to rapidly leave the area, ideally within five minutes.

The U.K. Ministry of Defense wants the missile to be able to navigate in a GPS-denied environment and strike within five meters (16 feet) of a provided GPS coordinate 50 percent of the time. The missile is required to have a fast flight time, able to strike targets within 10 minutes of launch.

The ministry’s document provides relatively extensive information on resistance to jamming and other types of interference, likely reflecting lessons from the war in Ukraine. Here, Russian forces have reportedly been using electronic warfare systems to good effect against GPS-assisted guidance packages used on a variety of air and ground-launched munitions that Ukraine has received from the United States and other Western partners. Similarly, the ability of standoff precision-guided weapons to still operate effectively in the face of heavy electronic warfare jamming is also an area of considerable interest to the U.S. military.

In the Baltic region, Russia’s employment of jamming systems, likely to try to protect critical facilities and assets from long-range Ukrainian drone attacks, has become so pronounced that it is now having serious and potentially dangerous impacts on commercial aviation:

With this in mind, the U.K. Ministry of Defense states that it wants a missile that is “resilient in a complex electromagnetic environment (EME), including within a GNSS [Global Navigation Satellite System] denied and degraded environment, and resistant against targeted electronic warfare attack and spoofing.”

Another area of great interest right now, as regards precision standoff munitions, is the ability to procure effectors of this kind at relatively low cost and to scale up production, when required, to meet the demands of high-end contingencies.

These factors are also reflected in the U.K. requirement, which calls for a minimum production output of 10 missiles per month, if required, with the option to further scale this up. A remarkably low price of £500,000 ($675,000) for each missile is presented as the goal, although this excludes the warhead, launcher, and any development costs. This contrasts with a reported cost of between $1 million and $1.5 million for each ATACMS missile, depending on the variant (although this includes the warhead).

The U.K. Ministry of Defense wants these capabilities to be packaged and ready for at least five all-up units to be delivered for trials within nine to 12 months.

At this stage, it appears that a sovereign solution is also preferred, with the system required to be “ideally […] free from foreign government trade and usage restrictions, such as export control.” There is also a requirement for further growth potential to be available from the start, including the option to increase the range, accuracy, in-flight maneuverability, and more. The combination of a sovereign weapon and a notably low cost point, per unit, would also point to the potential to export this weapon.

It is significant that the U.K. Armed Forces are looking for a new ballistic missile at this stage, having last fielded the U.S.-made Lance, a mobile field artillery tactical missile during the Cold War. With a range of less than 100 miles, this was primarily a nuclear-delivery system for the Central Front battlefield.

Now, driven primarily by concerns about the Russian threat, the United Kingdom is looking at the potential of various new missile systems and has even decided to reinstate an air-launched nuclear capability, albeit using U.S.-owned weapons.

Earlier this year, the United Kingdom and Germany announced they would jointly produce a “deep precision strike” weapon with a range of over 2,000 kilometers (1,243 miles, considerably more than specified in the Nightfall program. At this point, it’s unclear whether a ballistic or cruise missile — or perhaps both types — will be the preferred solution for the longer-range requirement.

However, the project reflects growing ambitions among European NATO members to field long-range strike capabilities, faced by a growing Russian threat on the alliance’s eastern flank.

With Russia continuing to make extensive use of ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles against Ukraine, the United Kingdom and other European NATO members are increasingly concerned about a major gap in their inventories when it comes to standoff precision-guided munitions.

As TWZ has pointed out before, among European NATO members, only Turkey possesses a conventional ground-launched missile with a range of more than 300 kilometers (186 miles). This is the locally developed Bora short-range ballistic missile.

In contrast, Russia has fielded or is developing multiple ground-launched ballistic and cruise missile systems that match this kind of performance, and which are able to carry conventional or nuclear warheads. This is before taking into account Russia’s air-launched and maritime long-range strike capabilities, which also vastly outmatch their NATO counterparts in Europe.

As there was in the Cold War, there is a growing demand among NATO members in Europe to develop a deterrent to Russian tactical nuclear missiles, which are being fielded in increasingly advanced and long-reaching forms, including in Kaliningrad, the Russian enclave on the Baltic Sea. However, at this stage, there is no indication that either of the aforementioned British missile programs envisages using a nuclear warhead, although this could conceivably be introduced, including on Nightfall, at a later stage.

Meanwhile, the United States has announced that it will deploy to Germany, on a rotational basis, starting next year, a range of advanced ground-launched weapons. These include the SM-6 multi-purpose missile and Tomahawk cruise missile, as well as “developmental hypersonic weapons.” The latter is a reference to the Dark Eagle and potentially others, like the Operational Fires (OpFires) ground-launched hypersonic missile system and the aforementioned PrSM short-range ballistic missile.

Developing a new ballistic missile that fulfills the outlined requirements within the United Kingdom, and without recourse to licensed production, may be a challenge. After all, it’s been many decades since the country was developing and producing these kinds of weapons.

It is also worth noting that the U.K. Royal Navy has outlined plans to adapt its two Queen Elizabeth class aircraft carriers to fire undisclosed long-range missiles from their decks.

In the past, we suggested that the most likely option for the Royal Navy would involve launching a cruise missile from the carrier, perhaps even a hypersonic weapon. Nevertheless, a ballistic missile is also a possibility, albeit less likely.

It’s unclear at this point what sort of range requirement the Royal Navy is seeking, and what kinds of targets the missiles should prosecute.

As for the British Nightfall effort to develop a new ballistic missile, this points once more to a growing focus on long-range fire capabilities in Europe and, depending on its ultimate range and potential warhead options, it might ultimately have a significant effect on the military balance on the continent.

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NAGA Munchetty “went ballistic” at intern for getting her porridge wrong insiders claim as the host is hit by a bullying probe.

The insider previously worked with Naga, 50, on BBC Breakfast and revealed the host is an “absolute nightmare” and would “kick off about the smallest of issues”.

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A source has claimed that under-fire BBC presenter Naga Munchetty has a reputation for going “ballistic” at junior staff.

They also revealed that she humiliated an intern who didn’t make her porridge perfectly.

An insider told the Mail: “She has a reputation for going at young members of staff and making them out to be fools.

“She would kick off about the smallest of issues, including one time she went ballistic over her breakfast not being prepared exactly how she likes it by an intern.”

This included the occasion where Munchetty refused to eat porridge delivered to her by an intern during an ad break as it was too hot for her to eat in the time she had.

“The guy walked off the set utterly humiliated and went back to chuck it away before trying again in time for the next ad break, it was pretty brutal to watch,” the insider added.

A BBC spokesperson said: “While we do not comment on individual cases, we take all complaints about conduct at work extremely seriously and will not tolerate behaviour that is not in line with our values. 

“We have robust processes in place and would encourage any staff with concerns to raise them directly with us so they can be addressed.” 

It comes as the BBC is set to launch an investigation into Munchetty following a string of complaints.

The Breakfast host has been placed “under review” while bosses consider escalating matters to a formal investigation. 

A source said bosses had heard from a number of aggrieved colleagues, logging concerns over her “hard” and “bullying” behaviour on BBC Breakfast and her Radio 5 Live show. 

She had also been hauled in by bosses over allegations she made an off-air sex jibe at 5 Live. 

The source said: “Following the amount of people who have come forward to share their experiences with Naga, the BBC has officially moved to place the complaints under review.

“The review is to ascertain whether a full-on investigation is required and that could come in weeks.” 

The Sun previously reported Munchetty faced complaints on 5 Live including a bullying claim and the use of crude, sexual language. 

Bosses were forced to apologise on her behalf after a tense interview with Spice Girl Geri Horner in 2023. 

Munchetty began work on BBC Breakfast in 2014 and covers Thursday to Saturday alongside Stayt, as well as presenting a Radio 5 programme three times a week. 

She is the BBC’s 10th highest earner, on around £355,000. 

We reported since the bullying row had erupted on BBC Breakfast, her team had approached LBC radio to seek out new opportunities.