Africas

INSTEAD of spending loads on heading to the French Riviera, Brits could venture to a dupe for a fraction of the cost.

The French Riviera is known for its glamour but often comes with eye-watering prices.

Though, heading to Hammamet on the ‘Tunisian Riviera’ is just 35 per cent of the cost of a holiday to the French Riviera.

And bookings have also increased by 50 per cent following Brits ditching holidays to Turkey and Egypt following the Iran crisis.

With First Choice, Brits could pay just £516 for a week’s all-inclusive holiday to Hammamet, whereas the same holiday in St Tropez would be likely to set you back almost three times that – £1,500.

Hammamet – which is also affectionately known as the Tunisian St Tropez – is often associated with artists and actors as well as a vibrant beach-club culture.

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Visitors can head to the Yasmine district, where they will find a palm-lined promenade, waterfront cafés and Tunisia’s largest marina with many superyachts.

Beach lovers can enjoy the long stretch of golden sand, with water sports and the Carthage Land theme park.

A spokesperson for First Choice said: “[The theme park] offers kids and adult-sized rollercoasters, large-scale water slides, museum-style educational exhibits and a 5D cinema.”

Tickets cost between £6 and £8 for the day.

Or for something more active, have a go at the quad bike tours, which take you on and around the hills surrounding Hammamet.

Local recommendations from the First Choice team also include heading to Bel Canto restaurant, which is Italian-Mediterranean.

Inside, the interiors are modern, and the restaurant serves a vast array of dishes including pizza and seafood, with prices ranging from around £5 to £15 per dish.

Another option is Yuman which serves a more European range of dishes and is open from breakfast to dinner.

The cafe also has great views of the beach and the city walls.

Breakfast ranges between £4 and £8, dinner ranges between £10 and £18 and cocktails don’t cost more than £9.

If you are looking for a bar, then head to the Beer Garden Brasserie in Yasmine.

The beach-view bar is open until 4am on Wednesdays and Saturdays, and there are always live music events and karaoke nights.

Compared to the French Riviera, Hammamet has more all-inclusive accommodation, with daily costs working out at around £73.

But on the French Riviera you will have to fork out cash for meals out.

For example, a mid-range dinner is likely to set you back up to £80 per person. Local beers cost between £4.50 and £7 and a glass of rosé can even be as much as £20.

And if you wanted to soak up the sunshine, even this will set you back as much as £130 in the peak season.

As a result, a daily spend is over £200 more for the French Riviera compared to Hammamet.

If you want to travel to Hammamet you could book seven-nights all-inclusive at the Sentido Marillia Resort & Spa with flights from Newcastle Airport on May 11 (hand luggage only) for £516 per person.

The resort sits right by the beach and features 10 bars and restaurants including a wood-fired pizzeria.

Inside the hotel, families will find 352 rooms, including family options, twin rooms, and suites.

The hotel even has its own nightclub, and a cocktail party once a week, although there is also a kids’ club too, which is open until midnight.

Outside, there are two pools, including one that is Olympic-sized, and there is also an additional kids’ pool.

Kevin Nelson, Managing Director for First Choice, said: “Brits are tired of saving destinations for ‘someday’.

“They want experiences that feel bucket-list-worthy but actually fit into their budgets and availability.

“Hammamet is a great example of a budget friendly luxury swap, all the French‑Riviera perks, without the French‑Riviera price tag.”

Flights to Hammamet cost from £83 return in April, with the flight taking just over three hours.

For more inspiration on holiday dupes, here are five holiday destination dupes to swap for overcrowded tourist spots.

Plus, here’s where The Sun’s travel experts are holidaying this year and how we found the best deals from Ibiza dupes to UK parks.

With the war on Iran disrupting the global supply of oil, could this be the moment Africa breaks its dependency on foreign energy?

Guests: Rolake Akinkugbe-Filani of EnergyInc Advisors and Cheta Nwanze of SBM Intelligence.

When Ahmad Salkida first conceived HumAngle in 2014, the idea was audacious: build a newsroom dedicated to conflict reporting at a time when Nigeria’s media space was shrinking, resources were scarce, and insecurity was widespread. It would take six more years before that vision materialised. In 2020, HumAngle formally launched. Today, as the organisation marks its sixth anniversary, Salkida describes the journey as a roller coaster.

“It takes you to a peak where you feel unstoppable,” he says of building HumAngle. “Then suddenly, you’re reminded of the realities: financial strain, political pressure, operational risks. It’s a constant test of resolve.”

Yet, even amid the highs and lows, Ahmad is certain of one thing: HumAngle has become more than a newsroom. It is a platform of purpose. “I’m glad that HumAngle has been a vehicle that has helped so many young people to discover themselves,” he said. 

HumAngle’s roots are deeply personal. On Sept. 6, 2016, Ahmad returned to Nigeria after being declared wanted by the Nigerian Army over allegations that he had withheld information about the whereabouts of the Chibok girls abducted by Boko Haram. Following interrogation, he was released by the Department of State Services without charge.

When he resettled in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital city, Ahmad began refining an idea that had been forming for years: a media platform dedicated to conflict, one that would amplify the voices of victims and survivors rather than merely echo official narratives. He envisioned a newsroom that would not only report on violence but also interrogate its causes, document its human cost, and advocate for a future in which the media could highlight pathways to peace—not just the spectacle of war.

HumAngle was born from that conviction.

Launching in 2020 meant confronting immediate adversity. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted economies and shuttered newsrooms worldwide. Independent journalism in Nigeria faced chronic underfunding, while security risks loomed over reporters covering insurgency, displacement, and corruption.

Still, HumAngle persisted. Three years later, the peacebuilding advocacy arm, HumAngle Foundation, was launched. What began as a small, mission-driven team evolved into a diverse newsroom of nearly 40 staff members, pushing the boundaries of how conflict is reported in Nigeria and across Africa. The organisation adopted an innovative approach, blending deep investigations with ground reporting, data journalism, GIS mapping, and even virtual reality documentaries.

From stories on insurgency and mass displacement to exposés on bureaucratic failure, climate vulnerability, abductions, disappearances, and systemic corruption, HumAngle carved a niche as a trusted source for underreported narratives.

“It was supposed to be a general interest publication, but considering my long and rough experience with the Nigerian security sector, the escalating insecurity across the country, and the media black hole surrounding various dimensions of the conflicts, it made more sense for it to be a niche platform,” according to Ahmad.

Behind the scenes, however, the burden was immense.

“Every morning, I walked into the HumAngle building, feeling the weight of a mission at odds with its environment—carrying not just the hopes of nearly 40 staff members, but also the invisible pressure to prove that public-interest journalism can exist in a society that has never been structured to sustain it,” he recently wrote.

Amidst the struggle, deep investigations, ground reporting, data stories, GIS maps, VR documentaries and stories of insurgency, displacement, bureaucracy, climate vulnerability, abductions, disappearances and corruption continue to emerge. 

Despite acknowledging that HumAngle is “far from achieving its target objectives,” Ahmad speaks with unmistakable gratitude. “I am proud of everything HumAngle has nurtured.” 

In Nov. 2025, Ahmad Salkida was selected for the 2026 Yale Peace Fellowship, alongside 13 other global peacebuilding leaders. “Being selected for this fellowship validates the work I am doing with HumAngle, and I look forward to gaining more insight to improve our processes after the fellowship,” he said. “Peace is achievable in our lifetime. And fellowships like this ensure that that belief is not only a feeling, but a destination that can be reached through small incremental steps.”

He maintains that the fellowship, along with several other recognitions the newsroom has received and the impact it has recorded, serves as fuel to do more.

Six years on, HumAngle stands not merely as a newsroom, but as proof that even in fragile environments, journalism can be courageous, innovative, and deeply human. 

As part of the sixth-anniversary activities, a book-reading conversation was held on Monday evening, March 2, with award-winning Irish journalist Sally Hayden. Her book, “My Fourth Time, We Drowned on the World’s Deadliest Migration Route”, explores the harrowing realities faced by refugees, weaving together shocking personal accounts with a broader investigation into systemic failures—highlighting NGO negligence, corruption within the UN, and the disturbing economics of modern slavery.

Sally, while commending HumAngle’s work in documenting the human cost of insecurity in the Sahel, emphasised the importance of independent journalism in the region and the use of appropriate, generally acceptable language when reporting on conflict and displacement.

“Journalists have the duty to question the languages they use, especially when describing people in the face of conflict, migration crisis or displacement. If I were to rewrite this book today, I would probably correct certain descriptive words or language,” she added. 

Cape Town, South Africa – Two ominous letters are spray-painted on a wall at the entrance to Tafelsig, a township in Mitchells Plain on the outskirts of Cape Town: HL – the insignia of the Hard Livings gang, which has threatened communities there for five decades.

It’s a February day soon after the president’s state of the nation address, in which Cyril Ramaphosa boldly announced he’d be deploying the army to communities across South Africa to tackle the growing crisis of crime, drugs and gangs. But in Tafelsig, which will likely be part of the new military operation, most people seem unbothered by the news.

Mitchells Plain is on the Cape Flats – a series of densely populated, impoverished townships about 30km (19 miles) southeast of the wealthy city centre where the president made his speech. While the city boasts hordes of tourists and some of the most expensive real estate on the continent, the Cape Flats accounts for the highest rate of gang-related killings in the country.

“When it was at its worst, [there was a shooting] almost every day,” said Michael Jacobs, the chairperson of a local community police forum.

“Whether it’s day or whether it’s night, they’re shooting somewhere on the Cape Flats,” he added on a drive through the settlement of run-down houses and corrugated iron shacks.

Around him, residents made their way to a home-grown tuck shop, known as a spaza, or sat on street corners while toddlers ran about.

“How is this conducive to raising children?” he asked, recounting the horrors of life in Mitchells Plain.

In the past week, four people, including a nine-month-old, had been shot and killed in a drug den in Athlone, about 17km (10 miles) away.

A beloved Muslim cleric who is rumoured to have angered a gang leader over a personal dispute was also shot dead on the first day of Ramadan as he was leaving the Salaamudien Mosque on a nearby street.

As Jacobs spoke, reports of other shootings filtered through on the many crime groups he is part of on WhatsApp. A few days later, he shared with Al Jazeera a video of two schoolgirls and a taxi driver shot outside a school in Atlantis, about 40km (25 miles) north of Cape Town. One of the girls died.

Tafelsig residents now await the probable arrival of uniformed soldiers and armed vehicles in their neighbourhood, but have little hope that it will make a difference.

Despite his weariness with the violence, Jacobs is far from enthusiastic about a decision to deploy the army.

Other critics of the government’s decision said it is window dressing more than a real solution while some question the wisdom of such a drastic step in a country where the military has a history of brutality and where recent explosive allegations about police corruption at the highest levels have surfaced.

‘Do our lives not matter?’

In his speech on February 12, Ramaphosa said he would deploy the army to the Western Cape, the province that includes the Cape Flats, and Gauteng, home to the country’s largest city, Johannesburg, to tackle gang violence and illegal mining. On February 17, Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia announced that the Eastern Cape would be added to the list and a deployment would take place in 10 days – although no soldiers have so far been deployed.

The president’s decision followed pressure from civil society groups and the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which runs the Western Cape, to take drastic action to curb widespread gang-related violence in the three provinces.

A day before its province was added to the deployment schedule, the DA joined residents in Gqeberha, the largest city in the Eastern Cape, for a “Do Our Lives Not Matter?” protest to demand that Ramaphosa take urgent action.

In Gauteng, neighbourhoods surrounding the province’s once-lucrative abandoned mines have often been turned into battlegrounds, resulting in shootouts between police and illegal artisanal miners, known as zama zamas.

Gauteng and the Western Cape frequently appear at the top of the country’s organised crime lists while the Eastern Cape made headlines last year for a series of killings linked to extortion syndicates.

In the latest crime statistics, police announced the arrests of 15,846 suspects nationwide and the seizure of 173 firearms and 2,628 rounds of ammunition from February 16 to Sunday alone.

Gauteng took up the most space in the police’s crime highlights, which included a 16-year-old arrested in Roodepoort for possession and distribution of explosives and the seizure of counterfeit clothing and shoes worth 98 million rand ($6.1m).

Overall, South Africa has some of the world’s most violent crime with an average of 64 people killed every day, according to official statistics.

The three provinces selected for military deployments have a turbulent history with the armed forces, not least during the apartheid era when the regime used soldiers to unleash deadly crackdowns on antiapartheid activists.

“They were the enemy,” Jacobs said, recalling his own arrest in September 1987 during a student protest on the Cape Flats opposing the racist government, which was replaced in the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.

Today after three decades of democracy, poverty, unemployment and violent crime remain a major challenge in the area.

But Jacobs, like other critics of the military police, believes the new move will do little to cure the ills that he said gangs exploit to increase their influence. Children as young as eight years old are recruited into their ranks.

The Town Centre, a shopping mall that was once a hub of economic activity, has been reduced to a ghost town where the drug trade thrives despite the fact that it is right next to a police station, according to Jacobs.

For him, there is a direct link between the country’s economic decline and the flourishing of gang activity over the past decade on the Cape Flats, where working-class people have seen their livelihoods stripped away as the manufacturing sector shrank.

On an average weekday when children should be at school, he said, you see children and even women in their 60s in Mitchells Plain digging through rubbish bins to find glass, plastic or other things they can recycle and turn into income. “At least it will put something on the table.”

Plugging a ‘haemorrhage’

Social issues and not simply military intervention should be put at the heart of government anticrime efforts, analysts say.

“There’s no other way to describe it other than plugging a hole that is haemorrhaging at the moment with regards to these forms of organised crime,” said Ryan Cummings, director of analysis at Signal Risk, an Africa-focused risk management firm.

Irvin Kinnes, an associate professor with the University of Cape Town’s Centre for Criminology, pointed out that constitutionally the army is limited in the duties its members may perform among the civilian population. Their role will be largely to support police, who will retain control of all operations.

He fears the government has not learned lessons from previous army deployments in South Africa’s democratic era.

The army was dispatched to the Western Cape in 2019 during a previous spike in gang violence and was again sent in to help with the enforcement of COVID-19 restrictions the following year.

“It’s a very dangerous thing to bring the army because there’s an impatience with the fact that the police are not doing their job. And so they come in with that mentality and want to beat up everybody and break people’s bones,” Kinnes said.

“We saw what happened in COVID. They killed people as the army. It’s not as if the police don’t kill people, but the point is, you don’t need the army to do that.”

To the government’s detractors, summoning the army is nothing more than an attempt at political heroics before local elections due to be held this year or in early 2027.

Kinnes pointed out that, according to police statistics, crime has been decreasing without the help of the army.

“It’s very much political. It’s to show that the political leaders have kind of heard the public. But the call for the army hasn’t come from the community. It’s come from politicians,” he said.

‘The military is ready’

Ramaphosa, who has yet to reveal details of the military deployment, has defended his decision. On Monday in his weekly newsletter, the president sought to separate the South African armed forces from their troubling past, listing several operations that benefitted communities, such as disaster relief efforts and law enforcement operations at the border.

He made it clear that the army’s role would merely be a supporting one “with clear rules of engagement and for specific time-limited objectives”.

Its presence may free up officers to focus on police work and would take place alongside other measures, such as strengthening antigang units and illegal mining teams, he said.

“Given our history, where the apartheid state sent the army into townships to violently suppress opposition, it is important that we do not deploy the [military] inside the country to deal with domestic threats without good reason,” Ramaphosa wrote.

Cummings said it was clear the president’s hand was forced amid an unrelenting wave of violence. “The rhetoric of the president up until now suggests that this was a directive that he was not necessarily too keen on implementing.”

On the ground, soldiers appear equally reluctant about their pending engagement.

Ntsiki Shongo is a soldier who was deployed in 2019 and during the COVID-19 pandemic. He told Al Jazeera, using a pseudonym, that any operation involving the police was almost certainly doomed.

“We [in the army] become so negative when we are working with them [the police] because always we don’t get what we need,” he said.

“We know how easy it is to get these gangsters, to get these drug lords, but unfortunately, the police, they are not cooperating with us because some of them are in cooperation with these criminals,” he charged. “Maybe they are scared for their lives because they are staying in the same areas with them.”

Shongo referred to an ongoing commission investigating police corruption that has implicated senior government officials and led to the suspension of national Police Minister Senzo Mchunu.

“So this operation, … is it going to be a success? I don’t know. It all depends on the police,” he said, adding that he and his fellow soldiers long for the day the government lets the military solve the problem on its own.

“Even when we are just sitting having lunch as soldiers, we talk about the police. We pray that one day the state can say, ‘Let’s take the military inside the country and clean out all these weapons, all these guns, all these gangsters,’” he said.

“The military is ready, and they want to prove a point because we’ve been hungry for these things.”