Republic

Chelsea have had a long-term interest in McCabe, who was a fan of the club as a child. They held off competition to sign her from WSL champions Manchester City.

An approach was made by Chelsea for McCabe in 2015, but McCabe opted to join Arsenal. They reportedly attempted again in 2023, but their bid was rejected.

She was offered a contract renewal by Arsenal in April but decided to pursue other opportunities, with Chelsea and City having made their interest known.

McCabe played a key role as Arsenal won the Champions League in 2025 and she also has an FA Cup, three League Cups and one Champions Cup medal.

On the international scene, McCabe has made 105 appearances for the Republic of Ireland, netting 34 goals, and led them to their first World Cup in 2023.

She was the first Irish woman to receive a nomination for the Ballon d’Or awards in 2023, and the first player male or female from her nation since Roy Keane in 2000.

Now McCabe can look forward to joining a club who have been one of Arsenal’s biggest rivals – a side that she helped knock out of the Champions League quarter-finals in April.

During the second leg of that European tie, Chelsea manager Sonia Bompastor was sent off as she vented her anger at a hair pull on Alyssa Thompson by McCabe.

Chelsea won the World Sevens Series on Saturday and Thompson jokingly re-enacted the hair pull scene during their entrance.

McCabe’s arrival boosts a Chelsea squad bruised from missing out on the WSL title in the season just ended, and who are still chasing an elusive Champions League trophy.

Her addition to the squad is welcome given clubs are pursuing England left-back Niamh Charles, with Manchester City favourites to sign her.

England full-back Lucy Bronze is also out of contract with Chelsea this summer and has yet to confirm whether she has agreed an extension.

Republic of Ireland midfielder Jamie McGrath says he expects the controversy surrounding the side’s upcoming Israel fixtures to “heat up” after Thursday’s friendly win over Qatar was disrupted.

The Aviva Stadium game – which the Republic of Ireland won 1-0 thanks to Nathan Collins’ early header – was twice briefly interrupted in the first half when home fans threw tennis balls featuring the Palestine flag on to the pitch.

After the game, RTE reported that protesters were ejected from the ground, and McGrath expects more backlash before the Republic of Ireland face Israel in a neutral venue on 27 September and 4 October in Dublin in the Nations League.

Earlier this week, Republic of Ireland stalwart Seamus Coleman said the situation “should have been dealt with above us”.

“I obviously listened to Seamus’ interview and I think he was spot on,” McGrath told BBC Sport NI.

“It’s obviously a unique scenario. The people [protesters], we have to listen to them, they have the right to do what they do, as long as it’s done in a peaceful way, that’s all that matters.

“I’m sure it’s going to heat up over the next few months. Like I said, we don’t want to be put into a position. Hopefully the powers above us can work something out or use it for the greater good, I’m not sure what the process will be as it heats up.

“At the end of the day, we’re footballers and we don’t want to be caught in this, but sometimes we might have to.”

Multiple burials have been reported by locals

At least 80 deaths have been reported as a country battles an outbreak of a highly contagious disease.

The deaths were confirmed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s new Ebola disease outbreak in the eastern Ituri province, authorities said, as health workers raced to intensify screening and contact tracing to contain the disease. Officials first announced the outbreak on Friday, with 65 deaths and 246 suspected cases. Meanwhile, journalists in Ituri’s capital, Bunia, interviewed local people who recounted their fears and constant burials.

“Every day, people are dying … and this has been going on for about a week. In a single day, we bury two, three, or even more people,” said Jean Marc Asimwe, a resident of Bunia. “At this point, we don’t really know what kind of disease it is.”

Congolese health minister Samuel-Roger Kamba said late on Friday that there have been eight laboratory-confirmed cases, among them four deaths. Test results confirmed the Bundibugyo virus, a variant of the disease that has been less prominent in Congo’s past outbreaks.

This is the country’s 17th outbreak since Ebola first emerged in the country in 1976, the Associated Press reproted. Ebola is highly contagious and can be contracted through bodily fluids such as vomit, blood, or semen. The disease it causes is rare, but severe and often fatal.

The suspected index case in the latest outbreak is a nurse who died at a hospital in Bunia, Mr Kamba said, with the case dating back three weeks to April 24. He did not say whether samples from the nurse were tested, but said the person presented symptoms suggestive of Ebola.

DR Congo has experience in managing Ebola outbreaks, but often faces logistical challenges in getting expertise and supplies to affected regions. As Africa’s second-largest country by land area, Congo’s provinces are far from one another and mostly battling conflict. Ituri, for instance, is around 620 miles from the nation’s capital, Kinshasa, and is ravaged by violence from Islamic State-backed militants.

The disease is so far confirmed in three health zones in the Ituri province, including the capital city, Bunia, as well as in Rwampara and Mongwalu where the outbreak is concentrated.

Foreign Office advice for Democratic Republic of the Congo

As of Saturday afternoon, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office had not given specific advice about travel to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in regards to the Ebola outbreak.

Its current advice, which it said remained valid on May 16, was that UK citizens should avoid travel to muliple parts of the country due to political instability.

It said: “If you are in North or South Kivu and judge it safe to do so, and if routes are available, you should leave. M23 rebels and Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) have captured the cities of Goma and Bukavu and the surrounding areas in North and South Kivu. M23 rebels and RDF captured the city of Uvira in December 2025, and then withdrew from the city in January 2026, though clashes continue in the surrounding areas. The situation remains highly unstable and unpredictable. Routes to depart Uvira, Goma and Bukavu are limited and may change at short notice.

“The border crossings between Rwanda and the DRC at Gisenyi-Goma and Ruzizi-Bukavu could close at short notice. Goma and Bukavu airports have been attacked and commercial flights are no longer operating from the airports.

“Support from the UK government is severely limited outside Kinshasa. You should not assume that FCDO will be able to provide assistance to leave the country in the event of serious unrest or crisis.”

The FCDO advises against all but essential travel to:

• The districts of N’djili and Kimbanseke in Kinshasa city south of the main access road to N’djili airport, in Nsele commune
• The N1 road in Kinshasa Province, between and including Menkao to the west, Kenge to the east, the border of Mai-Ndombe province to the north, and 10km to the south

The FCDO advises against all travel to within 50km of the border with the Central African Republic and to the provinces of:

• Haut-Uélé and Ituri, including the entire DRC-South Sudan border
• North Kivu
• South Kivu
• Maniema
• Tanganyika
• Haut-Lomami

It also advises against all travel to the Kwamouth territory of Mai-Ndombe Province. This is between, and including, the towns of Kwamouth, Bandundu and the southern border of Mai-Ndombe province. Further, it advises against all travel to the province of Kasaï Oriental and against all but essential travel to the provinces of Kasaï and Kasaï Central and to Bangoka International Airport in Kisangani.

May 15 (UPI) — The Democratic Republic of Congo declared an Ebola outbreak on Friday as 65 people have died from the disease in the country’s eastern region.

There have been about 246 cases reported, many of them in the Ituri province’s small mining towns of Mongbwalu and Rwampara. The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention said in a statement Friday that it is meeting with DRC, Ugandan and South Sudanese leaders to prepare a response to the outbreak.

Uganda and South Sudan border the Ituri province.

Africa CDC said that the DRC’s national research laboratory has detected Ebola in 13 of 20 samples it has tested.

There have been 16 prior Ebola outbreaks in the DRC since 1976 when it first identified the virus within its borders. Vaccines are available for the Zaire strain. Africa CDC said that early testing indicates the current strain is not the Zaire strain.

“Africa CDC stands in solidarity with the government and people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo as they respond to this outbreak,” Dr. Jean Kaseya, director general of Africa CDC, said in a statement. “Given the high population movement between affected areas and neighboring countries, rapid regional coordination is essential.”

The mining towns where the outbreak is centered experience a lot of inbound and outbound traffic, raising concerns about the disease spreading further.

Ebola is a severe illness with a high fatality rate in humans, reaching as high as 90% in some cases, the World Health Organization says.

Infection can be spread by direct contact with a person who is infected or object surfaces that are contaminated with bodily fluids from a person who is sick or has died from the disease.

The Ebola virus can incubate between two and 21 days. Symptoms include fever, fatigue, malaise, muscle pain, headache and sore throat, before progressing to vomiting, diarrhea, abdominal pain, rash and symptoms related to impaired kidney and liver functions.

There were 64 cases of Ebola reported in the DRC last year, with 45 deaths, a 70% rate of fatality, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said. That outbreak occurred from September to December in the remote Bulape health zone in the Kasai province, which has a relatively low population density.

Why go now

Madrid’s current boomtown dynamics are driving the city centre way upmarket, pushing the average punter to outer barrios in search of cheaper rent. As seen in New York and elsewhere, the creative class is moving too – crossing the River Manzanares to open studios in the former factories and metalworks of Carabanchel. Now the city’s most populous district, this used to be a separate municipality, which was annexed to the capital in 1948 and built up into canyons of high-rise flats to house the postwar influx from the provinces, and later from Latin America.

Today, old and new Madrid coexist here in a certain harmony: coffee roasters and bistros slot in beside weathered blue-collar tapas bars and Colombian or Peruvian cantinas, but the neighbourhood still feels a bit like an independent republic. Long-term residents roll their eyes at claims made for the area’s coolness, and some express pride, or resistance, through a popular T-shirt slogan: “This is not Soho. This is Carabanchel.”

Where to eat and drink

The district’s focal point is La Capa, a defunct 1960s cafe revived by three local men, who gave the original interior a good scrub and upgraded the kitchen to serve exemplary dishes such as chicken escalope with red pepper confit and premium wines from small bodegas, many sold at cost price.

Three actors have repurposed an old corner shop as a small, bright bar called Merinas. The walls are hung with caricatures of famous film directors, the palm-shaded patio creates a beach-like feel in a landlocked city, and the judicious menu runs to guest wines, charcuterie boards and spectacular sandwiches with fillings like cured tuna and payoyo cheese on organic sourdough rolls.

Cultural experiences

Sabrina Amrani recalls the opening night of her new Carabanchel gallery in 2019, when one guest almost cried while telling her that she had changed the map of Madrid by bringing art across the river. “Perhaps we helped open a door,” she says, “but many artists were based here before we arrived, and they generated a different kind of energy in the neighbourhood.”

While Amrani converted a car workshop into a showroom for work by international talents such as Alexandra Karakashian, native street artist Sfhir made space for more than 200 painters, muralists and sculptors in a nearby underground garage now called 95 Gallery.

Carabanchel has its own punky, DIY music scene, too, packed around a cluster of low-cost recording studios and rehearsal rooms, with raucous gigs at Gruta 77, battles of the bands at Madreams, and after-hours DJ sets at industrial complex turned arts hub CasaBanchel.

Where to shop

At Planeta Ganga, retired film producer María Arellano draws on her contacts in wardrobe departments to source and sell outfits seen in Spanish films and TV shows such as Elite. Prices are surprisingly low, and a big cut goes to an orthopaedic charity for kids (Arellano’s daughter was born with mobility issues).

Local rockabillies buy their Harrington jackets and boogie shoes at specialist boutique Rocket, and the barrio’s first dedicated bottle shop for natural wines also doubles as a tiny late-night hangout, Luz Verde.

Don’t miss

Far removed from the city’s historic core, Carabanchel has its own architectural legacy, from the modernist turrets and chalets of an early 20th-century writers’ colony, the Colonia de la Prensa, to the medieval brickwork hermitage of Santa María La Antigua – one of the oldest buildings in Madrid.

Where to stay

Cielo Studios offers stylish modern guest apartments from €80, with a rooftop garden and lounge overlooking the surrounding block of bars and galleries.

Four months have passed since US Starfighters breached the Fuerte Tiuna Death Star, captured Darth Maduro and celebrations broke out all around the galaxy. Venewoks in the diaspora embraced a renewed sense that victory, this time, might be permanent. But back in the country, the Empire has managed to reorganize and adapt to the demands of Viceroy Trump and leading members of the Trade Federation. Darth Delcy, albeit disdained by many, is becoming stronger. The rebellion yearns for the return of Master Machado, who isn’t getting the Viceroy’s authorization to negotiate a proper matchup with Darth Delcy and subsequent terms of surrender.

It’s more evident by the minute that Darth Delcy’s plan is to avert the creation of the New Republic by giving the Empire a technocratic, trade-friendly outlook. The path between defeating Darth Maduro and dismantling the Empire has turned out to be treacherous. Master Machado has tried to reassert her leadership by visiting foreign galaxies, but can’t find a breakthrough with the Viceroy.

Delcykrats are trying to conduct a swift takeover of the layered system Darth Maduro inherited from the Emperor. Madurokis are being neutralized or quietly assigned to minor planets, as is the case of Grand Moff Padrino in Agraria. Grand Admiral González López and Envoy Plasencia, old friends of Darth Delcy, are making strides, one within the Imperial High Command, the other across intergalactic diplomacy. Grand Vizier Jorge, Darth Delcy’s cunning brother, is running the senate and recasting the new imperial order through the language of old Scarlet propaganda.

The new imperial order

In Carascant, to keep the Scarlet Coalition from fragmenting, Darth Delcy tries to keep the echo of Stormtrooper boots and official dismissals contained within Imperial Offices. She still has to contend with Diosdado the Hutt, whose power lies in coercion and galactic hunting squads. More than 450 rebellion prisoners, many captured on the Hutt’s orders, are still in Imperial detention centers.

Viceroy Trump looks unwilling to press the ruling Delcykrats as long as he gets unrestricted access to on-demand resources such as kyber crystals and beskar steel. As Darth Delcy’s power and appeal before the Trade Federation has grown, she has terminated initial gestures of reconciliation that were initially needed for appeasement. A new Death Star is in the works, and to build a superior weapon for durable rule, Darth Delcy knows time is her most valuable asset.

Chief Envoy Rubio has reassured Master Machado that the galaxy first needs to stabilize and revive its economy before any transition can take place. Lately, however, the envoys that visit Carascant have said nothing about Republican reform, and a great deal about kyber crystals and the resumption of intergalactic travel.

The Empire does not need either Darth Maduro or Darth Delcy to prevail. It only needs the New Republic project to fail.

Master Machado has also witnessed how the regime restricts the activity of allies like Han Guanipa and Lando Armas, dropping threats every now and then. In the domestic senate, separatist opponents led by Count Capriles have failed to influence Imperial policy. A series of looming Imperial appointments, and the November referendum on Viceroy Trump, can determine Master Machados’ chances to a great extent.

Aligning the interests of the victors of the November referendum with those of the New Republic will be a challenge for rebel aides Mon Meda and Pedro Organa. They won’t just need to keep a level of coordination with allies of growing importance, but to safeguard Master Machado’s position before Viceroy Trump while keeping the new hope alive.

The struggle for Republican foundations

In the coming weeks, the Scarlet Coalition will be forced to appoint a new InterGalactic Banking Board (IGBB) and, even sooner, fill roughly two-thirds of the Imperial High Court. The figures chosen to lead these bodies could prove decisive in shaping the fate of Darth Delcy’s emerging Death Star project. A competent IGBB will be essential for the stabilization phase, key to aligning both the Trade Federation and the Galactic Senate behind the prospect of Venezuela’s economic rebound.

At the same time, a genuinely independent Imperial High Court could become the first meaningful check on Imperial power. The courts are also expected to oversee the Council of Electoral Battles, still controlled by Madurokis whom Darth Delcy has left untouched to avoid triggering her pending matchup with Master Machado. These two institutions will be critical to the third phase that Chief Envoy Rubio is purportedly pursuing, and might determine the success of Viceroy Trump’s plan after capturing Darth Maduro. Control over courts and the Battles Council will determine whether the final electoral contest—backed by the Trade Federation—can take place on credible terms.

The Rebel struggle will gradually shift toward navigating a far more intricate web of factions within a fragmented Trade Federation.

But Darth Delcy is expected to attempt cosmetic reshuffles rather than a transformative change of Imperial personnel. One unresolved question is whether forces aligned with Master Machado, such as national support and diplomatic pressure, will be enough to force a true transfer of power, or whether the Empire will once again adapt without changing.

The near future provides an opportunity for the new order to strengthen. The Trade Federation’s influence over Darth Delcy depends on Viceroy Trump’s grip on power, which will face its biggest challenge in the November referendum. The unchecked power the Viceroy currently has allows him to circumvent any criticism over Carascant. But change in the Trade Federation’s balance of power could make bipartisan support essential for the future of the New Republic.

The Trade Federation’s reckoning

Competing views in the Trade Federation on how to advance with the Empire’s transition will give more time and less scrutiny to Darth Delcy’s actions. It also provides an opportunity for Imperial Envoy Plasencia to bolster views which are more aligned with the Empire. For the Rebellion, the fallout from Viceroy Trump’s eroding grip on power hinges entirely on the alliances Master Machado has tried to forge.

These alliances will likely be essential to maintain pressure and decisively advance the New Republic’s agenda. Nonetheless, Viceroy Trump’s polarizing grip on the narrative has created deep seated resistance amongst potential allies. The struggle will gradually shift away from merely managing and appeasing Viceroy Trump and his Envoys, and toward navigating a far more intricate web of factions within a fragmented Trade Federation.

When Darth Maduro was defeated but no New Republic was allowed to emerge, the Empire did not dissolve, it adapted. Its new faces and colors are not signs of weakness but mechanisms of survival, designed to delay or prevent the formation of a New Republic. “Permanent victory” is an illusion. The Empire does not need either Darth Maduro or Darth Delcy to prevail. It only needs the New Republic project to fail.

What follows for Master Machado and the Rebellion is therefore not a triumphant return, but a sequence of calculated risks. The next chapter will depend on whether Master Machado returns as the leader of a Rebellion or as the effective architect of a New Republic. The Empire is determined to prevent her return or neutralize her immediately. If she returns solely as a symbol of resistance, Imperial forces will seek to frame her as a destabilizing threat to Viceroy Trump’s plan, increasing the risk of escalation against her.

If, however, her return becomes the centerpiece of a multilateral New Republic project backed by the Trade Federation, it would directly undermine Darth Delcy’s strategy. In that scenario, any move against Master Machado would signal to Viceroy Trump that Delcy cannot control the coalition she leads. At the same time, Master Machado’s movement can position itself as a more credible alternative for institutional reconstruction.

This shift, from diplomatic cover during resistance to an instrument of internal legitimacy, opens a narrow but meaningful window for the New Republic’s success.

The past 12o days show that Venewoks have not yet earned their Endor moment. As in the Star Wars movies, dismantling an Empire and building a New Republic will take a long and arduous journey. Normally the credits would unroll now, but the crisis continues and Darth Delcy’s intentions are crystal clear.

April 22 (Asia Today) — The Czech Republic said its nuclear power project with South Korea is progressing on schedule, signaling potential expansion of cooperation that could extend to additional reactor construction and broader entry into the European market.

Petr Závodský, head of the Czech project company EDU II, said the Dukovany nuclear project has entered a key design phase just 10 months after the contract was signed with Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power.

“We received the first large-scale engineering package, including the conceptual design, last week,” Závodský said at a conference in Busan. “This marks a major contractual milestone, and site investigations have already been completed.”

He added that the next step is to submit licensing documents to Czech nuclear regulators within a year.

Tomas Ehler said the Czech government selected Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power based on its proven ability to complete projects on time and within budget.

“In nuclear projects, the most important factor is execution capability,” Ehler said. “The Korean proposal was evaluated as the best across all criteria.”

He emphasized that nuclear construction involves complex risks and requires close coordination between partners to identify and manage challenges early.

Officials also addressed concerns over a dispute involving France, saying the issue has effectively been resolved after being dismissed by Czech courts. They added that approval procedures with the European Commission for expanded reactor plans are ongoing and expected to be finalized by early 2027.

The Czech government reaffirmed its strategy to increase nuclear power’s share in its energy mix from about 30% currently to 50%-60% in the coming years.

A final decision on constructing additional reactors at the Temelin Nuclear Power Plant is expected next year, with progress on the Dukovany project serving as a key benchmark.

Ehler said that if both projects move forward with Korean participation, significant synergies could be achieved.

Závodský stressed that the partnership goes beyond a typical supplier relationship.

“The Czech Republic cannot build nuclear plants without Korean companies, and Korean firms cannot carry out the project without Czech partners,” he said. “This is a joint project, not just a client-supplier arrangement.”

Officials added that the cooperation could expand beyond the Czech Republic to other European countries, including Slovakia and Poland.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260422010007168