US President Donald Trump is scaling back US-South Korea military exercises as he signals interest in renewed talks with Kim Jong Un. But Pyongyang remains defiant, suggesting Kim may feel little urgency to negotiate given his relationships with China and Russia.
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The head of U.S. Space Command (SPACECOM) says having a “credible, acknowledged” means of damaging or even destroying enemy assets in space is vital to deterring opponents and surviving if a major fight in orbit does break out. American officials have already been steadily more open about their desire for new offensive “orbital warfare” capabilities. China’s breakneck expansion of its intelligence-gathering and other capabilities in orbit, as well as its arsenal of anti-satellite weapons, has been a central factor behind this push.
U.S. Space Force Gen. Stephen Whiting made an explicit call for new “integrated space fires” capabilities, including both non-kinetic and kinetic options in orbit and/or within the atmosphere, during a talk yesterday at the annual Space & Missile Defense (SMD) Symposium in Huntsville, Alabama, at which TWZ is in attendance. SPACECOM is the main joint service command in charge of all U.S. military activities in space.
U.S. Space Force Gen. Stephen Whiting, head of US Space Command, seen speaking at the separate 2026 DoDIIS Worldwide Conference on August 10, 2026. DIA
“From the broadest perspective, maybe the most critical characteristic of the responsive and adaptive national security space architecture called for in the President’s Ensuring American Space Superiority executive order is that survivability matters at least as much as performance,” Whiting said. “In space, there is no safe harbor. You can’t dig a trench or build a shield. Our satellites are consistently or predictably in an opponent’s weapons engagement zone. And we can build the most high-performing, exquisite satellites in human history, but if they depend on fragile, targetable supporting infrastructure, their performance will drop to zero on the first day of the next war.”
“Space survivability isn’t just good to have or nice to have. It is need to have. Now let’s get specific. I’ve explained how durable we need our kit to be, but now I want to tell you about our FY29-to-33 [Fiscal Years 2029 to 2033] integrated priorities list,” the SPACECOM boss continued. “We’ve looked at risks and potential gaps and determined these are the top five capabilities we need to meet our Title 10 and Unified Command Plan responsibilities. This isn’t just a wish list. It’s a clear demand signal to several audiences, describing the warfighting capabilities we need to meet our mission.”
“Number one and two are integrated space fires and counter-pLEO that enable us to establish space superiority,” he said. pLEO, also sometimes written P-LEO, stands for proliferated low Earth orbit, and refers to distributed constellations of hundreds or potentially thousands of satellites in that orbital region. The U.S. military itself is investing heavily in this arena to develop and field new space-based capabilities that are more resilient to attack.
DARPA
The other three lines of effort Gen. Whiting outlined during his talk had to do with improved command and control, better situational awareness in space, and increased ability to maneuver assets in orbit.
“We’re a combatant command, and we fight to win wars,” Whiting declared. “To win, we need credible, acknowledged, kinetic, and non-kinetic fires. They are a key component of how we establish space superiority and restore credible deterrence.”
“Our space assets need to shoot, move, and communicate just like the rest of the joint force, so that our space assets can enable the joint force to shoot, move, and communicate,” the head of SPACECOM also said. “In short, space needs to fight like the joint force to empower the joint forces’ ability to fight and undermine our adversaries’ ability to do so.”
Whiting did not elaborate on what these future integrated fires and counter-pLEO capabilities might look like. An accompanying briefing slide did include a graphic depicting a kinetic attack on a satellite originating from within the Earth’s atmosphere utilizing what might be a laser-directed energy weapon.
A close-up look at the “integrated space fires” graphic, at left, and the full briefing slide from Gen. Whiting’s talk, at right. National Defense Industry Association
The threats that directed energy weapons, as well as cyber attacks, pose to friendly satellites, even ones in distributed constellations, had come up at a separate panel discussion at the SMD Symposium on Tuesday.
“If you have 10,000 satellites that are providing you with service, surely you’re not going to try and attack with a direct ascent ASAT [anti-satellite interceptors fired from within the Earth’s atmosphere] 10,000 satellites,” U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Rick Zellmann, Deputy Commander of SPACECOM, said during the panel. “I encourage our adversaries to try and shoot down 10,000 satellites that way. I don’t think they will. And, so, just like we do, our targeting folks will try to find the various nodes where you can get a one-to-many solution.”
“Those, I think, one-to-many solutions for proliferated constellations are twofold. One is cyber,” he continued. “I think the other is directed energy, because that doesn’t cost too much for a shot, right? So those two technologies are the ones I’d be concerned about.”
“Non-kinetic effects of directed energy, mounted on all types of platforms, from the surface all the way to space and everywhere in between,” could also be “opportunities,” Brig. Gen. Drew Morgan, the deputy head of the Army’s Space and Missile Defense Command (SMDC), another one of the panelists, also said later on. In a space context, non-kinetic directed energy ‘effect’ could include what is known as ‘dazzling’ using lasers to blind optics on satellites without causing permanent damage. In the past, U.S. officials have said that friendly assets in orbit are routinely subjected to various kinds of non-destructive attacks.
At present, a family of ground-based electronic warfare systems called the Counter Communications System (CCS) is the U.S. military’s only publicly acknowledged offensive counter-space capability. In June, the U.S. Space Force announced it had “operationally accepted” the latest version of the system, called Block 10.3, and also known by the codename Meadowlands.
Trailer-mounted antennas associated with the Counter Communications System (CCS). USSF
There have been hints for years that the U.S. military might have other operational anti-satellite capabilities in the classified realm, or at least have been actively experimenting with them. In 2019, then-Secretary of the Air Force Heather Wilson notably suggested a public live-fire demonstration of some kind could be necessary to deter potential opponents, such as Russia and China, from attacking American space-based assets.
“Protective measures on satellites is just like thinking about protective measures on aircraft, okay? And we’re working through that,” Lt. Gen. Gregory Gagnon, head of the Space Force’s Combat Forces Command (CFC), told TWZ and others more recently at a roundtable at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) Warfare Symposium in February. “I won’t provide specifics, because I want those protective measures to work, right? I don’t want to tell Beijing and Moscow what I’ve done.”
“But protecting and defending satellites can’t simply be done by protect and defend. You can’t run away from a bully forever. Sometimes you got to turn around and punch,” Gagnon continued. “So protect and defend, although necessary, is insufficient to deliver space control. We also need, as part of our joint force, the ability to attack.”
The first official painting commissioned by the Space Force, seen here, explicitly depicts a duel between a reusable spaceplane and a hostile ‘killer satellite.’ USSF
At that time, Gagnon also stressed that challenging China’s still-growing array of space-based capabilities was another key driver behind this desire for new offensive counter-space capabilities.
What “[China’s] President Xi [Jinping] has decided to do is build the second-best remote sensing architecture in the world from outer space, and that’s now what they have,” Gagnon also said at that time. “So when 2013 started, and he came to power, he had less than 100 satellites that were the total of what China had in outer space. They have about 1,900 today. Over 500 of those satellites are remote sensing satellites, which are purposely designed and networked to track mobile forces such as U.S. carriers, destroyers, and cruisers in the Pacific, as well as aircraft that deploy around the Pacific. Those have been built with a purpose. The purpose is to cue their long-range fire weapons.”
Gen. Whiting also said during his talk at the SMD Symposium yesterday that China, and its anti-satellite capabilities in particular, remained the greatest challenge facing the U.S. military in the space domain.
“Number one is the development of counter-space weapons that I highlighted in my remarks. These are not future possibilities,” the head of SPACECOM said. “Some of you have played the war games over the years where we have to give the ‘red force’ [the side playing the mock adversary] additional capability, maybe project five years forward and give them what we think they’ll have. And, no, the capabilities we talked about are real, they exist today, and we have to face them.”
“These include direct ascent ASAT missiles, ground-based lasers, jammers, and maneuverable co-orbital ASATs, and dual-use satellites like the SJ-21, which can target the satellites we rely upon for missile warning and defense missions,” the SPACECOM boss had said in his opening remarks. “They are, in no uncertain terms, expanding military options for sustained offensive operations against the satellites we rely on to defend the homeland and project power. These developments intend to degrade our current space superiority, and would potentially give China a maneuver and logistics advantage in space, something we would never accept on the land, at sea, or in the air.”
The SJ-21 satellite mentioned here has been a particularly hot topic of discussion since it was launched in 2021. It has a grappling arm with a demonstrated ability to tow other satellites in space. This is ostensibly intended to be used for non-military applications, such as on-orbit servicing and moving debris, but has obvious potential to be weaponized.
Long March-3B launches Shijian-21
In general, so-called inspector-type satellites capable of rendezvousing and maneuvering closer to other objects in space have an inherent ability to be used to launch attacks, destructive and otherwise, using a variety of different means, as well as gather intelligence. This includes kinetic attacks where the inspector could be used as an interceptor and simply smashed into the target. U.S. military officials have been warning about the dual-use potential of inspector satellites for years now, especially in the context of examples that Russia has put into orbit.
A U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency graphic highlighting some of the ways on-orbit attack can be carried out, including via robotic arms. DIA
This all speaks further to counter-space capabilities U.S. forces could themselves bring to bear in the future. Last month, Northrop Grumman in the United States notably launched the first of what it hopes will be a constellation of new Mission Robotic Vehicle (MRV) satellites capable of performing on-orbit refueling and other servicing missions for commercial and military customers. The U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) and the U.S. Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) played key roles in the development of a payload equipped with a pair of robotic arms for the MRV. Questions about whether the MRVs with their arms could also have an offensive counter-space role have already been raised, as you can read more about here.
“Depends on where you sit, right, you know? But to say that it’s the responsibility for the U.S. government to protect its citizens from emerging threats makes perfect sense to me,” outgoing Chief of Space Operations Gen. Chance Saltzman said last year. “And we clearly see a country like the PRC [People’s Republic of China] investing heavily in these kinds of threats, whether it’s hypersonic [weapons], whether it’s threats from space. And so now it’s time for the U.S. government to step up to the responsibilities to protect American citizens from those threats.”
Saltzman was speaking at the time in the context of a discussion about Golden Dome’s space-based interceptors during an interview broadcast online as part of Defense One‘s State of Defense 2025: Air Force and Space Force virtual conference.
How much will ultimately be acknowledged about the U.S. military’s future planned “integrated space fires” capabilities, as well as exactly what might be in its anti-satellite arsenal already, remains to be seen. Regardless, Gen. Whiting’s comments this week have now at least made the active pursuit of new counter-space weapons a matter of public record.
Pyongyang conducts second weapons test in less than a week as Seoul, Washington gear up for annual military exercises.
Published On 12 Aug 202612 Aug 2026
North Korea has launched a ballistic missile towards the Sea of Japan, according to Seoul and Tokyo, marking the second such test from Pyongyang in less than a week.
The launch on Wednesday came as South Korea and the United States announced plans to hold their annual Ulchi Freedom Shield military drills starting on August 17.
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“Our military detected at around 6:00 am [21:00 GMT Tuesday] a ballistic missile launched by North Korea from the Wonsan area towards the East Sea,” South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said in a message to reporters, referring to a body of water also known as the Sea of Japan.
South Korea’s military said the missile flew more than 700km (435 miles).
It said it has boosted its surveillance posture and that it was closely exchanging information on the launch with Washington and Tokyo.
Japan’s Defence Ministry said on social media that the suspected ballistic missile had “already fallen”, without providing further details.
“North Korea has never simply let a South Korea-US joint military exercise pass without a response,” Lim Eul-chul, a North Korea expert at Kyungnam University, told the AFP news agency.
“This is a message that Pyongyang is closely watching the upcoming drills and could stage a provocation if it deems one necessary.”
US-South Korea drills
The Ulchi Freedom Shield training is to start on Monday and run for 11 days. Its scale will be similar to previous years, with 18,000 South Korean soldiers taking part, according to South Korea’s military.
North Korea has in previous years denounced the exercises as a rehearsal for invasion, and responded to the drills with weapons tests and harsh rhetoric. Seoul and Washington, however, have repeatedly said their training is defensive in nature.
On August 6, South Korea, the US and Japan detected the launch of a short-range ballistic missile from North Korea in what was Pyongyang’s first ballistic weapons testing activity since late June.
North Korea did not confirm the reported launch.
Pyongyang has ratcheted up its criticism of Tokyo’s defence policy, issuing statements at least seven times since July.
On Tuesday, North Korean state media condemned Japan’s latest defence white paper as a “re-invasion-minded” document, saying it “groundlessly described” Pyongyang as the greatest strategic challenge to “justify its reckless arms buildup”.
North Korea has also been accused of playing a more active role in the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Tuesday that Moscow had used a North Korean ballistic missile during an attack that killed seven workers at a Ukrainian steel plant in the southeastern city of Zaporizhzhia.
The war on Iran is exposing shortages in US weapons stockpiles, raising questions about years of defence spending. As a former Pentagon official points out, after less than five months of fighting the US is already running out of ammunition against a ‘middle-tier country’.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
The “brrrt” of the GAU-8 Gatling gun in action, the whistle of the TF34 engines as A-10 Warthogs fly at low level, the hurried calls of Joint Terminal Attack Controllers needing support from above – welcome to the first episode in our opening season of “Special Access” on TWZ’s YouTube channel, a series where we take you up close to the latest military technology and inside the wire at elite military units.
In this episode, Jamie Hunter visits the U.S. Air Force A-10 Weapons Instructor Course that has been the center of excellence for the Warthog and its missions for nearly 50 years, but is now closing down as this close air support master nears retirement. Jamie had the rare opportunity to fly with the 66th Weapons Squadron’s A-10 team at Nellis Air Force Base, in Nevada, as they supported a capstone exercise one last time during the Weapons School’s final graduation events for new Weapon Instructors before they gain their prestigious graduate patches.
An A-10 lands on a lakebed in the Nellis Test and Training Range during the Weapons School exercise. (Jamie Hunter)
“The fundamentals of combat search and rescue, close air support, forward air control, even counter-maritime mission sets, as well, that starts the minute you walk in the door. The beauty of the weapons school is that it truly teaches you how to be an expert in your aircraft. It also teaches you, more importantly, how to be an expert in integration,” says Maj. Alex “Trippin” Boules, one of the last A-10 weapons instructor pilots at the 66th Weapons Squadron.
The final Weapons Instructor Course, or WIC, concluded in December 2025 as the last pair of students graduated from the six-month course, which has been run by the USAF Weapons School since 1977. Many graduates of the 66th Weapons Squadron have taken part in significant combat operations since that time, such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as the recent Operation Epic Fury in Iran. The latter saw A-10s taking on a critical role watching over combat search and rescue operations in partnership with special operations teams to recover downed U.S. aircrews.
Turkiye wants to expand its newly formed defence pact with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to include more countries, says Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, citing President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
“Under our president’s vision, we should not remain limited to three countries. We should grow and, if necessary, bring all countries under this umbrella,” Fidan told state news agency Anadolu, according to a report published on Saturday.
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Turkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan on Friday signed the Mecca Joint Deterrence Agreement, in what analysts say could be a step towards a new security architecture in the region.
So who could join the pact next, and what would an expanded alliance mean for regional security?
What does the pact do?
The Mecca defence pact builds on a previous agreement reached between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan a year ago.
Regional officials have suggested that the pact could eventually expand to include other countries, strengthening its role as a mechanism for collective security and deterrence.
The pact’s central feature is a NATO-like stipulation that an attack on any one of the three states would be treated as an attack on all of them although the details have yet to be fleshed out.
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said the allies will decide through consultations what degree, form and format of support they would ask for in the event of an attack but no country would be considered a threat as long as a member state is not attacked.
Turkish and Saudi officials have stressed that the pact is not meant to supplant any other strategic alliances or relationships while Turkiye, which is a member of NATO, has said the agreement does not target any country, including Iran.
Which countries could join next?
Egypt is the only country whose potential membership has been publicly raised by an official from one of the pact’s signatory countries.
Fidan described Egypt as a “natural partner” and said he expects Cairo to formally join once “technical issues” are ironed out.
“I believe that at the next stage, Egypt will also be among us in the alliance,” Fidan said. “We already act towards one another as if we were alliance members.”
Ali Bakir, professor of international relations, security and defence at Qatar University, said Egypt’s inclusion would “significantly increase the pact’s political weight, regional influence and operational effectiveness” if it materialises.
What might stand in the way of Egypt’s membership?
Egypt already has a solid working relationship with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkiye, with which it is part of a group called the R4, which consults on regional issues. Egypt has also recently developed stronger military ties with Turkiye despite previous tensions over the Egyptian military’s 2013 overthrow of President Mohamed Morsi, the conflict in Libya and the discovery of gasfields in the Eastern Mediterranean.
But analysts said Cairo may be wary of the potential military obligations that could come with a binding defence treaty with states whose interests do not always align with its own as well as the implications for its existing peace treaties.
“Egypt may join only if the language protects its aid relationship with Washington, doesn’t undermine existing alliances and peace treaties, and maintains its own freedom to decide when and where it fights,” Karim Elgendy, associate fellow at Chatham House’s Middle East and North Africa Programme, told Al Jazeera.
“If the pact stays a political framework with room to calibrate each response, Cairo can live with it and may eventually sign. If it hardens into an obligation that could pull Egyptian forces into someone else’s war, the answer is likely to be negative,” Elgendy said.
Technical issues holding Egypt back could be both “legal and operational”, Elgendy added. “On the legal side, Egypt needs to know exactly what it is committing to defend, and it will want assurances so that a signature never reads as a commitment against Israel or as taking Ankara’s side in Libya and the Eastern Mediterranean,” he said.
For Bakir, Cairo’s decision will come down to how it weighs the benefits of membership against the diplomatic complications. Egypt’s decision on whether to join the pact will hinge on the level of “strategic value” it believes it brings as well as its ability to “manage relations with countries whose interests” contrast with or even “actively oppose” the alliance, he said.
Ahmed Aboudouh, an associate fellow with Chatham House’s Middle East and North Africa Programme, told Al Jazeera that while Egypt broadly shares the trilateral pact’s security concerns, it “does not share its underpinning threat perception” and may be resistant to “security commitments”.
“Cairo’s preference is to be part of overlapping regional security arrangements that are narrow in scope and are issue-related … rather than being entangled in defence commitments with elevated risks/cost,” Aboudouh said.
He added that Egypt may still opt to join the pact in the future but it would be a “complex decision”.
Which other countries could join?
Several officials have suggested other Gulf countries could eventually join the alliance.
In a post on X, former Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani expressed hope that all members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) would “take the initiative to join” the pact. In addition to Saudi Arabia, the GCC includes Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman and the United Arab Emirates.
Fidan also spoke about the alliance bringing in more regional countries, saying some nations, which he did not name, had already expressed interest. “Under our president’s vision, we should not remain limited to three countries. We should grow and, if necessary, bring all countries under this umbrella,” Fidan said.
Among the Gulf states, Elgendy said, “the names to watch first are Qatar and Kuwait.”
Both countries are “close to all three signatories” and “have the strongest motive to buy extra insurance” after feeling “exposed” during the United States-Israel war on Iran and by Israel’s strike on Doha in September, he said.
Bakir similarly identified Qatar as the “most natural” Gulf state to opt in with Kuwait another possible candidate. He also said Azerbaijan, Syria and Jordan could also join “relatively quickly”.
Elgendy expressed scepticism about the pact transforming into a broader bloc. “This looks like a coalition of the willing that will grow on a case-by-case basis, shaped by each capital’s own risk calculus,” he said.
US Vice President JD Vance claims Washington has “destroyed” Iran’s nuclear programme and degraded its military, as Tehran demands US compensation and an end to the naval blockade before reopening the Strait of Hormuz.
Loaded pistol and rifle among items found in suspect’s pocket, car and home following arrest, police say.
Published On 5 Aug 20265 Aug 2026
A man carrying a loaded handgun and hollow-point ammunition has been arrested at Donald Trump’s Los Angeles-area golf club, days before a scheduled visit by the US president, local authorities said.
The man, arrested on Sunday at the Trump National Golf Club in Rancho Palos Verdes, was identified by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department as 38-year-old Jeanine John Taele. The department said he had been seen photographing and filming the grounds while appearing to monitor security preparations ahead of Trump’s scheduled appearance at a Republican Party fundraising dinner on Tuesday.
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Deputies said they found a 16-round magazine loaded with ammunition in his pocket, and later recovered a loaded pistol with a round chambered, along with a second loaded magazine, from his vehicle in the golf course car park.
Officials said Taele had already been under investigation by the El Segundo Police Department over a separate robbery case.
On Monday, detectives working with the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force searched Taele’s Downey home, where they said they recovered an illegally modified rifle, a second pistol, body armour, high-capacity magazines, bulk ammunition and other radio signal devices and notebooks containing what officials described only as “concerning statements”.
The sheriff’s department said it had not identified any credible threat to the public and that Taele is being held without bail while prosecutors weigh charges.
Trump’s visit is part of a broader campaign swing through California and Nevada ahead of the November midterm elections.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
At first glance, the Soviet submarine S-49 looks like a design mistake. While its hull resembles a normal Cold War diesel-electric submarine, its bow appears to have been fitted with a strange pair of enormous “barrels” pointing forward. But the bizarre nose and bug-eyed look was the result of a highly specialized Soviet effort to create a submarine that could test a new generation of underwater weapons. At a time when extreme submarine modifications were in vogue, S-49 stood out for its pioneering work and long service.
S-49 began life as an ordinary Project 633 submarine, known to NATO as the Romeo class. The Project 633 submarines were diesel-electric attack submarines developed for the Soviet Navy in the 1950s and built in Gorky (modern-day Nizhny Novgorod). Since this was hundreds of miles from the sea, submarines built here were transported by river on special barges, then completed and tested at coastal shipyards before entering service.
A starboard beam view of a Soviet Romeo class attack submarine underway. U.S. Navy
The early career of S-49 was completely conventional. Its keel was laid in March of 1961, it was launched in July, and commissioned into the Soviet Navy in December.
S-49 initially joined the Black Sea Fleet, was transferred to the Northern Fleet in 1962, and conducted routine submarine operations, including Mediterranean deployments.
In 1969, S-49 returned permanently to the Black Sea Fleet and continued in service as a normal Soviet attack submarine.
By the 1960s, however, faced by the growing threat of the U.S. Navy’s emerging nuclear-powered submarine fleet, Soviet naval engineers were developing a new class of faster, farther-reaching weapons: submarine-launched anti-submarine missiles. These were essentially long-range weapon delivery systems whose purpose was to allow one submarine to attack another far sooner and from much farther away than was practical with a conventional torpedo, allowing the shooter to remain at standoff distance. This was especially vital in a nuclear warfighting context.
A live test of a nuclear-armed U.S. Navy SUBROC submarine-launched rocket — broadly similar in concept to the Soviet submarine-launched anti-submarine missile — gives an idea of its destructive power:
Swordfish Sailor Hat MK57 ASROC ASTOR SUBROC DOE Video #0800046
The Soviet concept combined a torpedo or a depth charge with a missile; the weapon would be launched underwater from a submarine or fired from a surface combatant into the water. After a brief period of submerged travel through the water, it would break the surface, a rocket motor would ignite, and the weapon would fly rapidly — according to available sources at around Mach 0.8 — toward the target area. The weapon could deploy a homing torpedo or a nuclear depth-charge warhead.
In the early 1970s, the Soviet Navy was working on two next-generation anti-submarine missile systems: the RPK-6 Vodopad (Russian for waterfall) was designed around a 533mm torpedo-tube launch system, while the RPK-7 Veter (meaning wind) was a larger 650mm weapon with greater range and depth capability — it could only carry a nuclear depth charge.
In practice, while both Vodopad and Veter could be launched from submarines, surface combatants had only 533mm tubes, so were limited to the Vodopad. The RPK-6 Vodopad had a range of about 20 nautical miles, while the RPK-7 Veter increased this to around 54 nautical miles.
A 2018 video showing the Kirov class nuclear battlecruiser Pyotr Velikiy firing multiple Soviet-era RPK-6 Vodopads during a drill:
Пуски ракет-торпед ТАРКР «Петр Великий» в Баренцевом море
There is some confusion about the NATO designations of these weapons. Some sources suggest both Vodopad and Veter were known as SS-N-16 Stallion, others that SS-N-16 Stallion applied to different generations of 650mm anti-submarine missiles, while SS-N-15 Starfish applied to different generations of 533mm weapons.
Needing a test submarine for the weapons, the Soviets chose two Romeo class boats, S-49 and S-11, both of which were converted into the experimental Project 633RV standard.
OTD 1961: S-11, Project 633 ROMEO SS, was launched. Between 1970 & 1972 she and S-49 were converted to Project 633RV 65cm torpedo test sub. pic.twitter.com/cW0FgFRqhH
— AncientSubHunter 🇺🇦 🇮🇱🌻 (@AncientSubHunt) April 15, 2017
Podwodny ,,Star Trek,, ,czyli ,,Romeo,, projekt 633RV. Pod koniec lat 60. do testowania kompleksów przeciwpodwodnych RPK-7 “Veter” i RPK-6 “Vodopad” przebudowano dwie jednostki typ,,Romeo,,(S-11 i S-49) …. 1/2 pic.twitter.com/rNnwfzUiOG
Between December 1971 and October 1972, S-49 underwent a major reconstruction at Sevmorzavod in Sevastopol, on the Crimean peninsula.
The modification completely transformed the submarine, the most visible change being the enormous forward superstructure containing two giant external 650mm tubes for the Veter, which were simply too large to fit inside the original Romeo class hull. At the same time, two internal 533mm launch tubes were modified for the Vodopad.
Russian submarines moored in the bay of the Crimean city of Sevastopol on March 23, 2014. On the right is the Project 633RV, the former S-49. Photo by VIKTOR DRACHEV / AFP VIKTOR DRACHEV
As well as the new launchers, specialized systems included weapon programming equipment, electrical connections for pre-launch testing, fire-control systems, special sealing arrangements, and guide tracks that prepared the weapon during launch.
Essentially a giant underwater weapons laboratory, the Project 633RV allowed engineers to test the entire firing process before the weapons entered service on operational submarines.
Inside the forward section, engineers removed normal submarine equipment and replaced it with test systems. Spare torpedo storage was taken out, and improved sonar equipment and upgraded navigation systems were added.
Overall, the systems were designed to replicate those of Soviet nuclear attack submarines, including those planned for the Project 671 (Victor class) nuclear attack boats.
A U.S. Navy P-3C Orion anti-submarine warfare aircraft flies over a Soviet Victor III nuclear-powered attack submarine a few hours after the submarine was spotted on the surface in the Atlantic, in 1983. U.S. Navy
As well as firing missiles, the modified submarine was equipped to measure launch behavior, weapon performance, effects on the submarine, underwater pressures, guidance system operation, and reliability.
After conversion, S-49 became one of the most important weapons-testing submarines in the Soviet fleet.
In December 1972, S-49 conducted the first Soviet underwater launch of a Vodopad missile-torpedo, from a depth of 50 meters (164 feet).
During 1973 and 1974, 24 successful launches were completed from depths between 50 and 150 meters (164 and 492 feet) and under increasingly demanding conditions.
In 1975, S-49 received an improved deep-water launch system and successfully completed another 22 launches, including one from an unprecedented depth of 240 meters (787 feet).
For S-49, the mission expanded beyond Vodopad and Veter.
In 1977, the submarine participated in testing of the new 3M10 Granat (SS-N-21 Sampson) land-attack cruise missile, a turbofan-powered weapon that was deployed from a launch capsule via a 533mm launch tube. Analogous to the U.S.-made Tomahawk, this was the first missile of its class fielded on Soviet submarines.
A ground-launched version of the Granat, the RK-55 (SSC-X-4 Slingshot) was deployed only briefly before it fell victim to the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty signed in December 1987. Public Domain Unknown
From 1977 through 1985, S-49 continued to support Soviet missile-torpedo development.
After a major overhaul between 1986 and 1991, S-49 continued weapons-related duties until 1995, when it was removed from active naval service.
But even retirement did not end its unusual career.
In late 1995, S-49 was transformed again, emerging as PZS-50, a floating battery charging station. The submarine supported the Black Sea Fleet by charging batteries and assisting submarine training activities.
S-49 remained in service as a support vessel into the 2010s, finally retiring around 2019.
Russian naval flags are seen on the Zaporizhzhia, a former Ukrainian submarine (center) moored between the Russian Alrosa (left) and PZS-50 (right) in the bay of the Crimean port of Sevastopol on March 27, 2014. Photo by VIKTOR DRACHEV / AFP VIKTOR DRACHEV
#SovietNavy#ColdWar Today, after dock repairs and museumification, the submarine S-49 (PZS-50) of Project 633RV was towed to the Southern Bay of Sevastopol. This is a temporary mooring and in the near future the submarine will be towed to Balaclava. pic.twitter.com/PZ7d0d7jNy
In May 2022, S-49 became part of the Balaklava Underground Museum Complex, preserving one of the most unusual submarines of the Cold War era in a former Soviet underground submarine base. With Russia occupying the peninsula and engaged in a war with Ukraine, during which Crimea has been repeatedly targeted, the ultimate fate of the boat is by no means certain.
S-49 never fired a missile in anger. But without it, some of the Soviet Navy’s most advanced underwater weapons might never have entered service.
The jet went down near the Miramar airbase in San Diego and aerial video showed a plume of black smoke rising from the wreckage in a dirt field.
Published On 1 Aug 20261 Aug 2026
An F-35B stealth fighter plane has crashed in California, but its pilot ejected and is expected to survive, the US Marine Corps said.
The jet went down on Friday near the Miramar airbase in San Diego. “The pilot ejected, was transported to a local medical facility in stable condition for evaluation and treatment of non-life-threatening injuries,” the Marine Corps said in a statement.
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Aerial video from a news helicopter showed a plume of black smoke rising from the wreckage in a dirt field, with multiple military and firefighting vehicles and people standing nearby. What appeared to be white flame retardant covered the ground, and at least one person was spraying the wreckage with a fire hose.
Candace Hadley, a spokesperson for San Diego Fire, said firefighters were on scene to respond to a vegetation fire that sparked near the crash site. She referred additional questions to Marine Corps Air Station Miramar.
The base used to host the Navy fighter pilot training school depicted in the original Top Gun movie and was known as “Fightertown USA” in its heyday. The school was relocated to Naval Air Station Fallon in Nevada in 1996 after the base was transferred to the Marine Corps.
The US Marine Corps, Navy and Air Force together have more than 630 F-35s, according to a 2024 analysis by the Government Accountability Office. The F-35B is one of several versions, and has an engine designed for short takeoffs and vertical landings. A single F-35B costs about $109m. The report estimated that the overall F-35 programme will cost roughly $2 trillion after the military buys more than 1,800 more jets and operates them for decades to come.
At least seven other military aircraft have crashed in the United States this year, according to the Flight Safety Foundation’s Aviation Safety Network database.
The most serious incident involved a B-52 bomber that crashed shortly after taking off in California’s Mojave Desert in June, killing all eight people on board.
Warsaw asserts missile recently made, illustrating Russia’s nightly barrage against Ukraine is draining arsenal.
Published On 31 Jul 202631 Jul 2026
Poland has summoned the Russian ambassador in protest over a missile incursion into one of its eastern regions.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced on Friday that the ambassador had been summoned after Warsaw confirmed that the projectile, which landed in the village of Tarnawa Kolonia in the Lublin region on Thursday, was a Russian Kh-101 missile. No casualties or injuries have been reported.
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An investigation into the incident suggested that Russia’s weapon stockpiles may be running low as it continues to launch nightly barrages of drones and missiles at Ukraine while its more than four-year war drags on.
“The ambassador was informed of our unequivocal condemnation of hostile actions directed against the security of a sovereign state and its citizens,” Maciej Wewior, spokesman for Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told journalists.
“We emphasised that any escalation at the border of the European Union and the North Atlantic alliance [NATO] is unacceptable,” he added, underlining that the root of the incident was “the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation”.
The incident marked the latest in a series of incursions on NATO’s eastern flank. Drones and missiles intruding on the territory and airspace of Poland, Romania and the Baltic states have fuelled fears that the war in Ukraine may spill over the alliance’s borders.
NATO and European leaders have been swift to support Poland and condemn Russia for the missile.
Depleted stockpiles
Poland has identified the missile as part of an attack that killed at least eight civilians in Ukraine and injured more than 50.
Defence Minister Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz reported that Warsaw had established that the missile was produced near Moscow in the second quarter of this year.
“This means that Russia is using newly produced missiles to strike Ukraine,” he wrote on social media. “It confirms reports that Russian wartime stockpiles have been depleted.”
An expert from Ukraine who arrived at the scene “did not have the slightest doubt” about the origins or model of the missile, Marcin Kozak, spokesman for the prosecutor’s office in Lublin, said.
“I will point out that this type of missile is used exclusively by Russian strategic aviation,” Wewior noted.
Russia claimed this week to be advancing into Ukraine’s regions of Sumy, Kharkiv and Donetsk, as Ukraine installed new political leadership in its defence ministry and a new military leadership in its armed forces.
The changes followed the unprecedented firing of both defence minister Mykhailo Fedorov and commander-in-chief Oleksandr Syrskii within a week.
Most concerning was the news from Ukrainian soldiers in the eastern region of Donetsk that Russia was “effectively cutting off” Kostiantynivka, the southernmost of four “fortress cities” Russia had pledged to overthrow in a bid to capture the remaining free territory of the region by the end of the year.
Kostiantynivka was “the key to liberating the entire territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic”, Russian President Vladimir Putin recently said.
“Things are very bad in Kostiantynivka. It’s not a question of whether we’ll lose [it] or not – we’ve effectively already lost it,” a soldier told the Ukrainian news outlet Hromadske. “If there’s a large number of Russians there, you can’t really say we’re holding it. They’re just pushing our guys into a corner.”
A local Ukrainian commander told Hromadske that Russians were moving into the villages of Molocharka and Izhevka north of the city, and his units could find themselves surrounded in “another month or two” unless reinforcements arrived or containment tactics changed.
Shortly before he was dismissed on July 21, Syrskii had painted a more optimistic picture, saying there were an estimated 145 Russian infiltrators in the city who were suffering “significant losses” of about 25 people a day, as Ukrainian drone units hunted them down in their urban shelters.
The commander of a group called Kurt and Company shared that more optimistic view with the news outlet Suspilne.
“Heavy fighting and gunfire are going on all over the city,” said the commander, identified by the call sign Kurt. “But we still control most of the city and the enemy is mainly on the flanks. They are trying to bypass us, cut us off, but we are holding our defence there. We are just constantly under attack from the KABs – they are just taking out positions with aerial bombs. This is the only thing that still gives the Russians success and this is a big problem for us.”
KABs are massive aerial ordnance with payloads of between 500kg and 3,000kg, which Russia has been dropping on Ukrainian positions at a rate of more than 200 and sometimes more than 300 a day. Ukraine has repeatedly placed aerial defence equipment at the top of its list of requirements from allies.
As recently as three weeks ago, the Institute for the Study of War, a Washington-based think tank, estimated that Russian forces had a presence in just 37 percent of Kostiantynivka, mostly in the form of “infiltrations” rather than firm control. Its most recent assessment of Russian infiltration suggests that it has spread to most of the city, however.
(Al Jazeera)
Overall, Russian forces have been slowing down, though. The ISW estimated that they were capturing 16.6sq km a day in the first half of 2025, but just 1km a day in June this year. In July, the ISW has assessed that Russia has been losing territory at a rate of 1.6sq km a day.
Now, it appears that Russia has been mounting an effort to regain the offensive. The commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces (SBS), Robert Brovdi, said “the actual number of enemy personnel involved in offensive operations along the front line” during the month had increased by 12 percent compared with June and 18 percent compared with May, based on analysis from the SBS intelligence centre. Russian casualties increased by similar proportions, he said.
In the northern Kharkiv and Sumy regions, Russia claimed to have destroyed 10 Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) control centres on July 27, killing 70 personnel.
Three days later, it said its troops had routed defenders in Nova Sich, Mogritsa and Malaya Slobodka in Sumy and Yurchenkovo in Kharkiv, by copying the Ukrainian tactic of using drones to disrupt ammunition deliveries.
“Russian servicemen found large amounts of abandoned weapons, ammunition and military equipment,” according to a Russian report.
A local Russian official claimed Moscow had captured 13 settlements in Kharkiv this month.
Al Jazeera could not independently verify the Russian claims, which have in the past been inflated or premature, and Ukraine denied Nova Sich had fallen.
(Al Jazeera)
An autumn offensive?
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said this week he had received intelligence that Russia was preparing an “expanded mobilisation” to counter losses of 225,000 this year, versus recruitment of 221,000 people. Six out of 10 casualties were fatalities, he said.
Zelenskyy told Sky News Putin aimed to raise 300,000 to 500,000 troops in early October, after Russian parliamentary elections had taken place in September. “He will not be able to quickly prepare these people. This, again, means that he will send poorly trained people to the battlefield, which will inevitably lead to heavy losses,” Zelenskyy said.
More worrying, perhaps, were the 30,000 North Korean troops Russia was preparing barracks for in Voronezh, in southwestern Russia, according to Zelenskyy. Russia received 3,000 North Korean soldiers in 2024, and used them to reclaim territory Ukraine had counterinvaded in Kursk.
Fedorov announced a plan in June to attract foreign fighters by raising the salary for a front-line soldier to $7,000 a month. “I believe that 50 percent of the front line or among the attack aircraft could be foreigners,” he told Ukrainska Pravda this week.
Russia estimates that Ukraine currently employs about 4,000 foreign troops. Ukraine’s armed forces are estimated at 900,000 people.
(Al Jazeera)
Long-range strikes
Ukraine struck blows in its economic war against Russia, hitting refineries and oil depots.
Those included confirmed hits against the Subkhankulovo oil tank farm in Bashkortostan, 1,350km from Ukraine, six refineries, an oil loading terminal at Rostov-on-Don, and fuel and lubricant depots at Ishki in occupied Crimea and Udmurtia.
Ukraine has recently struck targets as far afield as 2,500km, and Zelenskyy said it had now acquired range of at least 3,000km.
Ukraine claims to have disabled 42 percent of Russian refining capacity this year. A Financial Times investigation using satellite photographs confirmed that it had disabled 45 percent of nominal capacity and 30 percent of actual capacity, causing damage lasting weeks or months.
Russia, which has been experiencing a fuel crisis as a result, extended a fuel export ban from the end of August to the end of January.
Ukraine also struck military production targets, including the Avitek plant in Kirov city, producing components for aviation and missiles, and an S-400 radar. On July 27, it downed a Forpost-R heavy drone used to carry KABs – only the sixth such prize of the entire war.
Brovdi’s forces continued to starve Crimea of electricity and fuel, striking 37 electricity substations and four oil tankers during the week, bringing the total number of electricity infrastructure nodes struck in July to 164, and the total number of tankers hit in the Black and Azov seas to 205.
Brovdi’s forces focused much of their fire on the warehouses of the Wildberries online retailer, suspected by Ukraine of providing equipment to mobilising troops.
During the past week they have struck warehouses in Voronezh, Leningrad, Simferopol, Udmurtia and Penza, bringing the total number of warehouses set ablaze to 12 and the estimated damage to $2.2bn.
Russia also claims to have hit military targets in massive drone and missile attacks on Ukraine, but many of the hits were civilian.
One person died when a supermarket in Chernihiv, northern Ukraine, was struck on July 26, and the entire Voronov family was wiped out in Radushne in central Ukraine when their house was blown to smithereens on July 30. A record 56,000 people spent the night sheltering in the Kyiv Metro that night.
British teen Axel Rudakubana, who was convicted of murdering three young girls in a knife rampage at a Taylor Swift-themed dance workshop in Southport in summer 2024, has been charged with new assault and weapons offenses. File photo courtesy Merseyside Police
July 31 (UPI) — The British teen serving a 52-year sentence for the Southport killings of three young girls was charged Friday with additional crimes allegedly committed while in prison, including aggravated assault and weapons offenses.
Axel Rudakubana, 19, is accused of assaulting emergency workers in two separate attacks, one count of aggravated assault and possession of an offensive weapon between May and late October 2025
Police said all the alleged incidents took place at HMP Belmarsh in London.
Rudakubana is scheduled to go before Westminster Magistrates’ Court on September 11 to answer the charges.
He will appear via video-link from Broadmoor Hospital, a high-security psychiatric facility west of London to which he was transferred from prison last week.
Officials determined he was too dangerous for a regular penal institution following an independent clinical assessment, but the Justice Ministry stressed that would be returned to prison to complete his sentence once his mental state had improved and he was assessed as well enough to do so.
A psych evaluation after he carried out the July 2024 knife rampage that killed Bebe King, 6, Elsie Dot Stancombe, 7, and Alice da Silva Aguiar, 9, and seriously injured eight other children and two adults, found him fit to stand trial.
Following a trial in January 2025, Rudakubana was sentenced to a record 52 years in prison, minus time spent on remand.
The judge was unable to impose a so-called whole-life sentence normally applied for crimes of this seriousness, where the offender remains in prison until they die, as Rudakubana was 17 at the time of the attack.
He will become eligible for parole in 2076, just shy of his 70th birthday, but is unlikely to ever be released from prison.
The initial phase of an official inquiry into the killings concluded in April that Rudakubana could have been stopped but for the “catastrophic” and “irresponsible” failures of authorities and his parents.
Former Appeal Court judge Sir Adrian Fulford, said the attack woud likely have been prevented if Rudakubana’s parents had reported what they knew and law enforcement, child and mental health agencies responded appropriately to the risk he was known to present.
Palestinians inspect a destroyed mosque following an Israeli air strike in Gaza, Tuesday. The Palestinian Ministry of Health said at least four people were killed in Israeli attacks across the territory on Tuesday. Photo by Mohammed Saber/EPA
July 29 (UPI) — The Israeli military on Wednesday accused Hamas of storing weapons inside a mosque it bombed in northern Gaza on Tuesday, an allegation Palestinian sources called false.
The mosque was “another example of terror organizations using civilian infrastructure for terror purposes,” The Times of Israel reported, citing the Israeli military.
Israel said the weapons were to be used in attacks on Israeli troops in Gaza and Israeli civilians, and the sites were hit “to remove the threat.”
The Hamas government said the allegations were “entirely false” and that Israel used the claim “to justify its attacks on mosques,” The New York Times reported. There were no reports of deaths from the mosque attack, but there were four deaths from attacks in Gaza, the Palestinian Ministry of Health reported.
The Israeli military said it gave advance warning of the attack to civilians “to mitigate the risk of harm to them.”
“It was a terrifying sound,” Riyad al-Masri, 31, who lives near the mosque, told The New York Times. “It shook the ground.”
Despite a cease-fire signed in October, Israel has increased its attacks on Gaza in recent weeks.
More than 1,200 people have been killed in Gaza since the cease-fire, on top of more than 73,000 killed during the war, according to the Gaza health ministry. Its list does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, The New York Times reported.
Under the 20-point peace plan for Gaza negotiated by the United States, Hamas was required to disarm. The group has agreed to give up administrative control of Gaza, but it has not yet agreed to disarm.
IDF Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Tamir Yadai said earlier this month that Israel would continue strikes in Gaza if Hamas doesn’t disarm, The New York Times reported.
“At the end of the day, this place will be demilitarized, and there will be no Hamas,” he said in remarks published by Channel 14, a right-wing Israeli TV station.
Germany has approved almost 800 million euros ($913m) in arms export licences to Israel in the first five months of 2026, more than in the previous 20 months combined, the government in Berlin has confirmed.
According to a Federal Foreign Office reply to a parliamentary question by the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, nearly all the approvals were cleared in April and May.
The approvals portend a dramatic surge in weapons exports to Israel from one of the country’s most steadfast allies in Europe despite the German government’s insistence that it is concerned about the devastation wrought by Israel’s military in Gaza.
The big spend
The government said more than 60 percent of the value of the arms licences is earmarked for a single, unnamed “major maritime project”.
The most likely candidate, analysts said, is a submarine built by the German manufacturer TKMS.
The INS Drakon, a nuclear-capable Dolphin II-class submarine, underwent its maiden voyage last year at a shipyard in Kiel on the Baltic Sea. Its estimated value is 480 million euros ($548m). It was officially handed over to the Israeli Navy last week, according to German media reports.
According to several reports, it could feature a vertical launching system (VLS), enabling it to launch nuclear-tipped cruise missiles or ballistic missiles. Israel would become only the second navy after South Korea known to field a VLS on a modern, air-independent propulsion (AIP), conventionally powered submarine.
During its sea trials, the submarine’s tower was covered with tarpaulins and fibreglass plates to prevent observers from determining its weapons configuration. Strategically, submarines of this class could provide a sea-based second-strike capability – the ability of a country to fire back nuclear weapons after it has itself faced a nuclear attack.
In May, TKMS signed a memorandum of understanding on future collaboration with Elbit Systems, Israel’s largest private defence contractor.
The German Foreign Office and Ministry of Economic Affairs and Energy, under whose purview arms export licences fall, both declined to comment on the matter.
Max Mutschler, a senior researcher with the Bonn International Centre for Conflict Studies, told Al Jazeera: “Unfortunately, the fact that the federal government does not explicitly mention this is also typical of the lack of transparency surrounding arms exports.”
Last year, reports conflicted over whether the export licence for the submarine had been granted. The order dates back to 2012. While TKMS indicated approval, the German government denied it at the time.
Germany’s shifting positions
The hesitation might have stemmed from legal concerns surrounding proceedings against Germany at the International Court of Justice in The Hague as well as shifting public opinion in Germany, which has largely turned against arms exports to Israel. According to media reports, Germany is helping finance about 30 percent of the costs for the Drakon and roughly one-third of those for the future Dakar class.
This month, TKMS was also selected by Canada as the preferred bidder to build up to 12 submarines in what would be the largest order in TKMS’s history. The value of the vessels alone is estimated at 12 billion euros ($13.7bn) to 18 billion euros ($21bn).
For years, submarine deals with Germany have been under investigation by the Israeli judiciary over bribery allegations involving close associates of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Ruth Rohde from the British research organisation Shadow World Investigations told Al Jazeera: “Israel has used German ships to fire at Gaza, to blockade and starve Gaza, and is using submarines to station nuclear weapons. At a time when Israel is waging brutal wars on its neighbours and is committing a genocide in Gaza, this submarine export would give Israel another tool in its arsenal of mass destruction.”
Berlin’s arms export policy towards Israel has been marked by reversals. In early August, Chancellor Friedrich Merz announced that Germany would issue no further licences for military equipment that could be used by Israel in the Gaza Strip. By that time, an Al Jazeera investigation had shown that Germany had already exported almost $12m worth of weapons consignments to Israel since October 2023 when Israel launched its genocidal war on Gaza.
And the partial suspension proved short-lived: In November, the government lifted the restrictions and returned to reviewing export applications on a case-by-case basis. Even during the suspension, previously approved deliveries continued. In September, for instance, a $794,000 weapons consignment from Germany landed at Ben-Gurion Airport near Tel Aviv.
Mutschler told Al Jazeera that some people in government “found the export of certain weapons to Israel problematic in light of numerous and credible reports of Israeli war crimes during the military operation in Gaza”. However, it was not enough to “bring about a generally restrictive arms export policy toward Israel”.
The economic calculation
Germany is one of the world’s largest arms exporters. In the first six months of 2026, licences were granted for arms worth 13.87 billion euros ($15.8bn), according to the Arms Export Report of the Ministry of Economics, published in mid-July. That is more than four times as much as during the same period in 2025. Ukraine remains the primary recipient of German arms exports.
Mutschler explained: “Arms exports have been and continue to be viewed by most federal governments primarily from an economic perspective and welcomed as a means of strengthening the defence industry.” He added: “The fact that these arms shipments can also be used to commit war crimes seems to play a significantly smaller role in the decision-making process.”
As a crisis in Germany’s economy – whose strength has relied primarily on exports, particularly in the car industry – has intensified, its defence industry has boomed in recent years. This development was publicly attributed to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine although plans for increased defence spending had already been prepared beforehand, according to reports.
Pieter D Wezeman, a senior researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, sees this as a general trend. He told Al Jazeera: “The demand for arms in Europe has increased dramatically over the past few years whereas the demand for arms in many other parts of the world does not seem to be decreasing or is likely to increase.”
The German market remains very important to the country’s arms industry as Germany is set to double its military spending from well below 2 percent of it gross domestic product to a stated goal of 3.5 percent of its GDP within a few years, Wezeman explained. “Germany is now the largest military spender in Europe [not counting Russia], and its arms industry is a core component of the European military-industrial base.”
How land conflict, state neglect and racist ideology have driven Darfur towards alleged genocide.
This episode examines how mass violence in Darfur has been constructed over time and why many activists, governments and courts have labelled it genocide, even as that term remains politically contested. It traces how environmental stress, neglect of the peripheries and competition over land fed grievances between communities. It shows how Khartoum armed and mobilised militias, how racialised language framed “Arabs” and “Africans” as enemies and how aerial bombing, burning of villages and mass displacement became tools of policy. Through survivors’ testimony and legal analysis, the film follows the path from counterinsurgency to crimes against humanity and alleged genocide and asks what justice has – and has not – been delivered for Darfur.
Syrian authorities say they intercepted a shipment including missiles, rockets, and drones before it entered from Iraq.
Published On 16 Jul 202616 Jul 2026
Syria has seized a shipment of weapons, including missiles, at its border with Iraq, as authorities say they foiled an attempt to smuggle arms to Hezbollah in Lebanon, something the group denies.
Syria’s General Authority of Ports and Customs said on Thursday that the weapons shipment – which included long-range missiles, rockets and drones – was concealed inside “one of the oil tanker-trucks headed to the city of Baniyas”.
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It was discovered during routine inspection procedures at the al-Tanf border crossing between Syria and Iraq after customs officers subjected the vehicle to a thorough search, Syria’s state news agency reported.
“According to the ministry, preliminary investigations based on evidence collected at the scene indicated that the shipment was intended to transit Syrian territory before being delivered to the Hezbollah terrorist militia in Lebanon,” SANA wrote, citing sources from Syria’s Interior Ministry.
The Iran-backed Lebanese group denied having any activity in Syria, dismissing the accusations in a statement on Thursday as “fabricated narratives with no basis in fact, aimed at harming Hezbollah”.
Syrian authorities are known to be hostile towards the group, as it was an ally of former president Bashar al-Assad before he was ousted in 2024 by members of the current government.
Following the seizure, Iraq said it would form a high-level committee to investigate what happened. The military’s Joint Operations Command said Baghdad would coordinate with Syrian authorities to establish the circumstances of the attempted smuggling, hold those responsible to account, and strengthen security along the shared border.
The Baniyas route, where the tanker was passing through, has been used frequently in recent months for fuel movements between Iraq and Syria, since the main route through the Strait of Hormuz has been disrupted by the Iran war.
“This seizure from Syria is part of a broader reshaping of the region that has occurred over the last couple of years, particularly the fall of the Assad regime in Syria,” said Al Jazeera’s Heidi Pett, reporting from Lebanon.
“It used to be a very popular land route for Iran to traffic weapons and cash to its partner here in Lebanon, Hezbollah. They went from Iran, across Iraq, through Syria, and then here into Lebanon.”
“Under the Assad regime they [Iran] had very little trouble with that, but since the new [Syrian] President Ahmed al-Sharaa took power, he has been cracking down on that crossroad of smuggling,” Pett added.
A source at Syria’s Interior Ministry told SANA that “protecting Syria’s borders and safeguarding its national sovereignty remained a top priority, adding that it would not allow Syrian territory to be used as a transit route or launch point for arms smuggling or other activities that threaten the security of Syria or neighbouring countries”.
US President Donald Trump had spoken to Syria’s al-Sharaa about disarming Hezbollah, which is fighting Israeli forces occupying southern Lebanon. But Lebanese President Joseph Aoun’s office said al-Sharaa had assured him that Syria would not take sides in Lebanon’s internal affairs, including fighting Hezbollah.
United States President Donald Trump is scheduled to address a defence summit at the US Army War College on Wednesday, where he is expected to laud US investments in its armed forces that he has argued have helped add a new edge to history’s most powerful military.
But his speech comes at a time when the US’s war on Iran has significantly depleted the US military’s weapons stockpile.
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The summit, which will be held in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, comes as the US has re-ignited attacks on Iran in the past week, and as Trump has threatened to continue a war that, according to recent US polls, is highly unpopular among Americans facing high costs of living.
The US has expended half of at least four of its most critical munitions since its war on Iran began on February 28, and has racked up billions of dollars in weapons expenses, analysis shows.
Replenishing low stockpiles could take anywhere between several months and several years. Analysts warn that a shrinking arsenal could put the US in a less formidable position in a potential future conflict – particularly against China.
Here’s what we know about the US weapons inventory:
A projectile approaches a target at an unknown location, during what US Central Command (CENTCOM) says are strikes on Iran, in this screengrab taken from a handout video released on July 12, 2026 [US Central Command/Handout via Reuters]
What’s happening with the US-Iran war?
Following an April ceasefire between the US and Iran, and the subsequent signing of a memorandum of understanding in June, the conflict kicked off again after the US Central Command launched heavy waves of attacks on Iran’s military sites last Wednesday, saying it was aiming to degrade Tehran’s military capabilities. Huge, hourlong attacks have continued for four nights since Sunday, including on railway tracks and bridges.
Both sides traded low-intensity attacks throughout the ceasefire period. However, the US escalated air attacks last week after Iran fired on three commercial ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz – because those vessels had used a shipping route not approved by Tehran.
Each blames the other for violating the ceasefire, and at last week’s NATO leaders’ summit, Trump declared the pact with Iran over, although he said American negotiators could continue talks. Washington has also reinstated a naval blockade on Iran-linked ships trying to transit the waterway and has re-imposed sanctions on Iran.
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has responded with retaliatory attacks on US military assets in Bahrain, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait.
More than a dozen people have been killed in Iran since the new wave of US attacks, including civilians.
“We’re going to knock out all their power plants. We’re going to knock out all their bridges unless they get to the table and negotiate,” Trump threatened in a Fox News interview that aired on Tuesday.
Attacking civilian infrastructure is a violation of international law.
Smoke rises from an explosion following a drone attack on a warehouse in al-Shuaiba, Kuwait, in this still image obtained from social media video released on July 14, 2026 [Social media via Reuters]
Does the US have enough weapons to keep attacking Iran?
Washington’s supplies are running low but have not reached a critical level, according to analysis of the US weapons inventory by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a Washington-based think tank.
In the 39 days of conflict between the start of the US-Iran war in February and the ceasefire in April, the US hit more than 13,000 targets, focusing mainly on using seven of its most powerful missiles and air defence systems: Tomahawk missiles, Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (JASSM), Precision Strike Missiles (PrSM), Standard Missile-3 (SM-3), Standard Missile-6 (SM-6), Terminal High Altitude Area Defenses (THAAD) and Patriots.
For at least four of the munitions, Washington likely expended more than half of its available stockpiles, although many lower-grade alternatives are still in stock, according to CSIS. Government data on weapons inventory is classified.
Here’s how the munitions were used:
Tomahawks – The US had about 3,000 of the long-range missiles that are fired from sea at ground targets. It likely used up more than 1,000 in the war on Iran.
JASSM – About 4,000 of these stealthy, air-launched long-range missiles were in the US inventory before the war. About 1,100 were used in the war on Iran.
PrSM – Supplies of the newly delivered, ground-launched long-range missiles were already low to start with, with deliveries since 2023 amounting to a total of 90. An estimated 40-70 were used in the war. One US military official claimed that the “entire” inventory had been expended.
SM- 3 – The most expensive weapon per unit at $28m, these ship-launched ballistic missile interceptors numbered about 410 before the war. The US has used between 130 and 250 of these in the war on Iran.
SM-6 – Also ship-launched, this missile is mainly used to intercept aircraft and cruise missiles. The US had about 1,160 stockpiled. An estimated 190- 370 have been expended in the Iran war.
THAAD – The US had about 360 of the costly anti-ballistic missile systems by April, and between 190 and 290 were used in the war. The US has a total of 8 THAAD units or “batteries” consisting of launchers, interceptors, and radar systems.
Patriot – An estimated 2,330 Patriots were in stock before the war, but between 1,060 and 1,430 have been expended. Some older versions may also likely be available – about 400 of them.
What does this mean?
Analysts from CSIS say that while the US may have enough to continue hitting Iran in the near-term war, it has reduced its stockpiles so significantly that it may not have enough for potential future wars, especially against a formidable rival like China.
Replenishing high-capability and costly weapons like the ones the US has used in Iran will likely take several years.
Trump and senior administration officials have publicly maintained that the US has an “unlimited” supply of weapons as the US-Iran war has raged on.
However, in March, Trump said administration officials met with the heads of US manufacturers, including Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, BAE Systems, Honeywell Aerospace, L3Harris Missile Solutions, and Northrop Grumman. He said all promised to “quadruple” production and that increased manufacturing was already under way.
Subsequently, in June, Trump signed the Defense Production Act, an executive order compelling US weapons manufacturers to speed up production, citing existing conditions “which may pose a direct threat to the national defense or its preparedness programs”.
An order compelling private actors to ramp up production likely reflects timeline concerns within the Pentagon, analysts note.
In the short term, Washington is also unlikely to meet demands from its allies, and may not have the capacity to supply the THAADs and Patriots that Ukraine says are crucial in its war against Russia.
Already, supply orders have hit road bumps. Japan’s order of 400 Tomahawks from Raytheon was meant to be delivered between 2025 and 2027, but US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said in May that two more years could be added to the schedule.
Meanwhile, Switzerland began negotiations with France, Israel and South Korea in June to buy another missile defence system after its 2022 order from Lockheed Martin and Raytheon continued to face delays.
How long will replenishing weapons take?
Hegseth said in May that it could take “months and years” to replenish the supplies, based on the weapons system.
Analysts reckon it could take the US between one and four years to get its most exquisite munitions stockpiles back to pre-Iran war levels, even as Trump has boasted that new weapons plants are being built around the US and production is being ramped up.
Trump’s administration is set to buy large amounts of advanced munitions in its proposed $1.5 trillion 2027 defence budget – a 44 percent increase from 2026’s defence budget.
According to CSIS, estimated timelines to replenish the seven critical munitions, based on existing production facilities, are:
Tomahawk: Between 4- 5 years (207 will be delivered in 2026, while 785 have been requested for 2027).
JASSM: 1 year (821 to be delivered in 2026 and 821 requested for 2027).
PrSM: 8 months (70 to be delivered in 2026 and 1,134 requested for 2027).
SM- 3: 3 years ( 52 to be delivered in 2026 and 214 requested for 2027).
SM-6: 3 years (125 to be delivered in 2026, and 540 requested for 2027).
THAAD: 3 to 3.5 years (92 to be delivered in 2026, and 857 requested for 2027).
Patriot: 3 years (172 to be delivered in 2026, and 3202 requested for 2027).
Syria regains voting rights in the OPCW as new leadership makes progress in addressing chemical weapons issues.
Published On 9 Jul 20269 Jul 2026
The global chemical weapons’ watchdog has announced it has handed voting rights back to Syria because “concrete steps” have been taken to address outstanding issues since the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime.
In a statement published on Thursday, the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) said the decision follows a “significant change” in circumstances since Syria was suspended in 2021. That was due to the former government’s failure to declare the full scope of its chemical weapons programme and the repeated use of poison gas during the civil war.
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Since a lightning offensive ousted long-time ruler al-Assad in 2024, “the new Syrian authorities committed to fulfilling Syria’s obligations under the Convention and have since taken concrete steps to cooperate with the Technical Secretariat to achieve this goal”, read the statement.
Actions taken by the new government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa include facilitating verification activities and taking initial steps in destroying identified remnants.
“These decisions reflect the tangible progress achieved through continued cooperation and constructive engagement between the Technical Secretariat and the Syrian Arab Republic, with the support of the wider community of States Parties,” said OPCW Director-General Fernando Arias.
In 2013, Syria joined the OPCW and agreed to the destruction of its weapons to be supervised by the watchdog. Back then, Syria was believed to possess about 1,000 tonnes of toxins and had agreed to destroy them under a joint Russian-US proposal designed to avert a US military strike on its territory.
Syria’s decision followed a global outcry over a suspected chemical attack that same year in Ghouta, an eastern suburb of the capital Damascus.
US intelligence estimated that at least 1,400 people, including 426 children, were killed in that attack which it attributed with “high confidence” to the Syrian government. Al-Assad denied involvement and blamed rebels.
According to OPCW, while Syria submitted an initial declaration of its chemical weapons programme, the former government did not declare all its chemical weapons programme and attempted to mislead inspectors about its overall scope and scale.
Police arrested pro-Palestine activists for blockading a UK facility operated by UAV Engines Ltd, a subsidiary of Israeli arms manufacturer Elbit Systems, and one of the world’s largest drone engine manufacturers. Activists say Elbit’s weapons are used in Israel’s war on Gaza.
Al Jazeera’s Nicolas Haque reports from West Africa where the Russian navy is carrying a shipment of weapons to help Mali’s government hold off a rebel advance. Al-Qaeda-linked militants and Tuareg separatists are laying siege to areas of Mali’s north, with Russian-backed forces stepping in to keep Mali’s military junta from collapsing.