Peru

Peru bans Mexico’s President Sheinbaum as diplomatic dispute grows | Politics News

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum is barred from Peru after her government granted asylum to Peruvian ex-premier.

Peru has declared Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum a “persona non grata” who is unable to enter the country, days after severing ties with Mexico amid an escalating diplomatic dispute.

Peru’s Congress voted 63 to 34 on Thursday in favour of symbolically barring Sheinbaum from the country after her government granted asylum to former Peruvian Prime Minister Betssy Chavez, after she fled to the Mexican embassy in Peru’s capital Lima.

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The designation of “persona non grata” is typically reserved for foreign diplomats and compels them to leave a host country, and is seen as a rebuke to their government.

President of Peru’s Congress Fernando Rospigliosi said the move was a show of support for the government and its decision to break off relations with Mexico, according to Mexico’s El Pais newspaper.

During a debate on Thursday, Ernesto Bustamante, an MP who sits on Peru’s Congressional Foreign Relations Committee, also accused Sheinbaum of having ties to drug traffickers.

“We cannot allow someone like that, who is in cahoots with drug traffickers and who distracts her people from the real problems they should be addressing, to get involved in Peruvian affairs,” Bustamante said, according to El Pais.

Chavez, who is on trial for her participation in an alleged 2022 coup attempt, earlier this week fled to the Mexican embassy in Lima, where she was granted political asylum.

Peru’s Foreign Minister Hugo de Zela called the decision by Mexico City an “unfriendly act” that “interfered in the internal affairs of Peru”.

Mexico’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has maintained that it was acting in accordance with international law, and the move in “no way constitutes an intervention in Peru’s internal affairs”.

Lima has yet to offer safe passage for Chavez to leave the embassy and travel to Mexico.

Chavez, a former culture minister, briefly served as prime minister to President Pedro Castillo from late November to December 2022.

Charges against the former minister stem from an attempt by President Castillo in December 2022 to dissolve the Peruvian Congress before he was quickly impeached and arrested.

Chavez, who faces up to 25 years in prison if found guilty, has denied involvement in the scheme. She was detained from June 2023 until September of this year, and then released on bail while facing trial.

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Peru severs relations with Mexico for granting asylum to ex-PM

Pedro Castillo — seen here at the 76th Session of the U.N. General Assembly on September 21, 2021, speaking as the president of Peru — is facing charges in connection to his attempt to dissolve the country’s congress in 2022 and rule by emergency order. The prime minister during his time in office, Betssy Chavez Chino, has sought diplomatic asylum from Mexico. Pool File Photo by Mary Altaffer/UPI | License Photo

Nov. 4 (UPI) — Peru is severing diplomatic relations with Mexico over its granting of diplomatic asylum to a former prime minister accused of being involved in a coup attempt in 2022.

The Peruvian Foreign Ministry announced it was ending diplomatic relations with Mexico in a Monday evening communication, accusing the North American nation of “interfering in an inadmissible and systematic manner in Peru’s internal affairs.”

According to the communication, Mexico informed Peru that former Prime Minister Betssy Chavez Chino had sought refuge at its embassy in Lima and was granted political asylum.

Peru’s Foreign Ministry said it was “an unfriendly act that adds to the series of unacceptable interferences by the Mexican government toward Peru” and demonstrates its “profound lack of interest in maintaining a relationship” with Lima.

“Consequently, the government of the Republic of Peru has decided to break diplomatic relations with the United Mexican States,” it said.

Chavez was prime minister under President Pedro Castillo, who was impeached after trying to dissolve Congress and impose an emergency government to rule by decree in December 2022. He has been held in preventive detention since then on corruption and rebellion-related charges.

The former prime minister had been jailed from June 2023 over her alleged role in the coup until September, when she was released by a judge who ruled her right “not to suffer arbitrary detentions” had been violated.

Mexico’s Foreign Ministry said Peru’s decision to sever diplomatic relations was “excessive and disproportionate.”

In defense of granting Chavez asylum, Mexico said it did so in adherence to international law, in particular the 1954 Convention on Diplomatic Asylum, which both countries are party to.

“Mrs. Chavez Chino has mentioned that she has been the subject of repeated violations of her human rights as part of a political persecution of the Peruvian state since the moment of her capture in 2023,” the ministry said in a statement.

Mexico said its decision followed a “thorough evaluation and in strict compliance with the procedure established for this purpose in the Law on Refugees, Complementary Protection and Political Asylum” as well as in accordance with Mexican law.

“Mexico reaffirms, as has been recognized by the General Assembly of the United Nations, that the granting of asylum cannot be considered an unfriendly act by another state.”

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Peru cuts ties with Mexico over asylum for ex-prime minister | News

Move comes after Betssy Chavez, who is on trial on coup charges, fled to the Mexican Embassy in Peru.

Peru has severed diplomatic relations with Mexico after accusing it of granting asylum to a former Peruvian prime minister who is on trial over an alleged coup attempt in 2022.

The announcement on Monday came hours after former Prime Minister Betssy Chavez – who served under former President Pedro Castillo – fled to the Mexican Embassy in Peru.

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“Today we learned with surprise and deep regret that Betssy Chavez, the alleged co-author of the coup attempt by former President Pedro Castillo, is being granted asylum at the Mexican Embassy residence in Peru,” Minister of Foreign Affairs Hugo de Zela told a news conference.

“Given this unfriendly act, and considering the repeated instances in which the current and former presidents of that country have interfered in Peru’s internal affairs, the Peruvian government has decided to sever diplomatic relations with Mexico today,” he added.

There was no immediate comment from Mexico.

Chavez’s lawyer, Raul Noblecilla, told local radio station RPP that he had not heard from his client in several days and was unaware of whether she had requested asylum.

Chavez, who served in Castillo’s cabinet as Minister of Culture, was appointed as prime minister in November 2022 amid a months-long standoff between the president and the Congress.

Castillo – a former rural schoolteacher and trade unionist, dubbed Peru’s “first poor president” – was impeached by lawmakers the following month when he attempted to dissolve the Congress.

Relations between Lima and Mexico deteriorated sharply afterwards.

Following his impeachment, Castillo was on his way to the Mexican embassy in Lima to request asylum when he was arrested and charged with rebellion and abuse of authority.

Chavez was charged alongside him.

In December 2022, Peru expelled Mexico’s ambassador after Mexico granted asylum to Castillo’s wife and children.

Castillo’s successor, then-President Dina Boluarte, also temporarily recalled Peru’s ambassador to Mexico City in February 2023, accusing then-left-wing president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador of meddling in her country’s affairs for expressing support for Castillo.

The former president and Chavez went on trial in March of this year.

While Castillo has been in preventive custody since his impeachment, Chavez was released on bail in September.

Prosecutors had sought a 25-year term for Chavez for allegedly participating in Castillo’s plan to dissolve Congress.

They have sought a 34-year sentence for Castillo.

The pair has denied the charges.

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Brazil, Venezuela, and Peru React to New U.S. Tariff Regime

With a new US tariff regime in place, the region’s economies face their greatest disruption in at least a generation.

When US President Donald Trump initiated a new regime of tariffs on global imports reaching the US, investors reacted by retracting forecasts and rethinking investment dynamics while companies globally started preparing their doomsday scenarios.

The effects in Latin America were no different. Brazil, the worst affected economy, now faces tariffs up to 50% on its exports and services provided to the US: the second highest tariffs Trump has applied to any country, equal to those imposed on India and behind only those hitting China.

Most Latin American companies and economies are not affected as severely as Brazil, but Venezuela’s oil-exporting economy is now also affected by secondary tariffs on third countries doing business with it. The entire region also must reckon with the prospect of reduced global commerce flows and reshaped trade and investment dynamics.

Most Latin economies principally export agricultural products, commodities, textiles, and—in the cases of Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina—manufactured goods. The region’s economies find themselves navigating the greatest disruption in at least a generation. Ultimately, however, some sectors may benefit from trade diversion and new marketing openings.

Venezuela

Aside from Cuba, Venezuela is the only Latin American country heavily sanctioned by the US, which has frozen most of its direct trade in both directions. However, Venezuela still exports oil and gas to a variety of countries. These are now affected by 25% secondary tariffs for purchasing oil and commodities from the big exporter.

“Venezuela remains a rich country with substantial natural resources, enormous potential for investment and a low entrance ticket at the moment for those with patience to ride the current waves and a strategic approach to their portfolio,” says Horacio Velutini, director at Conapri, the agency for investment promotion in Venezuela, and former CEO of the Caracas Stock Exchange.

“We’ve had a highly controlled economy since 1920, heavily dependent on petrol exports, which created the space for never-corrected macroeconomic imbalances,” he notes. The US sanctions began in 2015, but “despite curbing Venezuelan exports to the US, they had the opposite effect of what was intended. New markets opened and the poorest people of the country ended up most affected with the loss of revenue and social and infrastructure programs. Venezuelan entrepreneurs started more heavily investing in their own country, and we see this in the movements of the Caracas Stock Exchange.”

According to Velutini, the privately held bourse currently has a market capitalization of some $7 billion, with an annual exchange volume of between $300 million and $400 million, mostly from Venezuelan investors.

Despite sanctions, some international corporations, including US ones, continue to operate in Venezuela. These include Chevron, under a special authorization from the US government to participate in a joint venture with PDVSA, the Venezuelan state oil company, and Italy’s Repsol.

The sanctions and the political standoff between Caracas and Washington have undoubtedly damaged the Venezuelan economy, Velutini allows.

That said, Venezuela’s GDP has grown for 17 straight quarters, the latest forecast by the Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) indicates 9.3% growth in 2025 and 5% growth in 2026, he adds. Sources outside Venezuela are less enthusiastic: the UN estimates 5.8% growth this year, while the World Bank projects 2.3% in 2025, and 2.5% in 2026-2027. The IMF has a much grimmer outlook for 2026, projecting the country’s economy to shrink by 5.5%.

Brazil

Latin America’s largest economy and the world’s tenth largest is in a political as well as a trade-based face-off with the US. The Trump administration has been unwilling to negotiate down its 50% tariff on Brazilian goods unless the government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva drops charges against former President Jair Bolsonaro, now convicted by the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court (STF) to 27 years in prison for plotting a coup to remain in power.

Brazilian businesses are struggling to adapt to the new tariffs; China has surpassed the US as the biggest importer of Brazilian goods, while the US sank to the second-largest importer.

Daniel Teles
Daniel Teles, a partner at Valor Investimentos

“Most meat exports, coffee (Brazil is the world’s largest world exporter of the beans), semi-finished steel products, marble and granite, are affected,” says Daniel Teles, a partner at Valor Investimentos, who works in partnership with Brazilian investment house XP. “Orange juice is one example with detrimental effects on both countries. The US does not produce enough to supply the local market, and the tariffs on their largest exporter will inflate prices for US consumers.”

The principal challenges are lack of clarity going forward along with possible reciprocal tariffs and increased logistic costs.”The US strategy is clear,” says Teles. “They want to reindustrialize the country, increase growth through both local employment and taxation, and curb activity by countries still trading with Russia and other rivals.”

As Brazil scrambles to respond, its trading patterns are being significantly altered.

“Despite the first negative effects, we already see some positive market responses,” Teles says, “such as efforts to redesign logistic flows and a frantic search for new markets, along with expanded trade to current secondary markets. China had already overtaken the US as Brazil’s largest trading partner. This should now increase over time because of US barriers. Kazakhstan, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, including Saudi Arabia, the EU, and Egypt have untapped potential, too.”

Other Latin countries face similar uncertainties, but not as severe. Mexico has a plant structure similar to Brazil’s but is less affected by the new tariff levels. Argentina has a dollarized economy, helping it absorb the new rates. Uruguay and Paraguay attract foreign direct investment both in the form of companies and wealthy individuals trying to escape heavier taxation elsewhere and, thus, are not as affected by US tariffs as its neighbors.

“In the short term,” Teles predicts, “much of the current uncertainties, including the diplomatic tensions and the risk of further sanctions and tariffs, should remain.” Nevertheless, the Brazilian stock exchange reached an alltime high on September 8, the economy is growing, and official interest rates in Brazil remains at 15%, low enough to attract investment.

Paulo Oliveira, CFO of Formosa Supermercados, which operates grocery and convenience stores, says, “What we see is companies affected by the tariffs absorbing the first impact and lowering their profits, but also trying to sell extra production within the Brazilian market, leading to price drops in coffee, meat products, and several vegetables.”

There will be “significant losses” in prepared containers not yet shipped to the US, Oliveira says, adding that an average of 2,000 containers per week “will now need to find new buyers. Producers of mango and grape from the northeastern part of Brazil, who had the US as their primary market, suffered significant losses and are having to rethink the sales of the current harvest and how they will manage the next cycle.”

Peru

Compared to most Latin American economies, Peru remains stable, with the key interest rate fixed at 4.5% and inflation not expected to surpass 1.7% this year. Most domestic output is centered in services, agricultural products, and mining commodities, especially refined copper, gold, and silver, as well as textiles.

The new US tariff rates mostly affect exports of blueberries, grapes, avocados, and textiles, according to Luis Pretel, senior auditing partner for financial products and commodities at Deloitte Touche & Tomatsu in Peru.

“The solution,” he says, “has been to diversify markets focusing on China, which is already a major player in Peru, as well as searching for new markets in Latin America. Thanks to the mega-port of Chancay, operated by China and inaugurated last year, exports to Asia have become simpler for the country.”

Peruvian companies are redesigning and improving their logistics processes, he notes, introducing digitalization, robotization, and AI, and crafting new cooperative and international agreements.

“Luckily, refined copper has been on the list of exemptions of US tariffs,” he adds, “and that industry is not affected by the current measures while gold and silver are stable in the international markets.”

That said, the government has lowered its GDP growth prediction for the year from 4.1% to 3.5%, anticipating diminished economic output and investments.

Pretel remains guardedly optimistic, however: “Ultimately, this will result in better logistic flows, new market openings, and Peru adapting through new strategies and a fully independent central bank, which will mitigate the political uncertainties and maintain local economic stability.”

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State of emergency declared in Peru’s capital Lima amid protests | News

The state of emergency lifts constitutional rights, including the right to protest, amid popular unrest over the rise in extortion and killings.

Peru’s Interim President Jose Jeri has declared a state of emergency in the capital, Lima, to stem a wave of protests that contributed to the recent downfall of his predecessor.

In a televised message on Tuesday, Jeri said the emergency in the city would last 30 days.

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“Wars are won with actions, not words,” the president said, adding that he is planning a new approach to fighting crime that he described as going “from defence to offence”.

Under the state of emergency, the government can send the army to patrol the streets and restrict freedom of assembly and other rights.

Al Jazeera’s Mariana Sanchez, reporting from Lima, said the announcement comes after six days of uncertainty over whether the interim government would push ahead.

In the decree formally declaring the emergency, the government did not mention how it intended to gather critically needed intelligence to curb extortion cases, which are estimated at 18,000 this year, up 30 percent from last year, Sanchez said.

The rise in extortions has also led to an increase in killings in recent years. Between January and September, police authorities reported 1,690 homicides, compared with 1,502 during the same period of 2024.

“The state of emergency will lift constitutional rights and people will not be able to protest,” Sanchez said.

Dina Boluarte was removed as president by Peru’s Congress on October 10 after an impeachment during which lawmakers said she had been unable to tackle the crime wave. Jeri, the parliament speaker, replaced her immediately and will serve as interim president until July next year.

Peru has been roiled by weeks of antigovernment protests over corruption and organised crime led by Gen-Z activists.

On Thursday, protests to demand Jeri’s resignation turned violent. One person was killed and about 100 were injured, including police officers and some journalists.

Jeri has said he will not resign.

Earlier, Boluarte had declared a 30-day state of emergency in March following the murder of a famous musician, but the move did little to reduce crime.

Paul Flores, a well-known cumbia singer, was killed when assailants attacked the bus he was travelling on in an apparent attempt to extort the operator.

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Peru’s new president refuses to resign after Gen Z protests leave one dead | Protests News

State of emergency to be declared in capital as protests that led to last week’s ouster of former president intensify.

Peru’s new president, Jose Jeri, is refusing to resign amid Gen Z antigovernment protests, inflamed by the death of a popular rapper, as crime grips the nation.

The government said late on Thursday that a state of emergency would be declared in the capital, Lima, as the prosecutor’s office announced it was investigating the previous day’s killing of 32-year-old protester and hip-hop singer Eduardo Ruiz in a mass demonstration.

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Peru’s police chief, General Oscar Arriola, said that Luis Magallanes, a member of the force, was believed to have fired the bullet and had subsequently been detained and dismissed from his job. Arriola added that Magallanes was being treated in hospital after being physically assaulted.

Ruiz was the first person to die in the protests, which began a month ago with calls for better pensions and wages for young people and later became a lightning rod for broader frustrations with crime and corruption, culminating in the ouster of former President Dina Boluarte last week.

On Wednesday, thousands massed around the country, with hundreds clashing with police outside Congress in Lima, as they called on recently appointed Jeri, the seventh president in less than a decade, to resign.

“My responsibility is to maintain the stability of the country; that is my responsibility and my commitment,” Jeri told the local media after visiting Peru’s parliament, where he said he would request powers to combat crime.

Jeri expressed regret over Ruiz’s death in a post on X, saying the death would be “objectively” investigated. He blamed violence on “delinquents who infiltrated a peaceful demonstration to sow chaos”.

“The full force of the law will be on them,” he wrote.

Reporting from Lima, Al Jazeera’s Mariana Sanchez said that Ruiz’s death had “added another layer to the ongoing political crisis” in the country and had “angered even more Peruvians who are frustrated with the corruption, with the insecurity in the country”.

“He was peacefully hanging out with his friends. Unfortunately, the bullet hit his chest. We want justice for him,” activist Milagros Samillan told Al Jazeera.

The prosecutor’s office wrote on X that it had ordered the removal of Ruíz’s body from a Lima hospital and the “collection of audiovisual and ballistic evidence in the area where the incident occurred, in the context of serious human rights violations”.

Newly appointed interior minister, Vicente Tiburcio, said that 89 police and 22 civilians had been injured during Wednesday’s protest and 11 people were detained.

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Peru’s Congress votes to remove President Boluarte as crime grips nation | Politics News

BREAKING,

Unlike eight previous attempts to remove the president, almost all legislative factions expressed support for the move.

Peru’s Congress has voted to remove President Dina Boluarte, among the world’s most unpopular leaders, in a late-night session called hours after political parties from across the spectrum called for her impeachment, as the nation fights an intensive crime wave.

Politicians voted late Thursday into Friday to debate her removal from office on grounds of “moral incapacity” and summoned her to defend herself before Congress an hour later.

The stunning turn of events came just hours after a shooting at a concert in the capital inflamed anger over crime roiling the South American nation.

Legislators had voted to accept four requests for a vote to remove Boluarte from office over what they said was her government’s inability to stem crime. They exceeded the minimum 56 votes required for each request, setting up a debate and impeachment trial in the 130-member unicameral Congress.

They then requested that Boluarte come before them on Thursday shortly before midnight to defend herself, but when she did not appear, they immediately voted to oust her. In short order, 124 lawmakers voted just past midnight to impeach Boluarte.

Unlike eight previous attempts to remove her, almost all legislative factions expressed support for the latest requests.

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Thousands protest livestreamed murder of 2 women, young girl in Argentina | Crime News

Drug gang suspected in torture and murder of two young women, and a 15-year-old girl, in crime that shocks Argentina.

Clashes have erupted between demonstrators and police as thousands protested in Argentina’s capital, Buenos Aires, to demand justice over the torture and killing of two young women and a teenager, which was livestreamed on social media by a purported drug gang.

Thousands of protesters took to the streets on Saturday to denounce the killings that shocked Argentinians after it was revealed that the murders were perpetrated live on the Instagram platform and watched by 45 members of a private account, officials said.

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The bodies of Morena Verdi and Brenda del Castillo, cousins aged 20, and 15-year-old Lara Gutierrez were found buried on Wednesday in the yard of a house in a southern suburb of Buenos Aires, five days after they went missing.

Investigators said the victims, thinking they were going to a party, were lured into a van on September 19, allegedly as part of a plan to “punish” them for violating gang code and to serve as a warning to others.

Police discovered a video of the triple murder after a suspect in the disappearance of the three revealed it under questioning, according to Javier Alonso, the security minister for the Buenos Aires province.

In the footage, a gang leader is heard saying: “This is what happens to those who steal drugs from me.”

Argentinian media reported that the torturers cut off fingers, pulled out nails, and beat and suffocated the victims.

While most of the protesters who took part in the demonstration on Saturday marched peacefully, some confronted police who responded by aggressively pushing them away using their batons and shields, according to video clips and images posted by the La Izquierda Diario online news site.

Relatives and friends attend a demonstration called by rights groups under the banner: "There are no good or bad victims, only femicides," referencing the three murdered teenagers' alleged involvment in sex work, in Buenos Aires, on September 27, 2025. The bodies of Morena Verdi and Brenda Del Castillo, cousins aged 20, and 15-year-old Lara Gutierrez were found buried last September 24 in the yard of a house, five days after they went missing. The crime, which investigators have tied to narco activity, was perpetrated live on Instagram and watched by 45 members of a private account, officials said. (Photo by Luis ROBAYO / AFP)
Thousands of protesters took to the streets of Buenos Aires on Saturday to denounce the killings of Morena Verdi and Brenda del Castillo, cousins aged 20, and 15-year-old Lara Gutierrez, by a suspected drug gang [Luis Robayo/AFP]

As they marched towards the Argentinian parliament with thousands of supporters, family members of the victims held a banner with their names, “Lara, Brenda, Morena”, and placards with the images of the three.

“Women must be protected more than ever,” Brenda’s father, Leonel del Castillo, was quoted by the AFP news agency as telling reporters at the protest. He had earlier said he had not been able to identify his daughter’s body due to the torture she had endured.

“It was a narco-femicide!” read a sign at the protest. Another declared, “Our lives are not disposable!”

The protesters also banged on drums as they marched and denounced the “inaction” of the administration of President Javier Milei against what they called the growing “narco” influence in the country.

An image posted on social media showed protesters burning an image of Milei and other political allies of his administration.

Antonio del Castillo, the grandfather of the slain 20-year-old cousins, was in tears, calling his granddaughters’ killers “bloodthirsty”.

“You wouldn’t do what they did to them to an animal,” he said.

On Friday, Minister of National Security Patricia Bullrich announced the arrest of a fifth suspect in the case, bringing the total to three men and two women. The fifth suspect, accused of offering logistical support in the killing by providing a vehicle involved in the crime, was arrested in the Bolivian border city of Villazon .

Authorities have also released a photograph of the alleged mastermind, a 20-year-old Peruvian, who remains at large.

Meta, the parent company of Instagram, has disputed that the livestream occurred on its platform, according to the AFP, citing a company spokesperson.

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‘I glamped in the Andes on a Machu Picchu trek and climbed a cliff with 1,310ft glass lunch pods’

From a terrifying cliff climb, to trekking in the Andes, and trying (and failing) to get a selfie with a llama, our writer Sara Wallis had an extreme adventure in Peru

Clinging on to the side of a vertical cliff, 980ft high, I tried desperately not to look too far up or down – either view was terrifying. I’d not been in Peru for very long before I found myself literally on the edge, with my comfort zone far away on solid ground (ideally at a hotel spa).

Just below me, the 69-year-old Canadian lady in my group mused out loud that her travel insurance probably didn’t cover a ­pensioner scaling an iron ladder up a rock face. But here we all were, nearly at the incredible glass pod ­restaurant hanging off the top of the mountain, and a very long way from the bottom.

Having arrived in the stunning ancient South American city of Cusco a couple of days earlier, I was on a G Adventures group tour with like-minded travellers, all keen to tick Peru and the Inca wonder of Machu Picchu off their bucket list. We had been lulled into a false sense of security on day one with a peaceful exploration of the Pisac ruins, taking in staggering scenery, a rich history and curious llamas. But there is nothing more bonding for strangers than the Sacred Valley’s Via Ferrata (iron path), which I assumed was a gentle incline but turned out to be a thigh-burning, stomach-churning lesson in “doing your activity research”.

Grasping for the fixed iron rungs and at one point having to wobble across a tight-rope “bridge”, attached by a carabiner to a steel life-line, it’s no wonder G Adventures lists this as Your OMG Day. Video footage was immediately sent to my shocked kids. As a reward, we enjoyed a dizzying culinary experience at Skylodge, a transparent 1,310ft-high dining capsule. Travellers can – if they have nerves of steel – sleep overnight, but lunch was enough for me.

And we still had the small matter of getting back down. “Zip line or rappel?” asked the tour guide, as if he was offering tea or coffee. Hmm, launch myself off the ­mountain at speed or descend backwards from a rope? Abseiling down turned out to be another heart-stopping ordeal, but one I don’t regret for a second… although I did kiss the ground at the end.

Ancient Inca vibes

Having spent weeks examining my packing list, complete with deep critical analysis of water bottles and hiking socks, it’s fair to say I was keen to be prepared for my three-day hike to Machu Picchu. Rather than join the backpacking masses on the Inca Trail, G Adventures also offers an alternative, lesser-known Lares Trek option.

While it isn’t the exact route of the Incas, the Lares Trek takes in ­spectacular scenery and weaves through remote Andean communities. And this is the best bit – no one else was there… Mostly alone in this incredible landscape – unless you count alpacas, llamas and the odd sheep – we barely saw another human, let alone a backpacker. And which tourist wants to see another tourist? Not me.

Hiking past misty mountains, lagoons, valleys, waterfalls and glaciers, with falcons and condors flying overhead, this spectacular 20.5-mile trek is a hidden gem. Only me and Aussie traveller Biljana had chosen the Lares Trek, so for a few days it was just us and our guide Paulo – a man with the patience of a saint. “How many miles to go, Paulo? Please can you adjust my walking poles? Can we stop for another photo? Is it lunch time yet…” Ad infinitum.

Setting off from Ollantaytambo, the trek is shorter than the Inca Trail, but much higher, reaching the Pachacutec pass at 15,350ft on day two. You can’t help but feel the altitude, which makes the steep ascents even more challenging (the word breathtaking takes on a whole new meaning). But it’s worth the slow and steady climb to admire the snowy peak of Colquecruz at the top. Reaching the Lares Hot Springs at the end of the final day was a heavenly incentive – medicinal, mineral waters for those aching muscles.

The next day came the grand finale as we toured Machu Picchu, the 15th century Lost City of the Incas, perched majestically on a mountain ridge. Arriving on a scenic train from the town of Aguas Calientes, we wandered the site’s temples and terraces and saw the iconic Sun Gate. Spiritual, magical, historical – ­whatever you might make of it, the impact of the Unesco world heritage site is awe-inspiring.

Talk about in-tents…

If you’re going to do something, do it right and if that means a few home comforts, I’m here for it. Part of G Adventure’s Geluxe Collection, this premium tour offers intrepid adventure, but with a five-star twist. Have you still hiked to Machu Picchu if you’ve slept in a posh tent and eaten nothing but four-course restaurant-standard meals? Yes you have. Can anyone turn down a hot water bottle when you’re wearing five fleeces at night in the freezing Andes? I nearly cried with gratitude.

My hiking pal Biljana won’t mind me saying but neither of us are natural campers (hotels with walls and a bed, please). So our jaws dropped open when we saw our trek “digs”. Cots with air mattress, sleeping bag and blankets, with portable toilets and showers along the way, meant a proper rest to focus on the task at hand. Thoughtful touches included a little bag of hotel-style amenities, including shampoo and bug spray, while a team of porters (along with mules and donkeys) carried all our camping gear.

Chef Marco whipped up incredible meals along the way, from hearty porridge and soups to fresh fish, meats, salads and exquisite desserts including a celebration cake at the end. There was a glass of champagne waiting at the top of the highest peak, snacks on tap and hot coca tea to tackle the altitude and warm the spirits. The team would pack up our camp every morning, skip past us easily on the trail (cool as you like, hands in pockets, while we were puffing and panting), unload it all at the next location and create another oasis of luxury. On one occasion a mule did a runner and a porter went off in hot pursuit at dawn for several miles to lure it back. Heroes, legends, icons… and us? Happy campers.

Sweet potato

Mashed, spiced, baked, boiled, no matter what you’re eating in Peru, it will likely involve a potato, possibly even in your breakfast or dessert. Peru is renowned for potato diversity (more than 4,000 varieties) with a long history of cultivating the crop that goes all the way back to the Incas.

Quinoa, corn and trout are also Peruvian staples, while guinea pigs, or “cuy”, (cover your ears, pet lovers) are bred to be eaten as a delicacy on special and sacred occasions. OK, I bailed out of tasting a guinea pig wearing a crown at King Cuy, but I did get the chance to make my own empanada, a bit like a pasty, with a community in the rural village of Cuyo Chico in the Sacred Valley. By the time you’ve washed it down with a chicha morada, a spiced purple corn drink, you’re practically a local.

Drama llama

Llamas and alpacas have become the poster animals of the Andes. Commonly spotted on the trails, these iconic, gentle creatures will ­occasionally bother to turn their heads in your direction. Then, utterly bored, they will wander off just in time to ruin your selfie. By day four I could just about tell the difference – llamas are bigger, pack animals, while alpacas are fluffier, with a face like a teddy bear.

Speaking of which, a little footnote on that famous Peruvian bear, since everyone’s first question to me was: “Did you meet Paddington?” I did spot him waiting patiently by the train to Machu Picchu. I couldn’t tell you if he had a marmalade sandwich under his hat, but I was very glad to see this modest nod to the beloved bear, and not (yet) some awful tacky Paddington Land. Respect.

Book the holiday

  • Several airlines, including Iberia and British Airways, operate flights from London to Cusco via Lima with fares from £650 return.
  • G Adventures offers a nine-day Peru and Machu Picchu: Comfortable Camping on the Inca Trail (Lares Trek option), part of the Geluxe Collection, from £2,999pp with accommodation, meals, transport and guided tours. Flights extra. gadventures.com
  • More info at peru.travel

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Peru no longer has any former presidents free of legal accusations

Former Peruvian President Martin Vizcarra waves as he arrives at a courthouse in Lima, Peru, in June for the court to evaluate a prosecutor’s request to order six months of preventive detention for him before a trial for alleged corruption. File Photo by Paolo Aguilar/EPA

Aug. 21 (UPI) — With a preventive detention order issued by Peru’s judiciary against former President Martín Vizcarra, the country now has all of its former presidents jailed simultaneously on corruption and other serious charges — an unprecedented situation worldwide.

Former President Martín Vizcarra entered Barbadillo prison in Lima on Aug. 13 to serve five months of preventive detention while awaiting trial on corruption allegations stemming from his time as regional governor of Moquegua between 2011 and 2014. He is accused of taking more than $600,000 in bribes linked to two public works contracts.

Although the case does not involve his time as head of state, Vizcarra becomes the fifth former Peruvian president sent to prison in the past 18 years. Barbadillo prison already holds Pedro Castillo, Alejandro Toledo and Ollanta Humala, and was first adapted to house Alberto Fujimori in facilities built specifically for a former president.

“Peru is clearly facing a legitimacy crisis in its political class, one with deep roots that reinforces the public perception that corruption permeates every level of power,” said Carlos Escaffi, a professor of international relations at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru.

Within this context, Escaffi pointed to the role of Peru’s judiciary, particularly the Public Ministry, “which has shown no hesitation in bringing the accused to trial, something that can be seen as progress in the fight against corruption.”

In 2009, former President Alberto Fujimori was sentenced to 25 years in prison, mainly for crimes tied to human rights violations and corruption during his 1990 to 2000 presidency.

After serving more than 15 years, he was granted a humanitarian pardon in 2017 for health reasons, though the measure was annulled and reinstated several times before he was freed for good in 2023 under an order from Peru’s Constitutional Court. He died in September 2024.

In the case of Alan García, who twice served as president, he died by suicide in 2019 as police tried to arrest him on corruption allegations tied to Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht, which paid massive bribes across Latin America.

Among the other former presidents held in Barbadillo prison, Alejandro Toledo is serving a 20-year sentence for collusion and money laundering related to Odebrecht bribes, while Ollanta Humala is serving a sentence for illicit contributions to his presidential campaigns.

Pedro Castillo has been in preventive detention since late 2022 on corruption allegations during his presidency and for attempting a failed coup.

Martín Vizcarra became president of Peru in 2018 after then-President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski resigned rather than face impeachment by Congress. In 2022, Vizcarra was placed under house arrest. He is currently free with restrictions — barred from leaving Peru — and faces money laundering and collusion charges, though no final sentence has been issued.

As for current President Dina Boluarte, Peru’s Constitutional Court ruled Tuesday in favor of a petition from the executive branch and ordered all criminal investigations and impeachment proceedings against her suspended until her term ends on July 28, 2026.

The cases — including deaths during protests in 2022 and 2023, the so-called “Rolexgate” scandal over alleged illicit enrichment, and accusations of abandoning office — can resume only after she leaves the presidency.

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Peru’s Constitutional Court pauses probes into President Dina Boluarte | Courts News

Boluarte, Peru’s first female president, has faced investigations into protest-related deaths and alleged illicit enrichment.

The Constitutional Court of Peru has paused investigations into Dina Boluarte until her term ends in 2026, citing her position as the country’s sitting president.

On Tuesday, the court suspended probes led by the public prosecutor’s office that looked into alleged misconduct under Boluarte.

“The suspended investigations will continue after the end of the presidential term,” the ruling explained.

One of the most significant probes had to do with Boluarte’s response to the protests that erupted in Peru in December 2022, after the embattled president at the time, Pedro Castillo, attempted to dissolve Congress.

Instead, Castillo was impeached, removed from office and imprisoned, with critics calling his actions an attempted coup d’etat.

His removal, in turn, prompted months of intense public backlash: Thousands of protesters blocked roads and led marches in support of the left-wing leader.

Boluarte, who took over the presidency, declared a state of emergency in response, and the subsequent clashes between the police and protesters killed more than 60 people and left hundreds injured.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found that, in certain parts of the country, “the disproportionate, indiscriminate, and lethal use of force was a major element of the State response to the protests”.

It noted that “a significant number of victims were not even involved in the protests”.

In January 2023, Attorney General Patricia Benavides launched a probe into the actions of Boluarte and her ministers. By November of that year, Benavides had filed a constitutional complaint, accusing Boluarte of causing death and injury to protesters.

The public prosecutor’s office later set aside part of the investigation, which delved into whether Boluarte’s actions amounted to “genocide”.

Boluarte has denied any wrongdoing and instead called the protest probe a distraction from the attorney general’s own public scandals.

But Boluarte has continued to face probes into other aspects of her presidency.

Police in 2024 raided her home and the presidential palace as part of the “Rolex case”, an investigation prompted by media reports that Boluarte owned multiple luxury watches and high-end jewellery that were beyond her means to purchase. Critics have accused her of seeking illicit enrichment.

Boluarte, however, said her hands were “clean”, and Congress denied motions to impeach her over the “Rolex case”.

Another investigation looked into her absence from office in 2023, when Boluarte said she had to undergo a “necessary and essential” medical procedure on her nose — though critics have said it was a cosmetic procedure.

Her absence, they argue, was therefore a dereliction of duty, done without notifying Congress. In that case, too, Boluarte has denied the charges.

Peru has weathered much instability in its government: Boluarte is the sixth president in seven years, and virtually all of Peru’s presidents have faced criminal investigations, if not convictions, in the last quarter century.

Boluarte, however, had petitioned the Constitutional Court to stop the investigations until her term is over.

She is set to exit her office on July 28, 2026, after calling for a new general election in March. She has faced public pressure to resign since taking over for Castillo in December 2022.

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Former Peruvian president imprisoned over corruption allegations | Courts News

Martin Vizcarra will become the fifth Peruvian ex-president jailed in recent years amid period of political turbulence.

A judge in the South American nation of Peru has ordered the country’s ex-president, Martin Vizcarra, to be held in pre-trial detention over bribery allegations.

In a hearing on Wednesday, Judge Jorge Chavez ordered Vizcarra jailed for five months, saying he is a flight risk. He stands accused of accepting bribes during his tenure as governor of the Moquegua region 11 years ago.

Vizcarra is the fifth ex-president to be detained in Peru, which has been rocked by numerous scandals and political crises over the last several years. Peru has had six presidents since 2018.

For his part, Vizcarra has denied the charges against him, stating that they are a form of political persecution. He had planned to run for president again in 2026.

A judge had turned down a previous request to detain him in June, but the public ministry insisted that he was a flight risk and appealed the decision. His lawyers have said that he will seek to appeal his detention.

Three other ex-presidents, Alejandro Toledo, Ollanta Humala and Pedro Castillo, are currently being held in a special facility built for former leaders of the country in a police base in the capital of Lima.

Vizcarra, who was investigated and removed from office by Congress in 2020, will likely join them there. Critics have accused Peru’s Congress of launching scurrilous impeachment efforts against political rivals, using vague charges such as “moral incapacity”.

The facility first housed former President Alberto Fujimori, who was sentenced to 25 years in prison in 2009 for human rights abuses committed during his period of dictatorial rule. He was controversially pardoned in 2023, in defiance of an order from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and died of cancer the following year.

President Dina Boluarte, who came into office after former President Castillo was imprisoned after trying to dissolve Congress, signed a law earlier today offering amnesty to government security officials and aligned groups who committed rights abuses during the decades-long campaign against the Shining Path armed group.

Rights groups condemned the amnesty bill as a form of impunity for serious abuses.

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President Dina Boluarte signs into law Peru’s amnesty bill despite outcry | Human Rights News

Peruvian President Dina Boluarte has signed into law a controversial piece of legislation that would shield the military, police and other government-sanctioned forces from prosecution for human rights abuses committed during the country’s decades-long internal conflict.

On Wednesday, Boluarte held a signing ceremony at the presidential palace in Lima, where she defended the amnesty law as a means of honouring the sacrifices made by government forces.

“This is a historic day for our country,” she said. “It brings justice and honour to those who stood up to terrorism.”

But human rights groups and international observers have condemned the bill as a violation of international law — not to mention a denial of justice for the thousands of survivors who lived through the conflict.

From 1980 to 2000, Peru experienced a bloody conflict that pitted government forces against left-wing rebel groups like the Shining Path.

Both sides, however, committed massacres, kidnappings and assaults on unarmed civilians, with the death toll from the conflict climbing as high as 70,000 people.

Up until present, survivors and family members of the deceased have continued to fight for accountability.

An estimated 600 investigations are currently under way, and 156 convictions have been achieved, according to the National Human Rights Coordinator, a coalition of Peruvian human rights organisations.

Critics fear those ongoing probes could be scuttled under the wide-ranging protections offered by the new amnesty law, which stands to benefit soldiers, police officers and members of self-defence committees who face legal proceedings for which no final verdict has been rendered.

The legislation also offers “humanitarian” amnesty for those convicted over the age of 70.

Peru, however, falls under the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which ordered the country’s government to “immediately suspend the processing” of the law on July 24.

The court ruled against past amnesty laws in Peru. In cases of severe human rights violations, it ruled that there can be no sweeping amnesty nor age limits for prosecution.

In 1995, for instance, Peru passed a separate amnesty law that would have prevented the prosecution of security forces for human rights abuses between 1980 and that year. But it was greeted with widespread condemnation, including from United Nations experts, and it was eventually repealed.

In the case of the current amnesty law, nine UN experts issued a joint letter in July condemning its passage as a “clear breach of [Peru’s] obligations under international law”.

But at Wednesday’s signing ceremony, President Boluarte reiterated her position that such international criticism was a violation of her country’s sovereignty and that she would not adhere to the Inter-American Court’s decision.

“Peru is honouring its defenders and firmly rejecting any internal or external interference,” Boluarte said.

“We cannot allow history to be distorted, for perpetrators to pretend to be victims, and for the true defenders of the homeland to be branded as enemies of the nation they swore to protect.”

Peru’s armed forces, however, have been implicated in a wide range of human rights abuses. Just last year, 10 soldiers were convicted of carrying out the systematic rape of Indigenous and rural women and girls.

Drawing from Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission report, the human rights group Amnesty International estimates that the country’s armed forces and police were responsible for 37 percent of the deaths and disappearances that happened during the conflict.

They were also credited with carrying out 75 percent of the reported instances of torture and 83 percent of sexual violence cases.

Francisco Ochoa, a victims’ advocate, spoke to Al Jazeera last month about his experiences surviving the 1985 Accomarca massacre as a 14-year-old teenager.

He had been in the corn fields preparing to sow seeds when soldiers arrived and rounded up the residents of his small Andean village.

Despite having no evidence linking the villagers to rebel groups, the soldiers locked many of them in their huts, fired into the structures and set them ablaze.

As many as 62 people were killed, including Ochoa’s mother, eight-year-old brother and six-year-old sister.

“The first thing I remember from that day is the smell when we arrived,” Ochoa, now 54, told journalist Claudia Rebaza. “It smelled like smouldering flesh, and there was no one around.”

When asked how he and other survivors felt about the amnesty law, Ochoa responded, “Outraged and betrayed”.

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The village in Peru that lives in the dark next to a massive solar plant

Alejandro Millán Valencia

BBC News Mundo

BBC A composite image featuring solar panels and residents of Pampa Clemesí in southern PeruBBC

Residents of Pampa Clemesí, in southern Peru, rely on flashlights to make their way through the darkness

Each morning, Rosa Chamami wakes to flames licking at cardboard scraps in a makeshift stove in her yard.

The boxes she brought home once held 800,000 high-tech solar panels. Now, they fuel her fire.

Between 2018 and 2024, those panels were installed at Rubí and Clemesí, two massive solar plants in Peru’s Moquegua region, about 1,000 kilometres south of the capital, Lima. Together, they form the country’s largest solar complex – and one of the biggest in Latin America.

From her home in the small settlement of Pampa Clemesí, Rosa can see the rows of panels glowing under white floodlights. The Rubí plant is just 600 metres away.

Yet her home – and the rest of her village – remains in total darkness, unconnected to the grid the plant feeds into.

Houses sit in front of a long stretch of solar panels that belong to the Rubí solar plant, with mountains rising in the background.

The Rubí solar plant can be seen from various spots throughout the town

Power from the sun, but not at home

None of Pampa Clemesí’s 150 residents have access to the national power grid.

A few have solar panels donated by Rubí’s operator, Orygen, but most can’t afford the batteries and converters needed to make them work. At night, they use torches – or simply live in the dark.

The paradox is striking: the Rubí solar power plant produces around 440 GWh a year, enough to supply electricity to 351,000 homes. Moquegua, where the plant is located, is an ideal site for solar energy, receiving over 3,200 hours of sunshine annually, more than most countries.

And that contradiction becomes even sharper in a country currently experiencing a renewable energy boom.

In 2024 alone, electricity generation from renewables grew by 96%. Solar and wind power depend heavily on copper due to its high conductivity – and Peru is the world’s second-largest producer.

“In Peru, the system was designed around profitability. No effort was made to connect sparsely populated areas,” explains Carlos Gordillo, an energy expert at the University of Santa María in Arequipa.

Orygen says it has fulfilled its responsabilities.

“We’ve joined the government project to bring electricity to Pampa Clemesí and have already built a dedicated line for them. We also completed the first phase of the electrification project, with 53 power towers ready to operate,” Marco Fragale, Orygen’s executive director in Peru, told BBC News Mundo, the BBC’s Spanish-language service.

Fragale adds that nearly 4,000 metres of underground cable were installed to provide a power line for the village. The $800,000 investment is complete, he says.

But the lights still haven’t come on.

The final step – connecting the new line to individual homes – is the government’s responsibility. According to the plan, the Ministry of Mines and Energy must lay about two kilometres of wiring. Work was slated to begin in March 2025, but hasn’t started.

BBC News Mundo tried to contact the Ministry of Mines and Energy but received no response.

Five people sit in a yard ready for dinner around a solar-powered torch as the sun sets in Pampa Clemesí

Residents gather for dinner in darkness, illuminated only by a solar-powered torch

A daily struggle for basics

Rosa’s tiny house has no sockets.

Each day, she walks around the village, hoping someone can spare a bit of electricity to charge her phone.

“It’s essential,” she says, explaining she needs the device to stay in touch with her family near the border with Bolivia.

One of the few people who can help is Rubén Pongo. In his larger home – with patios and several rooms – a group of speckled hens fights for rooftop space between the solar panels.

Rubén, dressed in an orange jacket, sunglasses, and a beige cap, looks to one side of the road before crossing. The town is visible in the background

Rubén works at the Rubí plant and lives in Pampa Clemesí

“The company donated solar panels to most villagers,” he says. “But I had to buy the battery, the converter, and the cables myself – and pay for installation.”

Rubén owns something others only dream of: a fridge. But it only runs for up to 10 hours a day, and on cloudy days, not at all.

He helped build the Rubí plant and later worked in maintenance, cleaning the panels. Today, he manages the warehouse and is driven to work by the company, even though the plant is just across the road.

Crossing the Pan-American Highway on foot is prohibited by Peruvian law.

From his rooftop, Rubén points to a cluster of glowing buildings in the distance.

“That’s the plant’s substation,” he says. “It looks like a little lit-up town.”

Rubi power plant's solar panels

The Rubí solar plant produces electricity for around 350,000 homes in Peru

A graphic displays the location of Pampa Clemesí in southern Peru. The image is divided into two parts: the top shows the village's position on a map of Peru, while the bottom shows its proximity to the Rubi solar plant.

A long wait

Residents began settling in Pampa Clemesí in the early 2000s. Among them is Pedro Chará, now 70. He’s watched the 500,000-panel Rubí plant rise almost on his doorstep.

Much of the village is built from discarded materials from the plant. Pedro says even their beds come from scrap wood.

There’s no water system, no sewage, no rubbish collection. The village once had 500 residents, but due to scarce infrastructure, the majority left – especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Sometimes, after waiting so long, fighting for water and electricity, you just feel like dying. That’s it. Dying,” he says.

Off-white light poles

The light poles for electrifying Pampa Clemesí lie in an open area of the town

Dinner by torchlight

Several houses made of wood or brick in Pampa Clemesí

Several houses made of wood or brick are part of the landscape in Pampa Clemesí

Rosa hurries to her aunt’s house, hoping to catch the last of the daylight. Tonight, she’s cooking dinner for a small group of neighbours who share meals.

In the kitchen, a gas stove heats a kettle. Their only light is a solar-powered torch. Dinner is sweet tea and fried dough.

“We eat only what we can keep at room temperature,” says Rosa.

Without refrigeration, protein-rich foods are hard to store.

Fresh produce requires a 40-minute bus ride to Moquegua – if they can afford it.

“But we don’t have money to take the bus every day.”

With no electricity, many in Latin America cook with firewood or kerosene, risking respiratory illness.

A person is lit by a torch while serving tea in the town of Pampa Clemesí, southern Peru

Pampa Clemesí’s residents don’t cook at night due to lack of lighting, and using candles or wood-burning stoves can be dangerous

In Pampa Clemesí, residents use gas when they can afford it — wood when they can’t.

They pray by torchlight for food, shelter, and water, then eat in silence. It’s 7pm, their final activity. No phones. No TV.

“Our only light is these little torches,” Rosa says. “They don’t show much, but at least we can see the bed.”

“If we had electricity, people would come back,” Pedro says. “We stayed because we had no choice. But with light, we could build a future.”

A soft breeze stirs the desert streets, lifting sand. A layer of dust settles on the lampposts on the main plaza, waiting to be installed. The wind signals that dusk is coming – and that soon, there will be no light.

For those without solar panels, like Rosa and Pedro, the darkness stretches on until sunrise. So does their hope that the government will one day act.

Like so many nights before, they prepare for another evening without light.

But why do they still live here?

“Because of the sun,” Rosa replies without hesitation.

“Here, we always have the sun.”

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Colombia’s President Petro accuses Peru of annexing disputed Amazon island | Border Disputes News

The island of Santa Rosa sits in the Amazon River between Colombia and Peru, with the government in Lima recently naming it a federal district.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro has accused the neighbouring country of Peru of annexing a disputed island on the Amazon River, resuscitating a longstanding disagreement between the two nations.

In a social media post on Tuesday, Petro said that Peru had acted to “unilaterally” assert control over the small island of Santa Rosa in a recent congressional vote.

“The Peruvian government has just appropriated it by law,” Petro wrote on the social media platform X.

He added that Peru’s actions could block the Colombian city of Leticia from accessing the Amazon River. “Our government will resort to diplomacy to defend our national sovereignty.”

Petro’s comments appeared to be a response to a vote in June, whereby Peru’s Congress designated the island of Santa Rosa a district in its Loreto province.

Who controls the island has been a subject of debate between Peru and Colombia for nearly a century.

Peru has claimed ownership based on treaties from 1922 and 1929, and it has administered Santa Rosa for decades.

But Colombia maintains that the island of Santa Rosa had not emerged from the Amazon River at the time of the treaties and therefore is not subject to them.

It has also argued that the treaties set the boundary between the two countries at the deepest point of the Amazon River, and that islands like Santa Rosa have emerged on the Colombian side of that dividing line.

“Islands have appeared north of the current deepest line, and the Peruvian government has just appropriated them by law and placed the capital of a municipality on land that, by treaty, should belong to Colombia,” Petro wrote.

He warned that Peru’s claims to Santa Rosa could inhibit travel and trade to nearby Leticia, which boasts a population of nearly 60,000.

“This unilateral action”, Petro wrote on Tuesday, “could make Leticia disappear as an Amazonian port, taking away its commercial life”.

Petro said he would hold celebrations commemorating Colombian independence from Spain in Leticia on Thursday, framing the island’s status as a symbol of national sovereignty.

The Colombian Ministry of Foreign Affairs also said in a social media post that it would push for further diplomacy in determining the nationality of newly emerged islands.

“For years, Colombia has maintained the need to carry out bilateral work for the allocation of islands,” the ministry wrote. Colombia, it added, “has reiterated the position that ‘Santa Rosa Island’ has not been allocated to Peru”.

The Amazon River is one of the longest waterways in the world, with the most water discharged of any river.

But those powerful currents deposit and rearrange sediment throughout the river basin, forming – and sometimes erasing – islands.

Santa Rosa is one of those newer islands. The land now contains forest and farmland, as well as the village of Santa Rosa de Yavari.

That town is home to a population of fewer than 1,000 people, according to Peru’s latest census, and is largely reliant on tourism, based on its proximity to the Amazon.

The Peruvian government has argued that making Santa Rosa a district was necessary to ensure it received federal funds and could collect taxes.

“Peru is complying firmly with its obligations under international law and with valid bilateral treaties,” the Peruvian government said in a statement.

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Inside Celebrity SAS’ Michaella McCollum’s life after Peru Two drug mule nightmare

Michaella McCollum has finally found television success with Celeb SAS and has successfully turned her life around since her days as one of the infamous Peru Two

Michaella McCollum
Michaella McCollum first became known to the public as part of the Peru Two more than a decade ago but now she’s starring on Celeb SAS (Image: Pete Dadds / Channel 4)

It’s been a bumpy road to television success for Celeb SAS star Michaella McCollum, who first became known to the public as part of the Peru Two more than a decade ago. At just 19 years old, she and Melissa Reid were caught and arrested at Lima airport, Peru.

The duo had tried to conceal the drugs in sachets of porridge and jelly, in the hopes of disguising the smell, but she has completely turned her life around since those dark days. The 31-year-old, who is a native of Dungannon in Northern Ireland, was initially sentenced to six years and eight months behind bars for her crime and was detained at the notorious Ancon 2.

But in early 2016, she applied for parole and was eventually released on the provision of residing in Peru for up to six years, although she was able to return home that April. Now, she’s set to open up about her ordeal Celebrity SAS: Who Dares Wins – and it comes after news that Rebecca Loos faces brutal Beckham grilling on Celebrity SAS over ‘mistakes’.

Michaella McCollum joins several stars on Celebrity SAS: Who Dares Wins
Michaella McCollum joins several stars on Celebrity SAS: Who Dares Wins(Image: Pete Dadds / Channel 4)

READ MORE: Adam Collard feared Laura Woods’ miscarriage was ‘karma’ for his love-rat pastREAD MORE: Celebrity SAS Who Dares Wins contestant ‘quit’ show hours into filming

Viewers will see Michaella be unveiled as recruit number three on Channel 4’s latest series of Celebrity SAS: Who Dares Wins on Sunday night. The tough military programme is fronted by Mark ‘Billy’ Billingham, Jason ‘Foxy’ Fox, Rudy Reyes, and Chris Oliver, and she has joined a line up with the likes of S Club’s Hannah Spearritt, Love Island contestant Tasha Ghouri and Traitors winner Harry Clark amongst a host of others.

She’s set to be put through her paces from the outset, with one of her first tasks being labelled an “epic fail” by one of the commanders. Before her stint on SAS, Michaella made headlines as part of the Peru Two over 12 years ago.

In 2013, Michaella had enjoyed a holiday in Ibiza and opted to stay longer while she sought bar work. Eventually, she accepted an offer to carry 11kg of cocaine – worth £1.5 million – out of the country but, along with her accomplice, was caught at Jorge Chávez International Airport.

Michaella confessed to being under the influence of drugs before committing her crime, as she told Good Morning Britain earlier this year. She explained: “I went to Ibiza when I was 19, it was the first time I’d left the UK, it was my first holiday there. I had no friends, I went completely alone and I didn’t know anybody.

“Within two weeks, I started making friendships and relationships’, I made a friendship with a group of people who ended up luring me into trafficking drugs. The initial friendship, everybody in Ibiza at that time, was consuming a lot of drugs. I, as well, was consuming a lot of drugs and drinking a lot of alcohol.”

Explaining that her young age allowed her to be ‘manipulated’ into the situation, she added: “I had this safe group of people who didn’t take drugs or drink alcohol so I was inclined to spend time with them. They were good people, they didn’t do anything, they didn’t party. That’s what they do, these organisations, they have people who are pickers. Their job is mainly to pick people to become mules, and they target your vulnerabilities. Your vulnerability might be your age, at 19 or 20, you’re incredibly naïve and easy to manipulate.”

She believed the people she was spending time with were safe because they didn’t drink or take drugs. This led to her “trusting them” and thinking they were “good people” because they “didn’t party”, which helped them to “lure” her into becoming a drug trafficker.

At the time, members of Michaella’s family thought she had gone missing on the Spanish island and flooded social media with pleas for her information of her whereabouts but it later emerged that she had been caught smuggling drugs. She and Melissa became known as the Peru Two as their story became known around the world.

The pair initially claimed that they had been coerced into going through with the plan by a gang, however they both pleaded guilty to drug smuggling and were sentenced to over six years’ imprisonment in the Ancon 2 jail. During her time in Ancon, Michaella took up a place on a beauty therapy course and began training to be a hairdresser. What’s more, she also taught herself Spanish in under a year to give herself a better chance of survival in prison.

Michaella was granted parole on March 31, 2016, after serving half of her sentence. Her friend Melissa was also freed that same year, on June 21, after Peruvian authorities agreed to “expel” her from the country. While Melissa has chosen to stay out of the public eye, Melissa has spent the last decade carving out a successful career as an author, public speaker and appeared in her own Netflix series detailing the events of her past.

Michaella McCollum and Melissa Reid
Michaella became known for sporting her hair in a large bun when she first appeared in the media but now sports long blonde locks (Image: Mirror Screen Grab)

READ MORE: Celebrity SAS: Who Dares Wins line-up as Rebecca Loos and Peru Two drug mule join showREAD MORE: Peru Two’s Michaella McCollum says Brit ‘drug mules’ won’t survive prison

In 2019, she published her memoir You’ll Never See Daylight Again, and, at the time, she hit back at critics who suggested she would be making a lot of money from the book deal. She told Lorraine during an appearance on her eponymous chat show: “My family have got themselves into so much debt from this whole process. If I do make money from this, my intentions were never, I was never driven to make money from this, but if I do make some money, then my family would be my priority. Obviously, if I do get a bit extra, then I’d like to help them give back in a way.”

But Michaella came under fire from Piers Morgan during an appearance on Good Morning Britain to promote her book, where the broadcaster accused her of profiting from her own crime. Piers refused to accept her statement that she was using the book to raise awareness and prevent others from making her mistakes.

In fact he believed she must have been hoping for some financial gain, before hitting out at her for suggesting media portrayal of her at the time of the incident wasn’t fair. He also didn’t appear to believe her claims over being naïve when she carried the drugs aged 20.

Michaella McCollum on holiday
Michaella McCollum has been wowing fans with her holiday snaps(Image: michaella_mccollum/Instagram)

These days, Michaella, who is also a single mother-of-two to twin boys, has become a successful Instagram influencer and boasts more than 100,000 followers on Instagram. Just last month, she impressed followers with two “stunning” photos captured on holiday at a beautiful location.

And fans were quick to rush to the comments section to not only compliment her on her appearance, but also on her journey over the last 12 years. One person said: “Just finished your audiobook! Found it to be an inspirational read, quite heartwarming actually, which wasn’t expected.

“Your honesty about the situation came across really well. Well done and good luck with your future endeavours”. Another added: “Stunning photos and you look absolutely gorgeous in that dress”.

Opening up about why she chose to accept the offer to star on television’s toughest reality series, she said: “I was hesitant at the start. And then I thought, you know what, when in life are you going to be faced with those types of challenges? You’re not! I was at the point in my life where I was just stuck in my comfort zone, and I thought this is a good way to break those barriers and do the things that scare me, and maybe that will help me in the future with decisions and just different things in life. I need to be okay with taking risks and stepping outside of my comfort zone. So I thought, for me personally, it would be a good challenge to test myself. So that was the main reason.”

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How a popular Peruvian soft drink went ‘toe-to-toe’ with Coca-Cola | Features

There are few countries in the world where Coca-Cola isn’t the most popular soft drink. But in Peru, that position is held by Inca Kola – an almost 100-year-old beverage deeply embedded in the national identity.

The yellow soda – meant to evoke the grandeur of the ancient Inca Empire and its reverence for gold – was the creation of Joseph Robinson Lindley. The British immigrant had set out from the coal mining town of Doncaster, England, for Peru in 1910 and soon after set up a drinks factory in a working-class district of the capital, Lima.

He started producing small-batch carbonated fruit drinks and gradually expanded. When Inca Kola was created in 1935, with its secret recipe of 13 herbs and aromatics, it was just a year ahead of Coca-Cola’s arrival in the country. Recognising the threat posed by the soft drink giant, which had launched in the US in 1886 and made inroads across Latin America, Lindley invested in the budding television advertising industry to promote Inca Kola.

Advertisement campaigns featuring Inca Kola bottles with their vaguely Indigenous motifs and slogans like “the flavour that unites us” appealed to Peru’s multiethnic society – and to its Inca roots.

It fostered a sense of national pride, explains Andres Macara-Chvili, a marketing professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. “Inca Kola was one of the first brands in Peru that connected with a sense of Peruanidad, or what it means to be Peruvian. It spoke to Peruvians about what we are – diverse,” he says.

But it wasn’t only the drink’s appeal to Peruvian identity or its unique flavour (described by some as tasting like bubblegum, by others as being similar to chamomile tea) that enhanced brand awareness. Amid the turmoil of a world war, Inca Kola would also come to prominence for another reason.

Coca-Cola and Inca Kola bottles sit side by side in a store refrigerator in Lima, Peru.
Coca-Cola and Inca Kola bottles sit side by side in a store refrigerator in Lima [Neil Giardino/Al Jazeera]

Finding opportunity in a wartime boycott

At the tail end of the 1890s, Japan had sent roughly 18,000 contract labourers to Peru. Most went to the country’s budding coastal sugar and cotton plantations. Upon arriving, they found themselves subjected to low wages, exploitative work schedules, and unsanitary and overcrowded living conditions, which led to deadly outbreaks of dysentery and typhus. Unable to afford passage back to Japan after they’d completed their four-year contracts, many of the Japanese labourers remained in Peru – moving to urban centres where they opened businesses, notably bodegas, or small grocery stores.

Denied access to loans from Peruvian banks, as their community grew in number and economic standing, they established their own savings and credit cooperatives.

“Among their community, money began to circulate, and with it they raised the capital to open small businesses,” explains Alejandro Valdez Tamashiro, a researcher of Japanese migration to Peru.

In the 1920s and 1930s, the Japanese community emerged as a formidable merchant class. But with that came animosity.

By the mid-1930s, anti-Japanese sentiment had begun to fester. Nationalist politicians and xenophobic media accused the community of running a monopoly on the Peruvian economy, and, in the build-up to World War II, of espionage.

By the start of that war in 1939, Peru was home to the second-largest Japanese community in Latin America. The following year, one incident of racially motivated attacks and lootings against the community resulted in at least 10 deaths, six million dollars in damage and loss of property for more than 600 Japanese families.

Since its release, Inca Kola had been widely sold in the mainly Japanese-owned bodegas.

With the outbreak of war, its competitor, Coca-Cola, received a huge boost internationally. The US firm, which for years had used political connections to expand overseas, became a de facto envoy of US foreign policy, burnishing its image as a symbol of democracy and freedom.

The soda giant obtained lucrative military contracts guaranteeing that 95 percent of soft drinks stocked on US military bases were Coca-Cola products, essentially placing Coke at the centre of the US war effort. Coke featured in wartime posters while war photographers captured soldiers drinking from the glass bottles.

Back in Peru, in the wake of the 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Coca-Cola halted distribution of its soda to Peru’s Japanese merchants, whose bodegas were by now one of the main suppliers of the US carbonated drink.

Recognising a brass tacks opportunity to boost sales, the Lindley family – already outselling a fledgling Coca-Cola domestically – doubled down as the main soft drink supplier to the spurned community. With Japanese-owned bodegas forming a sizeable distribution network across Lima, Inca Kola quickly stepped in to fill the shelf space left empty by Coca-Cola’s exit.

The wartime shift gave Inca Kola an even stronger foothold in the market and laid the groundwork for a lasting sense of loyalty between the Japanese-Peruvian community and the Inca Kola brand.

Hostility towards the community intensified during the war. Throughout the early 1940s, a deeply US-allied Peruvian government hosted a US military base along its coast, broke off diplomatic relations with Japan, shuttered Japanese institutions and initiated a government deportation programme against Japanese Peruvians.

Despite this, today more than 300,000 Peruvians claim Japanese ancestry, and the community’s imprint can be seen in many sectors, including in the country’s Asian-Peruvian fusion eateries, where Inca Kola is a mainstay on menus.

Workers deliver an Inca Kola machine to a business in Lima, Peru.
Workers deliver an Inca Kola machine to a business in Lima [Neil Giardino/Al Jazeera]

Taking on a giant – and then joining forces

Inca Kola would go on to narrowly outcompete Coca-Cola for decades. But by the late 1990s, the company was mired in debt after a decades-long effort to contain its main rival.

Following heavy losses, in 1999, the Lindleys sold a 50 percent stake of their company to Coca-Cola for an estimated $200m.

“You were the soft drink that went toe-to-toe with this giant international corporation, and then you sold out. At the time, it was unforgivable,” reflects Macara-Chvili. “Today, those feelings are not so intense. It’s in the past.”

Still, Coca-Cola, in recognising the soft drink’s regional value, allowed the Lindley Corporation to maintain domestic ownership of the brand and to retain bottling and distribution rights within Peru, where Inca Kola continues to connect with local identity. Unable to beat the brand outright, Coca-Cola sought a deal that allowed it to corner a market without displacing a local favourite.

Sitting outside a grocery store with two friends in Lima’s historic centre, Josel Luis Huamani, a 35-year-old tattoo artist, pours a large glass bottle of the golden soda into three cups.

Food vendor Maria Sanchez drinks an Inca Kola at lunch in Lima, Peru.
Food vendor Maria Sanchez enjoys an Inca Kola during lunch near Lima’s main square [Neil Giardino/Al Jazeera]

“We’re just so accustomed to the flavour. We’ve been drinking it our whole lives,” he says.

“It’s tradition, just like the Inca,” declares 45-year-old food vendor Maria Sanchez over a late lunch of beef tripe stew at a lunch counter not far from Lima’s main square.

Dining with family and friends in the highland jungle region of Chanchamayo, Tsinaki Samaniego, 24, a member of the Ashaninka Indigenous group, sips the soft drink with her meal and says, “It’s like an old friend.”

This article is part of ‘Ordinary items, extraordinary stories’, a series about the surprising stories behind well-known items.

Read more from the series:

How the inventor of the bouncy castle saved lives

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