Kenya

In 2019, a Sudanese team of jiu-jitsu athletes set out on an extraordinary quest: to travel by land from Sudan to Kenya, despite having no funding and limited resources, to compete in the LionHeart Nairobi Open.

Together members of the Muqatel Training Center for martial arts travelled across three countries, carrying not just their hopes and dreams, but the spirit of a revolution that reshaped Sudan.

Journey to Kenya is a documentary short about resilience, unity and determination — a powerful reminder that dreams can transcend borders.

A film by Ibrahim “Snoopy” Ahmed, produced by In Deep Visions.

Over the last two decades, the Horn of Africa has witnessed an increase of foreigntroops in Djibouti, a rise in investments along the Red Sea, and more pronounced engagement in its internal affairs by confirmed and emerging powers all of which showcase the geopolitical appetite for influence in the region. Yet current crises – the war in Sudan, persisting insecurity in Somalia, renewed tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and contentious relations between countries – underscore an uncertain future that could make the volatile region even more prone to external influence. Will local leadership step up to the task of preserving stability through improved regional relations or leave its most pressing issues unresolved?

An analysis by Mvemba Phezo Dizolele, Mwachofi Singo, and Hallelujah Wondimu published earlier this year by the Center for Strategic and International Studies provides key insights on the risk posed by the absence of a clear pillar state(s) to push for peace and security within the region which could worsen its vulnerability to competing middle powers.

The three experts on African geopolitics argue that given its history of conflicts and ongoing tensions, the region demands the rise of Ethiopia and Kenya as stronger leaders able to drive reform initiatives aimed at protecting the interests of the Horn of Africa. As such, the two nations offer strong, suitable and strategic advantages for the region despite facing their own internal and regional challenges which they must also attend to.

The CSIS report view Ethiopia’s role as central to transforming the region towards a stable and self-sufficient neighborhood capable of addressing its own tensions, preserving peace and promoting economic development. Whether Ethiopia intends to assume this role, however, rests on the success of its current transition that began since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took power in 2018 following decades of Tigray dominance over the country. Yet the envisioned reinforcement of the federal structure led by a strong central government has had setbacks in the last few years with the occurrence of the violent war in Tigray and ongoing security concerns over autonomy seeking movements.

This suggests that Ethiopia will inevitably have significant nation building to do to preserve the unity of the country hence the recent inward focus to stabilize domestic tensions. The achievement of the Renaissance Dam stands as good symbol of national harmony that could be replicated across other sectors of society to reinforce inclusion and equity. This image of improved and steady stability in Ethiopia is crucial to consolidate its leadership position in the region.

According to the researchers, Ethiopia’s (re)emergence as a leader in the Horn is also closely linked to its capacity to improve its relations with neighbors which have deteriorated the last few years. They cite the territorial dispute with Sudan, the sudden outreach to Somaliland irritating Somalia and Djibouti or one could add renewed animosity with Eritrea. Ironically, these frictions could lead to Ethiopia’s further rapprochement with external emerging actors eager to increase their influence in the region that will further complicate regional cooperation imperative for stability. This signals a pressing need for the country to reset its relations with its neighbors as the current trajectory could end up being an obstacle towards its economic development. Again, the Grand Renaissance Dam which is already a major component of Ethiopia’s trade policy in the region could be the catalyst needed to reinvigorate diplomatic ties.

While Ethiopia remains focused on its introspection and on pursuing a more bilateral approach to regional diplomacy, Kenya could seize the opportunity to accentuate its leadership position and diplomatic consistency. Kenya’s relatively peaceful independence transition and constant display of neutrality when engaging mediation processes forged its image as a credible leader for the region. The report also highlights a long history of proactive foreign policy by successive Kenyan presidents which emphasized economic development through regional trade integration. However, Kenya’s recent actions with regards to the Sudan conflict and the war in the DRC might alter its reputation and ability to conduct peace initiatives in the region while similar moves may instead translate an incoherent foreign strategy.

Nevertheless, it would be hard to imagine Kenya further jeopardize its stabilizing role as the country’s own development ambitions largely rests on its capacity to promote regional stability crucial to economic trade with its neighbors. This underscores the need for Nairobi to remain committed to its traditional diplomatic playbook to support impartial interventions while preserving its leverage and reputation throughout such processes.

In addition, Kenyan legacy could be further undermined by internal challenges in light of the gen z movement which may be a decisive political factor ahead of the 2027 elections. Latest developments in Morrocco or Madagascar could give a glimpse of the consequences of such social efforts in Kenya. Whether or not Kenyan youth are able to shake the government, political leaders should implement policies responding to the youth socioeconomic concerns as prolong unrests could diminish its global influence capacity so dear to the current administration.

In a rapidly shifting world order where middle powers are keen on exerting their own vision in the Horn of Africa, it becomes imperative for local leadership to assert regional autonomy to solve issues. Stability and improved inter-state relations should then discourage governments from seeking external support when pursuing domestic interests.

Kenya and Ethiopia both retain significant assets to affirm their influence in the Horn despite their own challenges. However, their capacity to assume an independent leading position might be more uncertain. The almost complete monopolization of the conflict resolution processes in Sudan or the DRC by the United States and the Gulf States clearly reveals the consequences of weak regional leadership. Kenya and Ethiopia could instead harmonize their regional policies through platforms such as the East African Community and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Ultimately, Kenya and Ethiopia’s ability to intensify their strategic partnerships could lay the foundation for regional autonomy and stability.  

Aerial footage from Elgeyo-Marakwet County shows massive mudslides and flash flooding stretching over vast distances.

Heavy rains have triggered landslides in Kenya’s western Rift Valley region, killing at least 21 people and destroying more than 1,000 homes, according to officials.

Kenyan Cabinet Secretary for the Interior Kipchumba Murkomen, in a statement on X on Saturday, said at least 25 people with “serious injuries” have been airlifted from Elgeyo-Marakwet County to the city of Eldoret for medical attention, while at least 30 remain missing.

He said that rescue efforts would resume on Sunday, with help from the military and the police.

“Preparation to supply more food and non-food relief items to the victims is underway. Military and police choppers are on standby to transport the items,” he added.

The landslide occurred overnight in Elgeyo-Marakwet County’s hilly area of Chesongoch in western Kenya, which has been battered by heavy rains amid the country’s ongoing short rainy season.

Local Stephen Kittony told the Citizen Television station that he heard a deafening sound and, together with his children, rushed out of his house and ran in different directions.

The Kenyan Red Cross shared aerial images from the region that showed massive mudslides and flash flooding stretching over vast distances.

It said it was coordinating rescue efforts with the government, including air evacuations for the injured.

“Access to some of the affected areas remains extremely difficult due to flooding and blocked routes,” it said in a statement on X.

Aerial views show the extent of destruction in Chesongoch after heavy overnight rains triggered a landslide and flash floods.

Kenya Red Cross teams, working with the National and County Governments, are coordinating rescue and relief efforts, including air evacuations for the… pic.twitter.com/SrVmFYF5fr

— Kenya Red Cross (@KenyaRedCross) November 1, 2025

The hilly area of Chesongoch is prone to landslides, which left dozens of people dead in separate incidents in 2010 and 2012. A shopping centre was washed away in 2020 by raging floods.

Oct. 28 (UPI) — A small airplane with 11 people on board crashed during a flight in Kenya early Tuesday with no survivors, Mombasa Air Safari officials announced.

The flight carried eight passengers from Hungary, two from Germany and its Kenyan pilot when it crashed for unknown reasons after taking flight from the coastal city of Diani Beach, the airline said.

“Sadly, there are no survivors,” Mombasa Air said in the statement.

“Our hearts and prayers are with all those affected by this tragic event.”

Diani Beach is located due south of Mombasa on Kenya’s Indian Ocean coast.

The aircraft crashed into a wooded hillside in Kwale County about 25 miles from Diani Beach, the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority said in a statement.

“Government agencies are already on site to establish the cause of the accident and its impact,” the KCAA said.

The KCAA initially reported 12 died in the crash but has since revised that number to 11 to accurately reflect the number of passengers and crew on board.

The Cessna 208B Grand Caravan aircraft crashed at 8:35 a.m. local time while headed to an airstrip in Kwichwa Tembo near the Maasai Mara Natural Reserve, which is about 500 miles northwest of Diani Beach. Authorities initially reported that crash occurred at 5:30 a.m.

The aircraft had lost contact with the Mombasa International Airport control tower 10 minutes into its flight, Ministry of Roads and Transport Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir said in a statement.

The aircraft — which local media reported was built in 2007 and deemed reliable — was destroyed by the impact and ensuring fire, Chirchir said.

The pilot did not report to the Diani Beach airport air traffic controllers as required, which caused the flight to go missing for about 30 minutes before the crash site was located, according to Mombasa Air Safari officials.

Witnesses reported hearing a loud crash and found the plane’s wreckage and human remains at the crash site.

The reserve is adjacent to Tanzania’s Serengeti National Park and is renowned for its natural setting and wildlife, including wildebeests.

“The weather here is not very good at the moment,” Kwale County Commissioner Stephen Orinde told the BBC.

“Since early in the morning, it is raining and it is very misty,” he said.

Eight Hungarian and two German passengers were onboard, and the Kenyan pilot was also killed, Mombasa Air Safari said.

A light plane crash has killed 11 people, mostly foreign tourists, in Kenya’s coastal region of Kwale while flying to Maasai Mara National Reserve.

The airline, Mombasa Air Safari, said in a statement Tuesday that eight Hungarian and two German passengers were on board, and that the Kenyan pilot was also killed.

Sadly, there are no survivors,” Mombasa Air Safari added. There was heavy rain in coastal Kenya in the morning.

The Civil Aviation Authority said the accident happened at Kwale, near the Indian Ocean coast, at about 8:30am (05:30 GMT). A regional police commander, in comments aired by public broadcaster Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, said all the passengers were tourists.

Citizen TV station said the bodies of those on board had been burned beyond recognition. The plane crashed in a hilly and forested area about 40 kilometres (25 miles) from Diani airstrip, authorities said.

The aircraft burst into flames, leaving a charred wreckage at the scene, officials said. Witnesses told The Associated Press news agency. that they heard a loud bang, and upon arriving at the scene, they found human remains.

Investigating agencies were looking into the cause of the crash, Kwale County Commissioner Stephen Orinde told The AP.

The Maasai Mara National Reserve, located west of the coastline and is a two-hour direct flight from Diani, a popular coastal town known for its sandy beaches. The reserve attracts a large number of tourists as it features the annual wildebeest migration from the Serengeti in Tanzania.

According to the most recent safety oversight audit for Kenya posted on the International Civil Aviation Organization site, from 2018, the country fell below the global average in accident investigation.

The final public viewing event in the western city of Kisumu has been preceded by deaths and injuries on previous days.

Dozens of people have been injured at a memorial event in Kenya’s western city of Kisumu as huge crowds gathered to view the body of revered former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, local media reported.

The injuries occurred on Saturday at Jomo Kenyatta International Stadium despite authorities deploying military units, police and aerial surveillance to prevent a recurrence of deadly and chaotic incidents that marked earlier memorial proceedings on Thursday and Friday.

Kenya Red Cross teams treated people who fainted from fatigue and distress, evacuating casualties as crowds surged inside the venue. Odinga’s body was being transported to his ancestral home in nearby Bondo for burial on Sunday, drawing tens of thousands throughout the region.

The additional precautions were put in place after violence and chaos killed at least five people during memorial proceedings for the 80-year-old opposition leader and statesman, who collapsed during a morning walk in India’s Kerala state on Wednesday.

Siaya Governor James Orengo urged restraint as arrangements progressed for transporting Odinga’s body to his ancestral home in Bondo, approximately 60km (40 miles) west of Kisumu, where the latest disruptions had occurred.

“I really entreat members of the public and the community in general to maintain the peace during this period,” Orengo told local media.

Thursday’s initial viewing descended into bloodshed when security forces fired weapons and tear gas into crowds surging towards a pavilion where Odinga’s coffin had been placed, killing at least three people at a Nairobi stadium.

A day later, panic swept through mourners exiting Friday’s state funeral service at a separate venue in the capital, triggering a crowd crush that killed two more and sent 163 to medical care.

Huge turnout has characterised every stage of the mourning period since Odinga’s body returned home on Thursday, with supporters walking nearly 30km (20 miles) from Nairobi’s airport to escort his remains.

Friday’s state ceremony drew tens of thousands who sang, danced and waved handkerchiefs as they celebrated a figure many affectionately called “Baba” – the Swahili word for father.

Dignitaries including President William Ruto and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud attended the service, where Odinga’s relatives pleaded for peaceful proceedings.

His brother Oburu told mourners: “Raila should not be teargassed in death. He has been teargassed enough when he was alive.”

Former United States President Barack Obama, whose father was Kenyan, honoured Odinga as “a true champion of democracy” who “endured decades of struggle and sacrifice for the broader cause of freedom and self-governance in Kenya”, in a post on X.

Obama noted that Odinga “was willing to choose the path of peaceful reconciliation without compromising his core values”.

Odinga never became president despite five attempts spanning three decades, but shaped Kenya’s democratic evolution more profoundly than many who held that office and has led to an outpouring of grief nationally and across Africa.

He spearheaded the country’s return to multiparty politics in the 1990s and drove the passage of a landmark 2010 constitution that distributed authority away from centralised executive power.

Thousands of mourners gathered at a stadium in Kenya for a state funeral for opposition leader and former prime minister, Raila Odinga. His flag-draped coffin was carried by uniformed officers ahead of the service, which was attended by President William Ruto.

Kenyan President William Ruto told the UN General Assembly that Africa’s exclusion from permanent membership on the Security Council is unfair and undermines the UN’s credibility, arguing the continent bears the “heaviest cost of instability”.

In 2012, Agnes Wanjiru was discovered in a septic tank at the Lion’s Court Hotel in central Nanyuki after she was last seen at the hotel with a group of British soldiers. 

A Kenyan court has issued an arrest warrant and requested the extradition of a British citizen over the murder of a 21-year-old woman near a UK army training camp in Kenya over a decade ago.

Nairobi High Court Justice Alexander Muteti announced on Tuesday that there was “probable cause to order the arrest of the accused” and issued a warrant for “one citizen and resident of the United Kingdom.”

The case has strained relations between the two countries, which have argued over the jurisdiction to prosecute British soldiers in Kenya.

In 2012, Agnes Wanjiru was discovered in a septic tank at the Lion’s Court Hotel in central Nanyuki after she was last seen at the hotel with a group of British soldiers.

Wanjiru, the single mother of a then four-month-old baby, was beaten, stabbed and most likely still alive when she was thrown into the septic tank, a Kenyan magistrate said in a 2019 inquest.

After Muteti’s decision, the Office for the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) wrote on X that “extradition proceedings would now be initiated to ensure the suspect is brought before a Kenyan court”.

“The matter will return to court on 21st October 2025, for further directions,” the ODPP said.

DPP secures arrest warrant for Briton linked to Agnes Wanjiru murder

The pursuit of justice for Agnes Wanjiru, a young mother brutally killed in Nanyuki more than a decade ago, has gained fresh momentum after the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) successfully obtained a… pic.twitter.com/3Q5dPCwpLE

— Office of The Director Of Public Prosecutions (@ODPP_KE) September 16, 2025

Wanjiru’s sister, Rose Wanyua Wanjiku, 52, welcomed the ruling and said, “Let justice prevail.”

“As a family, we are very happy because it has been many years, but now we can see a step has been made,” she told the AFP news agency.

Wanjiru’s niece, Esther Njoki, also told the Reuters news agency that while she welcomed the news, it took too long.

“We are grateful to see the Kenyan government has acted, although it has taken too long and kept the family in darkness,” Njoki said.

A spokesperson for the British government acknowledged that the ODPP had “determined that a British National should face trial in relation to the murder of Ms Wanjiru in 2012”.

The spokesperson added that the government remains “absolutely committed” to helping Kenya “secure justice”.

Emergency food supplies are running out in Nigeria, Kenya, Somalia and South Sudan, Save the Children warns.

Millions of children across four African countries could die of malnutrition in the next three months, Save the Children has warned, as emergency food supplies dwindle as a result of international aid cuts.

Save the Children said on Thursday that Nigeria, Kenya, Somalia and South Sudan were expected to run out of so-called “ready-to-use therapeutic food” (RUTF), a nutritional paste that has a long shelf life and does not need refrigeration.

In Nigeria alone, the lives of 3.5 million children under age five who are suffering from severe acute malnutrition will be under threat without access to treatment and nutrition support, the humanitarian group said.

“Imagine being a parent with a severely malnourished child,” Yvonne Arunga, Save the Children’s regional director for East and Southern Africa, said in a statement.

“Now imagine that the only thing that could help your child bounce back from the brink of death is therapeutic food and that food is out of stock when it was once available.”

The warning comes just months after the United Nations announced sweeping programme cuts in June amid what the UN’s humanitarian office described as “the deepest funding cuts ever to hit the international humanitarian sector”.

“We have been forced into a triage of human survival,” UN aid chief Tom Fletcher said at the time.

“The math is cruel, and the consequences are heartbreaking. Too many people will not get the support they need, but we will save as many lives as we can with the resources we are given.”

Key international donors, led notably by the United States, have drastically scaled back foreign aid funding, leading to widespread concern that critical aid – from food and healthcare to poverty reduction – will be affected in countries around the world.

In July, as part of US President Donald Trump’s push to scale back federal spending, Congress approved a package that slashed the country’s foreign aid expenditures by about $8bn.

Last month, Doctors Without Borders (known by its French acronym MSF) reported that at least 652 malnourished children had died at its facilities in northern Nigeria in the first half of 2025 due to a lack of timely care.

“We are currently witnessing massive budget cuts, particularly from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other European countries, which are having a real impact on the treatment of malnourished children,” said Ahmed Aldikhari, MSF’s country representative in Nigeria.

On Thursday, Save the Children said staff at one of its clinics in northwestern Kenya have been forced to try to get food from other facilities to help feed malnourished children.

“And if [the children] are not supported, I know very soon [we] will be losing them,” said Sister Winnie, who runs the facility in Turkana.

About 105,000 RUTF cartons are needed through the end of the year across Kenya, Save the Children said, but only about 79,000 have been secured so far, with stocks expected to run out in October.

The group said that overall, shortfalls in nutrition funding could cut off treatment to 15.6 million people in 18 countries around the world, including more than 2.3 million severely malnourished children this year.

The situation is expected to deteriorate further in 2026, it added.

Tens of thousands of people have marched through Australia’s major cities and towns, organiers said, demanding action to save dying and starving Palestinians.

More than 40 protests took place across Australia on Sunday, the group Palestine Action said, including large turnouts in state capitals Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne.

“We demand from our politicians more than just talk. We are long past this,” Remah Naji, one of the organisers of the protest in the eastern city of Brisbane, told Al Jazeera.

“Now, we demand actions in the same way we acted in times of genocide. We are signatories to the Genocide Convention, which means that we have an obligation to prevent and punish genocide when it occurs.”

Protests denouncing Israel’s war and starvation campaign were also held in several other countries on Sunday.

In Australia, where people rallied in cities of all sizes nationwide, protesters urged sanctions against Israel and an end to arms trade with the country, which has been accused of carrying out a genocide by leading rights groups.

Organisers estimate more than 300,000 people participated in the demonstrations.

In Sydney, organiser Josh Lees said Australians were out in force to “demand an end to this genocide in Gaza and to demand that our government sanction Israel” as rallygoers, many with Palestinian flags, chanted “free, free Palestine”.

In Melbourne, protesters congregated outside the State Library Victoria, chanting “sanction Israel now”.

Organiser Nour Salman said Australia’s plans to recognise Palestinian statehood must be accompanied by tougher sanctions on Israel.

“Enough is enough. There is no ifs, buts or maybes,” Salman said.

Thousands also gathered in the southwestern city of Perth.

“Our government cannot claim to support human rights while continuing to arm an apartheid regime,” Friends of Palestine Western Australia organiser Nick Everett was quoted as saying by WAToday newspaper.

“Trade unions, civil society, and communities across the country are united in calling for action. Palestine can’t wait.”

‘Enough is enough’

The protests came after the world’s leading authority on food crises –  the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) – declared famine in Gaza City.

The warning has come as Israeli forces have intensified attacks and bombardments across Gaza, where nearly two million people have been displaced.

The IPC report said more than half a million people in Gaza – about a quarter of its population – face catastrophic levels of hunger, with many at risk of dying from malnutrition-related issues.

Protests in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza were also held elsewhere around the globe on Sunday, including in Malaysia, Kenya, Belgium and Senegal. Over the weekend, demonstrations took place in the United Kingdom and Sweden.

A mass rally held in Malaysia’s capital, Kuala Lumpur, saw thousands of people demonstrate, answering a call by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who said the demonstration would act as a starting point to form a group of activists to take humanitarian aid to Gaza later this month.

In Senegal’s capital Dakar, demonstrators condemned Israeli attacks on Palestinians in the enclave, and called for humanitarian aid to be allowed into the famine-struck Gaza Strip.

In Nairobi, hundreds of bikers rallied, chanting: “Free Palestine”. Many decried the international community for its inability to stop Israel’s deadly assault.

Al Jazeera’s Catherine Soi, reporting from Nairobi, said protesters are standing in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.

“They have watched horrific images of children who are starving; they have seen parents being killed as they go to get food for their families,” Soi said. “Here, they are saying: ‘Enough is enough.’”

At least 62,263 Palestinians have been killed in the Israel-Palestine war since it started on October 7, 2023, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry.

The victims include at least 2,000 Palestinians who were attempting to secure meagre food parcels at the Israeli and US-backed GHF aid distribution sites, dubbed by Palestinian officials as “death traps”.

Last November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes in Gaza, including using starvation as a weapon of war.

In April 2025, the Human Rights Court in Kenya issued an unprecedented ruling that it has the jurisdiction to hear a case about harmful content on one of Meta’s platforms. The lawsuit was filed in 2022 by Abraham Meareg, the son of an Ethiopian academic who was murdered after he was doxxed and threatened on Facebook, Fisseha Tekle, an Ethiopian human rights activist, who was also doxxed and threatened on Facebook, and Katiba Institute, a Kenyan non-profit that defends constitutionalism. They maintain that Facebook’s algorithm design and its content moderation decisions made in Kenya resulted in harm done to two of the claimants, fuelled the conflict in Ethiopia and led to widespread human rights violations within and outside Kenya.

The content in question falls outside the protected categories of speech under Article 33 of the Constitution of Kenya and includes propaganda for war, incitement to violence, hate speech and advocacy of hatred that constitutes ethnic incitement, vilification of others, incitement to cause harm and discrimination.

Key to the Kenyan case is the question whether Meta, a US-based corporation, can financially benefit from unconstitutional content and whether there is a positive duty on the corporation to take down unconstitutional content that also violates its Community Standards.

In affirming the Kenyan court’s jurisdiction in the case, the judge was emphatic that the Constitution of Kenya allows a Kenyan court to adjudicate over Meta’s acts or omissions regarding content posted on the Facebook platform that may impact the observance of human rights within and outside Kenya.

The Kenyan decision signals a paradigm shift towards platform liability where judges determine liability by solely asking the question: Do platform decisions observe and uphold human rights?

The ultimate goal of the Bill of Rights, a common feature in African constitutions, is to uphold and protect the inherent dignity of all people. Kenya’s Bill of Rights, for example, has as its sole mission to preserve the dignity of individuals and communities and to promote social justice and the realisation of the potential of all human beings. The supremacy of the Constitution also guarantees that, should there be safe harbour provisions in the laws of that country, they would not be a sufficient liability shield for platforms if their business decisions do not ultimately uphold human rights.

That a case on algorithm amplification has passed the jurisdiction hearing stage in Kenya is a testament that human rights law and constitutionality offer an opportunity for those who have suffered harm as a result of social media content to seek redress.

Up to this point, the idea that a social media platform can be held accountable for content on its platform has been dissuaded by the blanket immunity offered under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act in the US, and to a lesser extent, the principle of non-liability in the European Union, with the necessary exceptions detailed in various laws.

For example, Section 230 was one of the reasons a district judge in California cited in her ruling to dismiss a case filed by Myanmar refugees in a similar claim that Meta had failed to curb hate speech that fuelled the Rohingya genocide.

The aspiration for platform accountability was further dampened by the US Supreme Court decision in Twitter v Taamneh, in which it ruled against plaintiffs who sought to establish that social media platforms carry responsibility for content posted on them.

The immunity offered to platforms has come at a high cost, especially for victims of harm in places where platforms do not have physical offices.

This is why a decision like the one by the Kenyan courts is a welcome development; it restores hope that victims of platform harm have an alternative route to recourse, one that refocuses human rights into the core of the discussion on platform accountability.

The justification for safe harbour provisions like Section 230 has always been to protect “nascent” technologies from being smothered by the multiplicity of suits. However, by now, the dominant social media platforms are neither nascent nor in need of protection. They have both the monetary and technical wherewithal to prioritise people over profits, but choose not to.

As the Kenyan cases cascade through the judicial process, there is cautious optimism that constitutional and human rights law that has taken root in African countries can offer a necessary reprieve for platform arrogance.

Mercy Mutemi represents Fisseha Tekle in the case outlined in the article. 

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The WFP says aid is being cut by 60 percent for the most vulnerable groups, including pregnant women and disabled people.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has said it will need to drastically cut rations to refugees in Kenya due to reductions in global aid, including major funding cuts from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

Residents of the Kakuma and Dadaab refugee camps were beginning to feel the impact of food aid cuts on Monday as the WFP implemented a new assistance system there in which certain groups are prioritised over others.

The WFP said aid is being cut by 60 percent for the most vulnerable groups, including pregnant women and disabled people, and by 80 percent for refugees with some kind of income.

The two camps host nearly 800,000 people fleeing conflict and drought in Somalia and South Sudan, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

“WFP’s operations supporting refugees in Kenya are under immense strain,” Baimankay Sankoh, WFP’s deputy country director in Kenya, said in May. “With available resources stretched to their limits, we have had to make the difficult decision to again reduce food assistance. This will have a serious impact on vulnerable refugees, increasing the risk of hunger and malnutrition.”

“There has been a lot of tension in the last couple of weeks or so,” Al Jazeera’s Catherine Soi said, reporting from Kakuma.

“People were very angry about what WFP is calling the priority food distribution, where some people will not get food at all and others are going to get a small fraction of the food.”

These tensions boiled over, triggering protests last week, which left one person dead and several others injured, said Soi, adding that WFP officials she spoke with said the aid cuts from organisations like USAID meant they have had to make “very difficult decisions about who gets to eat and who doesn’t”.

WFP worker Thomas Chica explained to Soi that the new system was rolled out after assessments were conducted by WFP and its partners.

Refugees are now assessed based on their needs, rather than their status, said Chica. “We need to look at them separately and differently and see how best we can channel the system so that it provides.”

The impact of these cuts is severe amid concerns over malnutrition. The Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) rate among refugee children and pregnant or breastfeeding women in Kenya is above 13 percent. A GAM rate over 10 percent is classed as a nutrition emergency.

“Already the food that is being issued is quite low, 40 percent of the recommended ration, and this is being shared by a bigger chunk of the population,” Chica said, adding that stocks will therefore not last as long as hoped.

This reduction took effect in February and is based on a daily recommended intake of 2,100kcal.

With its current resources dating from last year, WFP will only be able to provide assistance until December or January, said Chica.

WFP said in May that $44m was required to provide full rations and restore cash assistance for all refugees just through August.

NAIROBI, Kenya — Kenneth Harris spent most of his days in Atlanta yearning for a life in a place where his dark skin color is not a source of suspicion, but a mark of a shared heritage. His chance came two years ago when he bought a one-way ticket to Kenya.

The 38-year-old retired veteran has found a community in the east African country’s capital, where he now runs an Airbnb business. He loves admiring Nairobi’s golden sunset from a rooftop terrace, and enjoys a luxurious lifestyle in a tastefully furnished apartment in an upmarket neighborhood.

Harris is part of a growing wave of African Americans who are relocating to Kenya, citing the need to connect with their ancestors — or “coming home,” a phrase often used among the Black community.

Like dozens of other African Americans who have moved to Nairobi in recent years, Harris was attracted to Kenya’s tropical climate and what he describes as the warmth and friendliness of the people he believes he shares a history and culture with.

In search of community and a better life

“I have always had that adventurous spirit, especially when I joined the military and got to go to different countries. So I am taking the opportunity to venture out to new places,” he said. “That is what allowed me to make a home away from home and Kenya is my new home.”

Some friends have reaching out to him to explore a “change from the U.S for their peace of mind,” he said.

Several other African Americans who have “come home” like him have set up thriving businesses in Nairobi that include travel agencies, restaurants and farms.

Many African Americans who have sought a better life abroad or are considering it said President Trump’s administration — with its crackdown on diversity programs — isn’t the main reason they want to move.

Rather, most say they had been mulling a move for some time, and the current political environment in the U.S. may be pushing them to act sooner than initially planned.

“I can’t say the administration is the reason why the people I know want to part ways from America. Some are planning to move for a better quality of living life,” Harris said.

Auston Holleman, an American YouTuber who has lived in various countries for almost a decade, said he settled on Kenya nine months ago because people “look like me.”

“It is not like going to Europe or going to some Latin American countries where there are not many Black people,” he said.

Holleman, who often films his daily life, said he felt that the social fabric in the U.S. was “broken.” In contrast, he said he felt socially accepted in Kenya. He cited an experience when his taxi driver’s car stopped, and in five minutes they got help from a random stranger.

“That made me realize I was in the right place,” he said.

Growing numbers are interested in leaving the U.S.

Other African countries have attracted even larger numbers of African Americans. Ghana, which launched a “Year of the Return” program to attract the Black diaspora in 2019, said last year it held a ceremony that granted citizenship to 524 people, mostly Black Americans.

African American businesses such as Adilah Relocation Services have seen a notable rise in the number of African Americans seeking to move to Kenya.

The company’s founder, Adilah Mohammad, moved to Kenya four days after her mother’s funeral in search of healing.

She says the peace and restoration she experienced in Kenya made her stay — and advocate for those searching for the same. Her company helps clients relocate by house hunting, shopping for furniture and ensuring banking and medical services are seamless.

“There are 15 families that have come so far, and we have five more on the calendar that are coming in the next 90 days. We have people that have booked for 2026 with no date, they just know that they are leaving,” she says.

Mohammad said many African Americans have been planning their move for decades.

“For me it is a movement. It is people deciding to make a choice for themselves, they are not being forced, shackles are being broken. When they say they are coming home, they are choosing to be free and it is mental freedom and so I am ecstatic,” she says.

Experts say African economies are likely to benefit from these moves, especially from those willing to tackle corruption and create a healthy environment for investors.

Raphael Obonyo, a public policy expert at U.N-Habitat, says the U.S is losing resources — as well as the popular narrative that America is the land of opportunities and dreams.

“This reverse migration is denting that narrative, so America is most likely to lose including things like brain drain,” he explained.

For Mohammad, the sense of belonging has given her peace within.

“I love being here. Returning to Africa is one thing, but finding the place that you feel like you belong is another,” she said.

Musambi and Tiro write for the Associated Press.

In Kenya, as in many countries across the world, street protests are often framed as the unfortunate result of political failure. As the logic goes, the inability of state institutions to translate popular sentiment into political, legislative and regulatory action to address grievances undermines trust and leaves the streets vulnerable to eruptions of popular discontent.

In this telling, protests are viewed as a political problem with grievances expected to be legitimately addressed using the mechanisms – coercive or consensual – of the formal political system.

Like its predecessors, the increasingly paranoid regime of Kenyan President William Ruto has also adopted this view. While generally acknowledging the constitutional right of protest, it has sought to paint the largely peaceful and sustained Generation Z demonstrations and agitation of the past 16 months, which have questioned its rule and policies, as a threat to public order and safety and to delegitimise the street as an avenue for addressing public issues.

“What is going on in these streets, people think is fashionable,” Ruto declared a month ago. “They take selfies and post on social media. But I want to tell you, if we continue this way, … we will not have a country.”

The killing and abductions of protesters as well as the move to charge them with “terrorism” offences, borrowing a leaf from Western governments that have similarly criminalised pro-Palestinian and antigenocide sentiments, are clear examples of the state’s preferred response. At the same time, there have been repeated calls for the protesters to enter into talks with the regime and, more recently, for an “intergenerational national conclave” to address their concerns.

But framing protests as a dangerous response to political dissatisfaction is flawed. Demonstrations are an expression of democracy, not the result of its failures. The Generation Z movement has shown that transparency, mutual aid and political consciousness can thrive outside formal institutions. Activists have made the streets and online forums sites of grievance, rigorous debate, civic education, and policy engagement.

They have raised funds, provided medical and legal aid, and supported bereaved families, all without help from the state or international donors. In doing so, they have reminded the country that citizenship is not just about casting ballots every five years. It is about showing up – together, creatively and courageously – to shape the future.

The Generation Z movement is in many respects a reincarnation of the reform movement of the 1990s when Kenyans waged a decadelong street-based struggle against the brutal dictatorship of President Daniel arap Moi. Today’s defiant chants of “Ruto must go” and “Wantam” – the demand that Ruto be denied a second term in the 2027 election – echo the rallying cries from 30 years ago: “Moi must go” and “Yote yawezekana bila Moi (All is possible without Moi).”

Centring the struggle on Moi was a potent political strategy. It united a broad coalition, drew international attention and forced critical concessions – from the reintroduction of multiparty politics and term limits to the expansion of civil liberties and, crucially, the rights of assembly and expression.

By the time Moi left office at the end of 2002, Kenya was arguably at its freest, its spirit immortalised in the Gidi Gidi Maji Maji hit I Am Unbwogable! (I Am Unshakable and Indomitable!)” But that moment of triumph also masked a deeper danger: the illusion that removing a leader was the same as transforming the system.

Moi’s successor, Mwai Kibaki, hailed then as a reformist and gentleman of Kenyan politics, quickly set about reversing hard-won gains. His government blocked (then tried to subvert) constitutional reform, raided newsrooms and eventually presided over a stolen election that brought Kenya to the brink of civil war.

One of his closest ministers, the late John Michuki, had in 2003 revealed the true mindset of the political class: Constitutional change to devolve the power of the presidency, he claimed, was necessary only so “one of our own could share power with Moi”. Once Moi was gone, he averred, there was no longer need for it.

Due to the obstruction from the political class, it took Kenyans close to a decade after Moi’s departure to finally promulgate a new constitution.

Generation Z must avoid the trap of the transition of the 2000s. Power, in the Kenyan political imagination, has often been the prize, not the problem. But real change requires more than a reshuffling of names atop the state. It demands a refusal to treat state power as the destination and a commitment to reshaping the terrain on which that power operates. And this is where the youth should beware the machinations of a political class that is more interested in power than in change.

Today’s calls for national talks and intergenerational conclaves emanating from this class should be treated with suspicion. Kenyans have seen this play out before. From the 1997 Inter-Parties Parliamentary Group talks and the negotiations brokered by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan after the 2007-2008 postelection violence to the infamous “handshake” between President Uhuru Kenyatta and his rival Raila Odinga and the failed Building Bridges Initiative, each of these elite pacts was presented as a way to translate popular anger into meaningful reform. Yet time and again, they only served to defuse movements, sideline dissenters and protect entrenched power.

Worse still, Kenya has a long history of elevating reformers – from opposition leaders and journalists to civil society activists – into positions of state power, only for them to abandon their principles once at the top. Radical rhetoric gives way to political compromise. The goal becomes to rule and extract, not transform. Many end up defending the very systems they once opposed.

“Ruto must go” is a powerful tactic for mobilisation and pressure. But it should not be seen as the end goal. That was my generation’s mistake. We forgot that we did not achieve the freedoms we enjoy – and that Ruto seeks to roll back – through engaging in the formal system’s rituals of elections and elite agreements but by imposing change on it from the outside. We allowed the politicians to hijack the street movements and reframe power and elite consensus as the solution, not the problem.

Generation Z must learn from that failure. Its focus must relentlessly be on undoing the system that enables and sustains oppression, not feeding reformers into it. And the streets must remain a legitimate space of powerful political participation, not one to be pacified or criminalised. For its challenge to formal state power is not a threat to democracy. It is democracy.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The prominent activist and former photojournalist is charged over alleged role in deadly antigovernment protests in June.

A prominent Kenyan human rights activist has been charged with unlawful possession of ammunition over his alleged role in deadly antigovernment protests in June.

Boniface Mwangi was charged by the police on Monday, two days after he was arrested and accused of possessing unused tear gas canisters, a “7.62mm blank round”, two mobile phones, a laptop and notebooks.

Kenya has been facing mass antigovernment protests across the country since last year – first against tax increases in a finance bill and later to demand the resignation of President William Ruto.

Since the protests broke out, police have been accused of human rights abuses, including allegations of government critics and activists being abducted and tortured.

Rights groups said more than 100 people have been killed in the protests, which have been harshly suppressed.

This month, at least 31 people were killed and more than 100 injured in a government crackdown on a protest. In June, at least 19 people were killed in a similar demonstration against Ruto.

Police accused Mwangi, a former photojournalist, of “facilitating terrorist acts” during the June protests and arrested him on Saturday. The activist denied the charges, saying in a social media post shared by his supporters: “I am not a terrorist.”

His arrest triggered a wave of condemnation online with the hashtag #FreeBonifaceMwangi going viral and rights groups condemning it.

The search warrant police used to raid Mwangi’s home, which an ally shared with journalists, accused the campaigner of having paid “goons” to stoke unrest at last month’s protests.

However, 37 rights organisations and dozens of activists said they have not yet managed to prove that a judge had issued that warrant.

Mwangi’s arrest on “unjustified terrorism allegations” represents an abuse of the justice system to crush the opposition, the organisations said in a joint statement.

“What began as targeted persecution of young protesters demanding accountability has metastasized into a full-scale assault on Kenya’s democracy,” the groups said.

In June last year, Al Jazeera’s digital documentary strand Close Up profiled Mwangi during a ferocious police crackdown. He then said his nickname online was the “People’s Watchman” because he was striving to get justice for the families of protesters killed by police.

Mwangi has been arrested multiple times in Kenya.

He was arrested on May 19 this year in Dar-es-Salaam, neighbouring Tanzania’s largest city, where he had travelled to support treason-accused Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

Both Mwangi and a fellow detainee, award-winning Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire, accused the Tanzanian police of torturing and sexually abusing them while they were in custody.

The pair have brought a case before the East African Court of Justice.

Track and field’s Athletics Integrity Unit suspend Ruth Chepngetich after record marathon runner’s positive doping test.

Women’s marathon world record-holder Ruth Chepngetich has been provisionally suspended for a positive doping test.

Track and field’s Athletics Integrity Unit said on Thursday that Chepngetich tested positive for a banned diuretic and masking agent in March and “opted for a voluntary provisional suspension while the AIU’s investigation was ongoing.”

The Kenyan runner set the world record by almost two minutes at the Chicago Marathon last October in 2 hours, 9 minutes, 56 seconds. It was her third win in Chicago.

She also won the marathon at the 2019 world championships in Qatar, where the women’s race started at midnight to avoid extreme daytime heat.

The AIU gave no timetable for a disciplinary case for the 30-year-old runner.

Chepngetich was interviewed in person in Kenya in April and “complied with requests regarding our investigation”, AIU official Brett Clothier said in a statement.

The substance Chepngetich tested positive for, hydrochlorothiazide or HCTZ, can be used to disguise the use of performance-enhancing drugs.

Kenyan President William Ruto said anyone looting or vandalising businesses should be shot in their legs and dealt with by the courts afterwards. These were his first remarks after Monday’s anti-government protests in which at least 31 people were killed.