surveillance

The best images we’ve seen so far of the German Luftwaffe’s PEGASUS signals intelligence (SIGINT) aircraft reveal key details of the unique airframe adaptations made to the Bombardier Global 6000 bizjet platform it’s based on. The photos were shared with TWZ by @CorreaPhtgphy, who captured them earlier this year, in Abilene, Texas.

The aircraft, the first of three for the Luftwaffe, made its first flight from Bombardier’s facility in Wichita, Kansas, on October 23, 2024. Initial flight testing is underway in Wichita, with the work being conducted by pilots from the Bombardier Flight Test Center (BFTC).

The centerpiece of the PEGASUS (which stands for Persistent German Airborne Surveillance System) is the Kalætron Integral SIGINT suite from the Hensoldt company. The first PEGASUS initially took to the air without this mission suite, integration of which is being led by Lufthansa Technik Defense, together with Hensoldt and Bombardier Defense.

However, the aircraft already has the various green-colored fairings associated with the PEGASUS sensors. On each side of the fuselage is an oval-shaped fairing, while below the fuselage is a larger fairing with two distinct bulges, fore and aft. Additionally, smaller green areas atop the tailfin and below the wings suggest further antennas may be located here, too.

According to Hensoldt, Kalætron Integral will be a “comprehensive strategic asset for wide-area reconnaissance, mastering the challenges posed by today’s electromagnetic spectrum.” It will be able to hoover up electromagnetic intelligence from hostile radar emitters (ELINT) as well as enemy communications (COMINT). Electromagnetic emissions will be collected with “exceptional accuracy [and] high sensitivity” over frequencies ranging from below 30 MHz to 40 GHz.

Aided by the Global 6000’s relatively high-altitude flight profile, the Kalætron Integral sensors will be able to detect emissions at ranges up to 250 miles, the manufacturer says. This provides the aircraft with a significant standoff capability, helping keep the jet and its onboard operators further away from enemy air defense systems. Still, line-of-sight restricts even the best sensors and enemy air defenses are only going to have longer and longer reach as time goes on.

On the jet, the operators’ job is intended to be made easier through the use of machine learning and AI algorithms. These should help filter through intercepted emissions, prioritizing them, and speeding up the decision-making process. The end result will bring together intelligence gathered from a variety of different platforms in a rapidly updated electromagnetic order of battle.

The origins of the PEGASUS program lie in plans to supersede the German Navy’s former Breguet Atlantic SIGINT aircraft with a more modern platform. The last SIGINT-configured Atlantic, an aircraft type that was mainly used to roam around the Baltic Sea, was retired in 2010.

The original plan was to replace the Atlantic SIGINT with an adaptation of the Global Hawk drone, the RQ-4E Euro Hawk. Five of these drones were planned to be fielded, each equipped with an Airbus-developed SIGINT system known as ISIS.

European aviation authorities repeatedly refused to certify the RQ-4E to fly over the continent. This, combined with major cost overruns and long delays, saw the program abandoned in 2013, after one of the drones had been flown. Plans to sell the one-off aircraft to Canada collapsed, and the RQ-4E is now set to become a very costly museum exhibit.

For a brief time, the German Ministry of Defense looked at buying another Global Hawk derivative, the U.S. Navy’s MQ-4C Triton, which was developed from the outset for civil certification.

That plan was also abandoned, and the German Armed Forces now pin their hopes on the PEGASUS, an all-new crewed SIGINT platform.

At one point, the Luftwaffe had expected to get its hands on its first RQ-4E under the Euro Hawk program in 2012.

Finally, in 2021, Hensoldt was awarded the contract to supply its Kalætron Integral system for three PEGASUS jets, with the first of these aircraft now under flight test.

Once flight tests with the SIGINT suite are completed, further integration work will take place in Hamburg, Germany. Here, Lufthansa Technik Defense will also be in charge of certification.

Already, there are signs that Germany might increase its PEGASUS order to help meet a growing demand for airborne SIGINT products.

Speaking to the media last year, Jürgen Halder, vice-president of airborne SIGINT at Hensoldt, said: “If you look at the current geopolitical situation, even though any [one] aircraft can persistently monitor a vast area, there are unfortunately too many hot spots globally. So, we expect an additional rise [in aircraft numbers] to be coming eventually.”

Halder continued: “Discussions are starting in a very early phase, but it’s apparent that three aircraft are not sufficient, especially if you consider that the Euro Hawk program had already included much higher numbers of aircraft.”

For now, the first three German PEGASUS aircraft are due to be delivered between 2026 and 2028, and to become operational in 2027.

Germany can also look forward to expanding its airborne intelligence-gathering capabilities with the arrival of the first P-8A Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft. While these eight aircraft will be primarily used for anti-submarine warfare, they can also act in an electronic intelligence collection role, with their standard electronic support measures (ESM) suite able to detect and geolocate enemy air defenses and monitor its overall electronic order of battles. Furthermore, the P-8 lends itself to modifications, such as the host for a secretive radar system, the AN/APS-154 Advanced Airborne Sensor, or AAS, although this has never been exported.

For now, Germany’s PEGASUS further underlines how the Global 6000 series is becoming one of the most popular choices for military special missions adaptations. In September of this year, South Korea confirmed its choice of the Global 6500 as the platform for its new airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, as you can read about here. Meanwhile, GlobalEye AEW&C aircraft, based on Global 6000 platforms, have been ordered by Sweden and the United Arab Emirates.

The military success of the Global 6000 series reflects the growing importance of business-jet-type aircraft for ISTAR missions. Platforms like these are becoming increasingly cost-effective, thanks in no small part to steady improvements in jet engine technology, and their popularity has been proven out by the U.S. Air Force, which opted for a Global 6000-based solution for its E-11A Battlefield Airborne Communications Node (BACN) program.

The U.S. Army, meanwhile, has ordered a Global 6500-based solution for its ME-11B High Accuracy Detection and Exploitation System (HADES), which will be the service’s next-generation intelligence-gathering aircraft. These modified bizjets will have extensive sensor suites that include the Advanced Synthetic Aperture Radar System-2B (ASARS-2B) and could have the ability to launch drones.

Nevertheless, with all these crewed, bizjet-based ISTAR platforms, there remain very real reservations about their survivability and even their utility during a conflict, especially during the types of high-end warfare that could be fought in the future against a near-peer adversary. Even when provided with external protection, the survivability of these aircraft in more contested airspace is very questionable. At the same time, while new sensors certainly offer improved capabilities, such aircraft may very well have to get within range of longer-range air defense systems to gather useful intelligence.

Overall, growing tensions in Europe and the Indo-Pacific region, and the increasing likelihood of NATO nations and their allies having to face peer or near-peer adversaries in future contingencies, mean that there is a particular appetite for platforms that can help keep track of hostile electromagnetic orders of battle and enemy communications. With that in mind, and considering the effi the Global 6000 series and similar bizjet-based solutions look set to find other customers in the special missions realm for the foreseeable future.

Contact the author: [email protected]

WASHINGTON — Dick Cheney was the public face of the George W. Bush administration’s boundary-pushing approach to surveillance and intelligence collection in the years after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

An unabashed proponent of broad executive power in the name of national security, Cheney placed himself at the center of a polarizing public debate over detention, interrogation and spying that endures two decades later.

“I do think the security state that we have today is very much a product of our reactions to Sept. 11, and obviously Vice President Cheney was right smack-dab in the middle of how that reaction was operationalized from the White House,” said Stephen Vladeck, a Georgetown University law professor.

Prominent booster of the Patriot Act

Cheney was arguably the administration’s most prominent booster of the Patriot Act, the law enacted nearly unanimously after 9/11 that granted the U.S. government sweeping surveillance powers.

He also championed a National Security Agency warrantless wiretapping program aimed at intercepting international communications of suspected terrorists in the U.S., despite concerns over its legality from some administration figures.

If such an authority had been in place before Sept. 11, Cheney once asserted, it could have led the U.S. “to pick up on two of the hijackers who flew a jet into the Pentagon.”

Law enforcement and intelligence agencies still retain key tools to confront potential terrorists and spies that came into prominence after the attacks, including national security letters that permit the FBI to order companies to turn over information about customers.

But courts also have questioned the legal justification of the government’s surveillance apparatus, and a Republican Party that once solidly stood behind Cheney’s national security worldview has grown significantly more fractured.

The bipartisan consensus on expanded surveillance powers after Sept. 11 has given way to increased skepticism, especially among some Republicans who believe spy agencies used those powers to undermine President Trump while investigating ties between Russia and his 2016 campaign.

Congress in 2020 let expire three provisions of the Patriot Act that the FBI and Justice Department had said were essential for national security, including one that permits investigators to surveil subjects without establishing that they’re acting on behalf of an international terror organization.

A program known as Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which permits the U.S. government to collect without a warrant the communications of non-Americans located outside the country for the purpose of gathering foreign intelligence, was reauthorized last year — but only after significant negotiations.

“I think for someone like Vice President Cheney, expanding those authorities wasn’t an incidental objective — it was a core objective,” Vladeck said. “And I think the Republican Party today does not view those kinds of issues — counterterrorism policy, government surveillance authorities — as anywhere near the kind of political issues that the Bush administration did.”

As an architect of the U.S. invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, Cheney pushed spy agencies to find evidence to justify military action.

Along with others in the administration, Cheney claimed Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was developing weapons of mass destruction and had ties to al-Qaida. They used that to sell the war to members of Congress and the American people, though it was later debunked.

The faulty intelligence used to justify the invasion of Iraq is held up as a significant failure by America’s spy services and a demonstration of what can happen when leaders use intelligence for political ends.

The government’s arguments for war fueled a distrust among many Americans that still resonates with some in Trump’s administration.

“For decades, our foreign policy has been trapped in a counterproductive and endless cycle of regime change or nation building,” Tulsi Gabbard, the director of the Office of National Intelligence, said in the Middle East last week.

Many lawmakers who voted to support using force in 2003 say they have come to regret it.

“It was a mistake to rely upon the Bush administration for telling the truth,” Sen. Ed Markey, D-Mass., said on the invasion’s 20th anniversary.

Expanded war powers

Trump has long criticized Cheney, but he’s relying on a legal doctrine popularized during Cheney’s time in office to justify deadly strikes on alleged drug-running boats in Latin America.

The Trump administration says the U.S. is engaged in “armed conflict” with drug cartels and has declared them unlawful combatants.

“These narco-terrorists have killed more Americans than Al-Qaeda, and they will be treated the same,” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said Oct. 28 on social media. ”We will track them, we will network them, and then, we will hunt and kill them.”

After 9/11, the Bush-Cheney administration authorized the U.S. military to attack enemy combatants acting on behalf of terror organizations. That prompted questions about the legality of killing or detaining people without prosecution.

Cheney’s involvement in boosting executive power and surveillance and “cooking the books of the raw intelligence” has echoes in today’s strikes, said Jim Ludes, a former national security analyst who directs the Pell Center for International Relations and Public Policy at Salve Regina University.

“You think about his legacy and some of it is very troubling. Some of it is maybe what the moment demanded,” Ludes said. “But it’s a complicated legacy.“

Vladeck noted an enduring legacy of the Bush-Cheney administration was “to blur if not entirely collapse lines between civilian reactions to threats and military ones.”

He pointed to designating foreign terrorist organizations, a tool that predated the Sept. 11 attacks but became more prevalent in the years that followed. Trump has used the label for several drug cartels.

Contemporary conflicts inside the government

Protecting the homeland from espionage, terrorism and other threats is a complicated endeavor spread across the government. When Cheney was vice president, for instance, agencies like the Department of Homeland Security and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, or ODNI, were established.

As was the case then, the division of labor can still be disputed, with a recent crack surfacing between Director Kash Patel’s FBI and the intelligence community led by Gabbard.

The FBI said in a letter to lawmakers that it “vigorously disagrees” with a legislative proposal that it said would remove the bureau as the government’s lead counterintelligence agency and replace it with a counterintelligence center under ODNI.

“The cumulative effect,” the FBI warned in the letter obtained by The Associated Press, “would be putting decision-making with employees who aren’t actively involved in CI operations, knowledgeable of the intricacies of CI threats, or positioned to develop coherent and tailored mitigation strategies.”

That would be to the detriment of national security, the FBI said.

Spokespeople for the agencies later issued a statement saying they are working together with Congress to strengthen counterintelligence efforts.

Tucker and Klepper write for the Associated Press.

Sept. 26 (UPI) — Microsoft has ended a portion of the Israel Ministry of Defense’s access to technology it used to spy on Palestinian civilians’ phone calls in Gaza and the West Bank, calling it a violation of Microsoft’s terms of service.

Late last week, Microsoft told Israeli officials that spy agency Unit 8200 were in violation of Microsoft’s terms of service by storing surveillance data in Azure, a cloud service, The Guardian reported.

Microsoft released a statement that it wrote to employees Thursday about its internal investigation after an article The Guardian published in August that revealed what the Ministry of Defense was using Azure for.

“While our review is ongoing, we have found evidence that supports elements of The Guardian’s reporting. This evidence includes information relating to IMOD consumption of Azure storage capacity in the Netherlands and the use of AI services,” Brad Smith, vice chair and president of Microsoft, said in the statement.

The Guardian conducted a joint investigation with +972 Magazine and the Hebrew-language outlet Local Call. The Guardian wrote that Microsoft and Unit 8200 had worked together on a plan to move large volumes of sensitive intelligence material into Azure.

According to The Guardian’s reporting, Unit 8200 built such a large database, it could collect, play back and analyze the cell phone calls of the entire population. So much so that a mantra emerged: “A million calls an hour.”

The information was stored in a Microsoft data center in the Netherlands, but soon after The Guardian’s reporting, the data appears to have been moved out of the country. The Guardian reports that sources said the Israel Defense Forces planned to move the data to an Amazon Web Services cloud.

“We therefore have informed IMOD of Microsoft’s decision to cease and disable specified IMOD subscriptions and their services, including their use of specific cloud storage and AI services and technologies,” Smith said. “We have reviewed this decision with IMOD and the steps we are taking to ensure compliance with our terms of service, focused on ensuring our services are not used for mass surveillance of civilians.”

Microsoft has faced strong pressure to disengage with Israel, including from its employees. In late August, two Microsoft employees were fired for allegedly breaking into Smith’s office.

An online group called No Azure for Apartheid announced on X that Microsoft fired them for “participating in a sit-in at the office of Brad Smith” at the Microsoft location in Redmond, Wash., to demand the company cut its ties to Israel.

Seven people were arrested that day, two of whom were Microsoft employees.

An uncrewed hydrogen-powered autonomous surveillance airship the size of a small bus has been floating over Portuguese waters, collecting imagery of ships and other objects. The goal of these test flights is to see if this airship can provide NATO with situational awareness of the maritime domain.

The flights are part of the alliance’s annual demonstration seeking new robotic technology to boost its defenses. The airship is one of several systems that NATO is evaluating during this exercise, which is called Robotic Experimentation and Prototyping using Maritime Unmanned Systems (REPMUS) 25 and Dynamic Messenger (DYMS) 25. NATO is also trialing unmanned surface and underwater vehicles, as well as other aerial ones, as part of the exercise.

The airship being tested is made by the Finnish Kelluu company, which also operates the aircraft. It is one of about 10 that are providing imagery and other sensing capabilities for commercial and scientific purposes. With NATO already conducting maritime security missions, the company sees a potential military role for its airships to provide persistent, low-level surveillance. 

The Kelluu LTA is relatively small as far as airships go, clocking-in at about 12 meters long. It can fly for up to about 12 hours at low level, the company states. They are designed to carry an assortment of sensors, including electro-optical/infrared cameras and passive systems that can detect electromagnetic emissions. Able to launch from austere locations with no runways, these airships operate “very quietly and without emissions, providing real-time connectivity without being limited by radio-link ranges (BRLOS),” company CEO Janne Hietala told us on Wednesday.

NATO officials did not want to elaborate on any particular system taking part in REPMUS25. However, they did discuss the overall goals for this demonstration.

“All of these systems require experimentation and integration into the operational environment,” Cmdr. Arlo Abrahamson, spokesperson for NATO’s Allied Maritime Command, told TWZ on Wednesday. “We want to place these systems in the hands of our operators and ensure those systems meet the operational requirements of Allied forces.”

Dynamic Messenger/REPMUS is working to bring new unmanned systems into the operational environment by gaining user feedback to spur development, Abrahamson told us. With the tests still being conducted, it is too early to say if or how an airship would be useful for NATO operations, Abrahamson noted.

Earlier this year, the alliance stood up Operation Baltic Sentry in response to several instances of underwater cable sabotage believed to have been carried out by China and Russia. In one such incident, Finnish authorities say the Russian-linked Eagle S purposely dragged its anchor across the sea floor to break undersea cables. The ship was later found to be full of spy equipment. Finnish authorities detained the ship and its crew, which you can see in the following video.

One of the main goals of Baltic Sentry is to provide additional persistent surveillance to better track vessels. That in turn is meant to ensure a quicker response to ships acting in a suspicious manner. 

The case could be made that airships in general could potentially benefit such a mission because of their long loitering and diverse sensing capabilities, as well as their efficiency. It doesn’t take much imagination to see the potential that deploying larger numbers of these uncrewed airships over a wide area can provide a drastic increase in situational awareness. This distributed approach to persistent sea surveillance using extended-endurance uncrewed systems has garnered major interest from militaries around the globe.

Overall, the U.S. and other nations are either developing or increasingly using lighter-than-air-craft for just those reasons. The Chinese spy balloon incident brought this reality to the headlines.

Additionally, China, in particular, as we have frequently noted, appears to be investing heavily in lighter-than-air technologies. A huge hangar in a remote area in the country’s northwest is a key example of this. The War Zone has been following activities at the facility, which is tied to the country’s development of high-altitude airships that could potentially gather intelligence, facilitate long-range communications, provide early warning capabilities for missile defense, or even possibly serve as launch platforms for drones and other payloads.

Balloons, airships and aerostats have a long history as surveillance and maritime patrol platforms, and transportation aircraft.

Kelluu’s uncrewed concept is a revamping of sorts of the maritime patrol role of lighter-than-air craft dating back to the First World War and widely used during the Second World War.

However, several fatal accidents and mishaps in the past have created headwind for the development and fielding of these systems.

There appears to be growing interest in the Kelluu airship.

The Finnish Air Force tested the Kelluu LTA in June. It was the first time an airship took part in Atlantic Trident 25, a two-week tactical and operational training exercise held across multiple locations in Finland.

“The airships complement high-level intelligence with low-altitude precision data and multi-sensor capabilities that support real-time situational awareness,” the Finnish Air Force stated on X at the time.

The Finnish Air Force did not provide details about what, if any, plans it has to further test or use the Kelluu airships. We’ve reached out for comment. Kelluu declined comment.

The last MC-12W Liberty turboprop surveillance aircraft under U.S. Air Force Special Operations Command’s (AFSOC) umbrella have been retired. This is part of a plan to free up resources to help with the fielding of the new OA-1K Skyraider II light attack aircraft, which has also been set to involve the retirement of the U-28A Draco, another turboprop surveillance plane. At the same time, AFSOC insists that the OA-1K is not a direct replacement for the MC-12Ws or the U-28As, which has prompted concerns about capability and capacity gaps.

AFSOC confirmed the divestiture of its last MC-12Ws to TWZ last week. The 137th Special Operations Wing, part of the Oklahoma Air National Guard and aligned with AFSOC, conducted a retirement ceremony for the Liberty aircraft last month. The event was held at Will Rogers Air National Guard Base, which is co-located with Will Rogers International Airport in Oklahoma City. The 137th has also been working closely with the active-duty 492nd Special Operations Wing at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base in Arizona to train the initial cadre of OA-1K pilots.

“During the time it was assigned to 137th Special Operations Wing, the MC-12W logged 50,725 flying hours and 2,501 combat and combat-support sorties across six locations outside the continental U.S.,” according to a brief press release from the wing on August 3.

A modified Beechcraft King Air 350ER twin-engine turboprop, the MC-12W first entered Air Force service back in 2009. The year before, then-Secretary of Defense Robert Gates had directed the service to acquire the aircraft to help meet the massive surge in demand for aerial intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support during the Global War on Terror (GWOT) era, especially in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Liberty name is a reference to the Liberty Ships of World War II fame, and the speed with which those vital logistics vessels were built and put into service. The first of what eventually became a fleet of around 40 Air Force MC-12Ws began flying operational missions eight months after funding for their purchase was approved.

The MC-12W configuration included a sensor turret with electro-optical and infrared video cameras and a signals intelligence (SIGINT) suite. Each aircraft also had satellite and other communications capabilities to share video feeds and other data with friendly forces in near-real time.

Amid the scaling back of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan in the early to mid-2010s, regular Air Force units stopped flying the MC-12W. At least a portion of the remaining Liberty aircraft fleet was passed to AFSOC, as well as the U.S. Army. The Oklahoma Air National Guard’s 137th Air Refueling Wing transitioned to the 137th Special Operations Wing in 2015, and subsequently received 13 MC-12Ws.

ISR-configured Beechcraft King Air variants with varying sensor suites and other capabilities have been and continue to be very popular globally, including with the U.S. military and other branches of the U.S. government. Contractor-owned and/or operated examples have often been part of the mix supporting U.S. operations, as well. For decades, dating back to the Cold War, the Army has been a particularly prolific operator of these planes, but the service is now set to stop flying turboprop surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft of any type by the end of this year. The U.S. special operations community has also utilized other variations beyond the MC-12W, and what might happen to those planes as part of the fielding of the OA-1K is not entirely clear.

The two-seat OA-1K, which U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) declared the winner of its Armed Overwatch competition in 2022, is based on the Air Tractor AT-802 single-engine turboprop crop duster. AFSOC is expecting to eventually receive 75 Skyraider IIs, though there have been questions in recent years about whether that fleet size might shrink.

As designed, the OA-1K can carry up to 6,000 pounds of ordnance and other stores on up to eight underwing pylons, but the aircraft for AFSOC have typically been shown with no more than six fitted. The planes also have a “robust suite of radios and datalinks providing multiple means for line-of-sight (LOS) and beyond line-of-sight (BLOS) communications,” L3Harris, the prime contractor for the conversion work, has said in the past.

OA-1Ks can carry camera turrets and other sensors in underwing pods, but these provide limited capability compared to the integrated ISR suite found on the MC-12W. As noted, SOCOM and the Air Force have themselves stressed repeatedly that they do not see the Skyraider II as a direct replacement for the Liberty aircraft or the U-28A, the latter of which also has a mix of electro-optical and infrared video cameras and SIGINT capabilities.

“The MC-12W Liberty’s real-time intelligence and surveillance capabilities complement the OA-1K Skyraider II’s precision strike support, making their collaboration a powerful asset to Air Force Special Operations Command’s mission,” the caption to a picture released by AFSOC’s 1st Special Operations Wing of the two types flying together back in June reads, somewhat ironically now given the divestiture of the former.

What plans SOCOM and AFSOC might have now for a more direct replacement for the MC-12Ws and U-28As are unclear. A slide on crewed ISR platforms that SOCOM’s Program Executive Officer for Fixed Wing programs (PEO-FW) presented at the annual SOF Week conference in May, seen below, simply says the current “driving operational needs” are “maintaining platform effectiveness throughout anticipated remaining lifecycle of the individual programs,” and provides some general comments on possible upgrades to existing platforms. The slide notably shows the U-28A, as well as an image reflecting SOCOM’s fleet of ISR-configured twin-engine Dash-8 turboprops, but not the MC-12W. The uncertainty has already prompted concerns about potential ISR capability and capacity gaps.

“SOCOM plans to divest two ISR platforms. Subsequently, some personnel and resources from the platforms will be used to support Armed Overwatch,” the Government Accountability Office (GAO), a Congressional watchdog, wrote in a report on the Armed Overwatch program released in September 2024. “However, GAO found that SOCOM has not taken steps to plan for, or add, critical ISR capabilities provided by soon-to-be divested aircraft. Also, SOCOM has not addressed risks associated with the loss of these capabilities if the new aircraft does not provide them.”

Broader questions have been raised about the overall operational utility of the OA-1K given the Pentagon’s current stated focus on preparing for future high-end fights, especially one against China in the Pacific. The stated purpose of the Skyraider II is to provide “a deployable, affordable, and sustainable crewed aircraft systems [sic] capable of executing Close Air Support (CAS), precision strike, and armed reconnaissance requirements in austere and permissive environments for use in Irregular Warfare,” according to the most recent proposed defense budget for the 2026 Fiscal Year.

A key driver behind the Armed Overwatch program in the past was also to help free up tactical combat jets, bombers, and other higher-end aircraft that had been performing CAS and armed reconnaissance in permissive airspace over countries like Afghanistan and Iraq for more demanding and/or higher-priority missions. At the same time, this would reduce wear and tear on those platforms from flying constant and often short-endurance sorties. A light attack aircraft like the OA-1K would have the additional benefit of being able to operate a minimal logistics footprint at far-flung locations closer to actual operating areas. In turn, this would reduce the time it would take them to get on station and increase their ability to loiter in a particular area once they arrived, all without adding to the strain of already heavily in-demand aerial refueling tankers.

Furthermore, the Armed Overwatch program, which formally began in 2020, followed years of abortive light attack aircraft programs and other tangential test and evaluation efforts, all driven heavily by the demands of the Global War on Terror (GWOT) era. By the time the OA-1K was picked as the winner of the Armed Overwatch competition in 2022, the U.S. military had withdrawn from Afghanistan. Since the start of President Donald Trump’s second term, his administration has been working to further reduce American commitments in Syria and Iraq, as well as in various parts of Africa.

“The way that the OA-1K will look on day one is not how probably the OA-1K will look on day 1,000,” A high-ranking Air Force official, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss planning issues, told TWZ in an interview earlier this year. “As we field it, it will continue to iterate based on the requirements that our supported forces articulate to us. We’re intimately involved with all of those forces, even as we speak, on shaping the initial and then also the growing requirements that I’m sure that we will find for that platform going forward.”

The Skyraider II “was designed to be very flexible. A big element of the platform is, again, this notion of modularity, [and] open systems architecture,” they continued. “What that does for us is, on a given mission, you might put certain types of capabilities [on the aircraft] – those could be ISR [intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance] capabilities, … strike capabilities – you may have more of one than the other, depending on the day or the mission requirement of the supported force. But then the next day, that may change, and you can rapidly swap out what the capabilities are of the platform on a given mission.”

“How could we support them [friendly forces] if it’s in the Pacific or anywhere else? The OA-1K certainly has some roles and missions that can [provide] support there. And then in a large-scale combat operation, we are looking at, in partnership with other components of SOCOM [U.S. Special Operations Command], what are some of the things that it could do,” they added. “Can it employ air-launched effects, at range, at standoff, in a flexible way that would provide value?”

‘Launched effect’ is a catch-all term that the U.S. military currently uses to refer broadly to uncrewed aerial systems that can be launched from air, ground, and maritime platforms. These systems could be configured as one-way attackers or to perform other non-kinetic missions, including electronic warfare, ISR, and signal relay. AFSOC has also been looking into new standoff capabilities of AC-130J Ghostrider gunships, including the integration of new Black Arrow Small Cruise Missiles (SCM) and existing AGM-48 Harpoon anti-ship cruise missiles, as a path to ensuring the relevance of those aircraft in future high-end fights.

“From when OA-1K was conceptualized and decided on until now, the world’s changed a little bit,” Lt. Gen. Michael Conley, head of AFSOC, also told TWZ and others at a media roundtable on the sidelines of the Air & Space Forces Association’s main annual conference last year. “But as we move forward, I think there’s opportunity to look at, again, some novel mission sets. …how quick can we get the wings on and off it so we could use it in some sort of crisis response, if we needed to? Where does the role of SIGINT [signals intelligence], or ELINT [electronic intelligence] or… some sort of ISR collect [factor in] there. I think there’s opportunity for that. Again, not anything we’ve committed to yet.”

Air Force and SOCOM officials have also continued to stress that lower-intensity missions, as well as cooperation with allies and partners facing those types of threats, are not going away despite the focus on China in the Pacific region. The possibility of employing OA-1Ks at least in a surveillance role along the southern U.S. border with Mexico has been raised multiple times, as well.

Much about the OA-1K’s future still looks to be settled, but AFSOC has now gotten rid of its MC-12W Liberty aircraft to help make way for the new light attack aircraft.

Howard Altman contributed to this story.

Contact the author: [email protected]

Israel’s elite cyber-intelligence unit stored vast volumes of intercepted Palestinian phone calls on Microsoft’s cloud servers, according to a joint investigation by The Guardian, +972 Magazine and Local Call.

The surveillance system, operational since 2022, was built by Unit 8200, the Israeli military’s secretive intelligence branch. It enables the unit to collect and retain recordings of millions of daily phone calls from Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

The revelations initially reported on Wednesday stem from leaked Microsoft documents and testimonies from 11 sources, including from Israeli military intelligence and the company.

According to the leaks, a large amount of the data appeared to be stored on Microsoft’s Azure servers located in the Netherlands and Ireland, the Guardian reported.

Three sources from Unit 8200 said that the cloud-based system helped guide deadly air strikes and shaped operations across the occupied Palestinian territories.

Microsoft said that CEO Satya Nadella, who met with Unit 8200’s commander Yossi Sariel in 2021, was unaware of the nature of the data to be stored. The company has said an internal review found “no evidence to date” that Azure or its artificial intelligence (AI) tools were “used to target or harm people”.

The revelations come after the United Nations special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory, Francesca Albanese, issued a report mapping the corporations aiding Israel in its occupation and war on Gaza.

The report noted that Microsoft, which has operated in Israel since 1991, has built its largest hub outside the US in Israel and began integrating its technologies across the country’s military, police, prisons, schools, and settlements.

Since 2003, the company has deepened ties with Israeli defence, acquiring surveillance and cybersecurity start-ups and embedding its systems in military operations. In 2024, an Israeli colonel called cloud technologies such as those offered by Microsoft “a weapon in every sense”.

The Guardian reported that internal records at Microsoft showed that Nadella offered support for Sariel’s aim to move large volumes of military intelligence into the cloud.

A Microsoft statement cited by the Guardian said it “is not accurate” to say he provided his personal support for the project.

Microsoft engineers later worked closely with Israeli intelligence to embed security features within Azure, enabling the transfer of up to 70 percent of Unit 8200’s sensitive data to the platform.

While Israeli officials claim the technology helps thwart attacks, Unit 8200 sources said the system collects communications indiscriminately, which are often used to detain or blackmail Palestinians. “When they need to arrest someone and there isn’t a good enough reason … that’s where they find the excuse,” one source was cited as saying.

Some sources alleged the stored data had been used to justify detentions and even killings.

The system’s expansion coincided with a broader shift in Israeli surveillance, moving from targeted tracking to bulk monitoring of the Palestinian population. One AI-driven tool reportedly assigns risk scores to text messages based on certain trigger words, including discussions of weapons or martyrdom.

Sariel, who resigned in 2024 after Israel’s intelligence failure on October 7, 2023, had long championed cloud-based surveillance.

As Israel’s war on Gaza continues, with more than 61,250 Palestinians killed, including 18,000 children, the surveillance programme remains active. Sources said the existing data, combined with AI tools, continues to be used in military operations.

Microsoft claimed it had “no information” about the specific data stored by Unit 8200.

The nine devices have been placed around the city to count the number of visitors around the Barri Vell and map their routes across the city using mobile devices

Spain has ramped up its monitoring of UK tourists by installing nine detectors in the tourist haven of Girona‘s Old Town – a famed Game of Thrones filming location and one of Catalonia’s most distinctive Medieval quarters – to keep tabs on visitor numbers.

The local council has rolled out a network of sensors designed to tally the influx of sightseers around the Barri Vell and track their movements throughout the city via mobile devices.

Armed with mobile phone signals, the nine gadgets can discern whether passersby are Girona residents or out-of-towners, as confirmed by officials in this European Union holiday favourite. The tech is also savvy enough to tell if someone is staying overnight in the city or just popping in for a few hours. It other similar news, a warning to Brit tourists planning all-inclusive holidays to Spain.

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“We will be able to adapt events to see if one area needs more promotion than another and to improve the balance between locals and visitors,” Gemma Geis, Girona’s deputy mayor, explained to the Catalan News Agency (ACN).

Key locations such as the Barri Vell, Independència Square, Santa Clara Street, and Catalunya Square are under surveillance, along with spots like the History Museum and the Tourism Office on La Rambla, reports Birmingham Live.

“Knowing the routes people take per day and hour will also allow local authorities to adapt events so residents’ daily lives can be more compatible with visitors,” Geis elaborated.

READ MORE: Warning to Brits who risk £2,500 fines in Spain for common holiday mistakes

Girona, nestled in the Costa Brava, is a huge hit with British holidaymakers. The charming inland town is characterised by TUI as a place where “pretty, pastel-coloured buildings edge the river Onyar.” Near Girona, there are other popular towns offering stunning views and a vibrant atmosphere. Quiet during the winter, they all become lively during the summer. These include: Cadaqués, Roses, Figueres, Castelló d’Empúries, and Empuriabrava.

The airline, which competes with the likes of Easyjet, Jet2, and Ryanair, further suggests: “But for a taste of city life, head for Barcelona.”

TUI continues to describe the allure of Catalonia’s stylish capital, noting: “Catalonia’s trendy capital doesn’t do anything by halves, with its surreal Gaudi architecture, fashionable shops, and cobbled Gothic quarter.”

According to Newsletter Costa Brava, the province of Girona welcomed a total of 8.5 million tourists during the summer months of June, July and August. The town offers the perfect blend of history, culture and scenic beauty, catering to all types of travellers – and of course, it is one of the main filming locations for the well-known Game of Thrones.

An Amazon Prime remake of the classic sci-fi War of the Worlds has managed to get the lowest-possible score on Rotten Tomatoes, meaning it has been universally panned

An Amazon Prime remake of a classic sci-fi film has earned the lowest-possible score on Rotten Tomatoes. The streaming platform’s new version of War of the World stars Ice Cube and Eva Longoria, but even having two massive names attached to it did not help things when it came to impressing fans of the original.

On the review-aggregation website, which attracts nearly 80 million film and TV fans on a monthly basis, not one of the 13 reviews is positive and it has therefore been left with a rating of 0%. User ExxtraZY wrote: “I am traumatised. Not because of how graphic it is, but how awful it is. It feels like a 10 year old had a fever dream and decided to write the story at the top of their head.”

Another reviewer said: “The butchered one of the greatest sci-fi stories mankind has ever told. Just horrible. Bad writing,” and another fumed: “This movie could either be considered a glorified Amazon Ad or a really, really, really bad movie.” It comes after one Mirror writer claimed ‘the new Bonnie Blue documentary may be the worst thing I’ve ever seen on Channel 4’.

A fourth reviewer said: “Stayed 20 minutes longer than I should have because of Ice Cube. But even he couldn’t save this disaster of an adaptation,” whilst one social media user took to X to write: “This new War of the Worlds movie might be the worst movie I have seen in years.” Despite this, some fans who had watched the movie felt that they could defend it.

One wrote: “I felt the story was strong enough to suspend belief. I didn’t care too much about the special effects, I cared about are the kids going to be OK and how this story is different from the many other renditions I have seen,” and another said: “Ok so I am gonna buck the system here. I truly enjoyed WAR OF THE WORLDS. I thought Ice Cube was great – loved the entire cast. Eva Longoria – great. Loved the kids. What is the problem here??”

One irate viewer took to X to vent: “War of the Worlds (2025) is the worst adaption of the source material to date. It had no ideas beyond the found footage approach, and even then the film is struggling to find ways to present coherent scenes.

“Ice Cube is so lost. Maybe one of the worst movies I’ve ever seen. Most of the film just doesn’t make sense because they’re trying to rush through a mountain of developments.

The latest version of War of the Worlds, which focuses on an attempted alien invasion, was released last week on the streaming service. But the original novel by HG Wells was published in 1898, and the story has been adapted for the screen multiple times.

After first being broadcast on the radio in the late 1930s, three film adaptations were releases from 1953 and 1981. In 2005, Tom Cruise starred alongside a young Dakota Fanning in a modern remake of the Victorian classic.

There is also Jeff Wayne’s musical adaptation, which has toured the country regularly for nearly two decades and has recently featured the likes of Jason Donovan, Steps star Claire Richards, former EastEnders actress Maisie Smith and The Wanted’s Max George stepping into its main roles over the years.

The synopsis for the latest incarnation of the story reads: “‘A gargantuan invasion is coming with this fresh take on the legendary novel of the same name. Renowned actress Eva Longoria is joined by iconic rapper and actor Ice Cube, along with Michael O’Neill and Iman Benson, for a thrilling out-of-this-world adventure that is filled with present-day themes of technology, surveillance, and privacy.”

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