Congo

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda have signed a peace deal in the United States to end years of fighting between the neighbouring countries.

Meeting at the State Department in Washington, DC, on Friday, foreign ministers from the two African countries signed the agreement that was mediated by the US and Qatar.

The deal would see Kinshasa and Kigali launching a regional economic integration framework within 90 days and forming a joint security coordination mechanism within 30 days. Under its terms, thousands of Rwandan soldiers are to withdraw from the DRC within three months.

It raises hopes for an end to fighting that has escalated with the advance of Rwanda-backed M23 rebels in the DRC’s mineral-rich provinces of North and South Kivu this year. The conflict has killed thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands more since January.

The escalation is just the latest in a decades-old cycle of tensions and violence, rooted in the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

“This moment has been long in coming. It will not erase the pain, but it can begin to restore what conflict has robbed many women, men and children of safety, dignity and a sense of future,” said Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner.

“So now our work truly begins,” she added at the signing, saying the agreement would have to be followed by “disengagement, justice, and the return of displaced families, and the return of refugees, both to the DRC and Rwanda”.

“Those who have suffered the most are watching. They are expecting this agreement to be respected, and we cannot fail them,” she said.

M23 and FDLR

Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe said that the agreement heralded a “turning point”.

While Rwanda denies accusations it is backing M23, Kigali has demanded an end to another armed group in the DRC – the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) – which was established by Hutus linked to the killings of Tutsis in the 1994 Rwanda genocide.

During the signing, he insisted on “an irreversible and verifiable end” to the DRC’s “support” for the FDLR. The agreement calls for the “neutralisation” of the FDLR.

Reporting from Goma, the capital of the DRC’s North Kivu province, Al Jazeera’s Alain Uaykani said the deal was a “big step”, but there was “confusion” on the ground over the absence of any mention of when the M23 rebels would withdraw.

“Rwanda [is] always saying that they are not the ones who should ask M23 to leave, because this is a Congolese problem,” he said, adding that the rebels were appointing governors and controlling airports in the DRC’s provinces of North and South Kivu, whose capital cities they seized in January and February.

Kinshasa, the United Nations and Western powers say Rwanda is supporting M23 by sending troops and arms.

The deal does not explicitly address the gains of the M23 but calls for Rwanda to end “defensive measures” it has taken. Rwanda has sent at least a few thousand soldiers over the border in support of M23, according to UN experts, analysts and diplomats.

Critical minerals

The DRC-Rwanda deal will also help the US government and American companies gain access to critical minerals like tantalum, gold, cobalt, copper and lithium needed for much of the world’s technology at a time when the US and China are actively competing for influence in Africa.

Ahead of the signing on Friday, US President Donald Trump said, “We’re getting, for the United States, a lot of the mineral rights from the Congo as part of it. They’re so honoured to be here. They never thought they’d be coming.”

Welcoming the foreign ministers to the White House, he said: “The violence and destruction comes to an end, and the entire region begins a new chapter of hope and opportunity. This is a wonderful day.”

The DRC sits on vast untapped reserves of mineral wealth, estimated to be worth around $24 trillion. It has said it is losing around $1bn worth of minerals in illegal trading facilitated by the war.

The agreement was mediated through Massad Boulos, a Lebanese-American businessman and father-in-law of Trump’s daughter Tiffany, who was appointed by the president as a senior advisor on Africa.

“This is an important moment after 30 years of war,” said US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who hosted the two foreign ministers at the Department of State for the signing of the agreement.

“It’s about allowing people to live. It’s about allowing people to now have dreams and hopes for a better life, for prosperity, for economic opportunity, for a family reunification, for all the things that make life worth living.

“Those things become impossible when there’s war and when there’s conflict,” he added.

Analysts see the deal as a major turning point but do not believe it will quickly end the fighting that has killed millions of people since the 1990s.

Despite the order for a ceasefire aimed at facilitating the Doha peace talks between the government forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and various armed groups, heavy fighting has persisted in South Kivu. Since June 18, 2025, clashes have intensified between M23/AFC rebels and the Wazalendo militia, particularly in Kabare, Kalehe, and Walungu territories.

On June 18, reports from several local sources indicate that heavy and light arms detonations occurred in the Walungu territory, particularly in Nyangezi and its surrounding areas. A local informant mentioned that a similar situation is unfolding in Walungu territory, with clashes reported in Lurhala and nearby regions; however, the casualty figures remain unknown.

Intense combat has been reported in the Kabare territory, particularly in Cirunga, Mumosho, and Katana. According to a local source in Cirunga who spoke to HumAngle early this morning, “the Wazalendo attempted to drive out M23/AFC rebels in Cirunga, which led to the deaths of two people.”

Local civil society sources report widespread panic in Mumosho and Katana and conflicts around Kigabi. The clashes in Mumosho extended to Nyantende, where gunshots were heard, causing panic in the Panzi area.

“I heard at least four gunshots, but they were rather far away from where I was,” said one student, adding that “we were in class and we heard gunshots and were forced to seek shelter”. The situation in Kahele remains tense. Yesterday, inhabitants reported hearing gunshots around 3:30 a.m., forcing them to stay indoors.

The recent clashes violate the ceasefire intended to support various peace talks to establish peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo). The DR Congo government is currently conducting peace negotiations in Doha, Qatar’s capital.

In April, representatives from the DR Congo government and the M23/AFC affirmed their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities and categorically rejected hate speech and intimidation. They urged all communities to adhere to these commitments.

Kampala, Uganda – It was June 5 when Ugandan soldiers arrived in Kasenyi, a town on the shores of Lake Albert in Ituri province in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Uganda’s army chief, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, posted a video on X showing what he said were residents “enthusiastically” welcoming the soldiers, as Chris Magezi, an aide to Kainerugaba and at the time acting spokesperson for Uganda’s People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) said the army had “occupied” it together with another Congolese town, Tchomia.

When Kampala first deployed troops to eastern DRC in November 2021, they were in pursuit of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel group with Ugandan roots whose strongholds were located in Beni territory, in DRC’s North Kivu province. The group initially fought against the Ugandan government in pursuit of regime change, but from the 2010s onwards, it began aligning itself with the Islamic State Central Africa Province. In Uganda, the government accused the ADF of being behind several high-profile assassinations, while both countries blamed it for massacring civilians.

In 2021, during that first joint military operation between the Ugandan and Congolese armies, towns like Kasenyi remained unaffected.

But today, the Ugandan army’s footprint has expanded well beyond its original mission and into Ituri, by its own admission. This is despite the fact that the ADF, which has since dispersed and relocated far from its traditional bases, is not active in Kasenyi or other areas where the military has recently been operating, observers note.

In a statement in February, General Kainerugaba declared that Uganda would secure the entire border it shares with DRC: “That is our sphere of influence. Nothing will happen there without our permission,” he said on X.

On social media, Kainerugaba has frequently inserted himself into conversations about internal conflicts and the regional dynamics of the Congolese crisis.

He has openly expressed support for the M23 rebel group that has made rapid advancements in eastern DRC this year, seizing control of the capital cities of both North and South Kivu provinces.

M23 is reportedly backed by Rwanda and Uganda, according to various United Nations reports, though both countries have denied these allegations.

Economic interests

The expansion of the Ugandan army’s area of operation reflects Kampala’s shifting priorities in eastern DRC, according to army spokesperson Felix Kulayigye. He said the army is protecting Congolese communities as well as Uganda’s economic interests in the neighbouring country.

“Who is consuming Uganda’s products? Can commerce take place where there is instability? If we have commercial interests in eastern DRC, are those protectable or not?” Kulayigye told Al Jazeera.

From the start, Uganda’s military presence in DRC has carried an economic subtext.

According to a 2023 report by Deutsche Welle, as part of the agreement with the Kinshasa government to combat the ADF, Uganda was granted permission to build tarmac roads connecting key towns in DRC – routes designed to boost the movement of goods and deepen Uganda’s trade footprint in the region.

Although the text of the agreement was not released to the public, Ugandan soldiers, military equipment and road construction equipment entered all entered DRC in November 2021.

Solomon Asiimwe, an international relations lecturer at Nkumba University in Kampala, says although Uganda’s pursuit of the ADF may have appeared to be security-driven, the overriding factor was economic, though this was “hidden under the carpet”.

While some Congolese may be angered by Uganda’s expanded deployment, he suggests they should also consider the benefit of a steady supply of goods from Uganda. “Even Congolese have interests in supplying minerals to Uganda; they benefit from infrastructure and peace,” he said.

Eastern DRC’s market has become a battleground of its own. A recent analysis by The East African valued regional exports to the DRC at $2.9bn over nearly three years, with Uganda commanding a 68 percent share. Kenyan financial institutions have also staked their claim, entering DRC through bank acquisitions and the market was highly profitable – until M23’s advance this year halted their expansion.

But this trade has a dark side. Over the years, analysts and UN reports have accused both Uganda and Rwanda of acting as conduits for smuggled Congolese minerals and agricultural products such as cocoa and coffee. The International Court of Justice in 2022 ordered Uganda to pay the DRC $325m in reparations for the illegal exploitation of natural resources during its military presence in eastern DRC between 1998 and 2003; Kampala has paid several instalments since.

Analysts argue that mineral exploitation is visible in export data of these countries: for instance, Uganda’s gold exports reached $3bn in 2024, despite the country lacking any significant large-scale gold deposits.

‘Violation of Congolese sovereignty’

Ugandan army spokesperson Kulayigye said his country’s expanded deployment in Ituri was requested by Congolese authorities seeking help in fighting other armed groups destabilising the province.

“We had an additional mission at the request of Congolese authorities to deal with negative elements within Ituri,” he said.

Al Jazeera reached out to Congolese government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya to respond to this claim, but he did not reply to our questions at the time of publication.

Meanwhile, Congolese experts were sceptical, questioning both the legality and legitimacy of Uganda’s expanded mission.

“Uganda doesn’t have an agreement with the Congolese army to be in some parts of Ituri,” said Reagan Miviri, a conflict researcher at Ebuteli, a Kinshasa-based think tank. “They entered Congolese soil without permission. This is a violation of Congolese sovereignty.”

According to Miviri, Kinshasa has been silent on Uganda’s expanded operation, not because of approval but because it doesn’t want to have to confront both Uganda and Rwanda at the same time.

But he admits that in many areas where Uganda has deployed, it has more presence than the Congolese army.

Kambale Musavuli, a Congolese political analyst, calls Uganda’s growing military presence an occupation – one that “should alarm every Congolese and African who believes in sovereignty and territorial integrity”.

In response to criticism from analysts, Kulayigye said he was “disappointed by intellectuals” who sit in comfort talking about nothing, while on the ground, “people are dying at the hands of militias”.

Reminders of Congo wars

For Congolese observers, Uganda’s behaviour follows a historical script. From 1996 to 2003, Uganda and Rwanda intervened heavily in DRC, initially backing the rebel group that overthrew longtime dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and installed Laurent Kabila – only to later turn against him. Both countries subsequently supported various rebel factions attempting to oust Kabila.

Though international pressure forced Uganda and Rwanda to formally withdraw at the beginning of the century, both nations maintained ties to rebel groups, including M23, which was born out of the unresolved issues of the 1990s Congo wars.

In January and February this year, M23 captured key cities including Goma and Bukavu in eastern DRC, which they still hold. The UN accused Rwanda of deploying up to 4,000 Rwandan soldiers in the DRC, which helped rebels capture the cities, while Uganda has been accused of allowing M23 to get supplies and recruits through its territory.

“It’s a continuation of a pattern we have seen for decades, where neighbouring countries exploit instability in eastern Congo to pursue military and economic interests under the guise of security operations,” said Musavuli.

In the aftermath of the Congo wars, several reports emerged, including from the UN, that Rwanda and Uganda were targeting Hutu civilians and looting and smuggling resources like coffee, diamonds, timber and coltan from the DRC.

Josaphat Musamba, a Congolese researcher at Ghent University in Belgium, sees direct links between today’s conflicts and the wars of the 1990s in a cast of characters that remains strikingly familiar: Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame and former Congolese President Joseph Kabila – who is now based in Goma, an area under M23 control – were key players in those earlier conflicts.

“If you look at [today’s M23] commanders, you can connect them to those who were fighting in the First Congo War,” Musamba said. “All of them were working with Rwandan officers like James Kabarebe. I know two or three commanders of M23, and one of them was part of James Kabarebe’s bodyguard,” he claimed.

Kabarebe, now Rwanda’s state minister for regional integration, was a central figure in the rebellion that toppled Mobutu. He later served as army chief of staff under Laurent Kabila, the former Congolese leader and father of Joseph Kabila. Kabarebe was sanctioned by the US government for being “central to Rwanda’s support for the March 23 [M23]”.

Researchers also note that after M23’s first rebellion in the DRC failed in 2012-2013, many rebels fled across the borders to Rwanda and Uganda.

Congolese researchers say that while Kampala and Kigali may claim to be addressing security threats and rebel groups in eastern DRC – like ADF and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), whose remnants were linked to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda – they are effectively carving out zones of control and economic exploitation in eastern DRC, just as they did in the 1990s.

The Congolese people, meanwhile, remain displaced, impoverished and without security. The UN said in April that renewed fighting with M23 this year had displaced nearly four million people in North and South Kivu alone.

“I don’t believe that Uganda [soldiers] have good intentions, especially in the operation in Ituri,” said Miviri. “I don’t understand why they are there.”

The international humanitarian organisation, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), has raised concerns about the critical situation regarding sexual violence in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. They report that the support and treatment available for victims are still insufficient, while assaults against women continue to occur at an alarming rate.

In 2024, approximately 40,000 victims and survivors received treatment from the MSF team in the North Kivu province. This trend continued into 2025. Between January and April 2025, the organisation says it cared for around 7,400 people in Goma and over 2,400 in Sake, which is near Goma.

Despite changes in the security landscape, sexual violence continues to be a pervasive issue. “The context in the region has changed, but the problem of sexual violence persists, with women remaining the primary victims,” explains Francois Calas, the MSF chief in North Kivu.

The ongoing insecurity in these conflict zones contributes to the perpetuation of violence. Most recorded acts of aggression are committed by assailants wielding weapons, who are often not identified due to the presence of numerous armed groups and the widespread availability of firearms.

Organisations like MSF have condemned the worsening access to treatment, noting that many health facilities no longer have the necessary medications and supplies to treat victims. Ongoing conflicts disrupt supply chains, and a decrease in humanitarian funding further exacerbates the situation.

The revelations by victims who spoke to MSF indicate the brutality of the assaults and the absence of secure places for women, both displaced and those in their homes.

“Armed men entered our house around 22:30,” reveals Nasha, a displaced woman who found refuge in a school. “Some husbands [men] were killed and women raped. It was the case with me. Three men wanted to rape me in front of my husband and my eight children. My husband resisted, and they killed him.”

Around Goma and Sake, other victims report having been assaulted on the highway or on their farms.

“They asked me to choose between allowing them to rape me or death,” said Rika, an inhabitant of a village situated forty kilometres to the west of Goma. “They raped me one after the other.”

In South Kivu, the situation remains preoccupying. In the territories of Kalehe and Uvira, about 700 survivors have been taken charge of since January 2025. There, too, the assaults continue sometimes during displacement or near health structures.

“We have suffered on the farms where we sought refuge,” says an inhabitant of the hills around Kamanyola. “Armed men do not authorise us to go through villages. Some women have even been raped while trying to reach a health centre,” the woman added.

MSF insists that the figures given are below the real figures. According to Luders Leriche, medical coordinator of South Kivu, the fear of reprisals, stigmatisation, distance, and weakness of the health system prevent many victims from accessing medical assistance. The social and psychological consequences are hefty and include isolation, rejection, and thoughts of resorting to suicide. While the women are the principal victims, the men are also affected, though the number of cases reported remains less than those involving women.

The French humanitarian organisation calls for urgent mobilisation, saying: “Despite the present challenges, it is imperative not to abandon these women and children. Their being taken care of must be an absolute priority.”

In the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, MSF proposes comprehensive care for victims, including preventive treatment for sexually transmitted infections, urgent contraception, vaccinations, psychological therapy, secure abortions, and hospitalisation for more severe cases.

Emergency risks continue to escalate when civilian protection measures are not strengthened and access to treatment is not maintained. Therefore, MSF emphasises the need to sustain and enhance humanitarian efforts, prioritising the care of victims, even in the face of reduced global funding.

The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo has denied responsibility for the closure of banks and financial institutions in areas controlled by M23 rebels, citing security concerns for individuals with savings accounts in those areas.

Before the Rwanda-backed rebels took control of Goma in North Kivu and Bukavu in South Kivu, banks and other financial institutions in those regions had ceased operations.

The rebels’ reopening of the Caisse Generale d’Epagne du Congo (CADECO) has not produced the expected results but aggravated the situation, especially as CADECO branches only pay taxes to the rebel authorities.

There have been ongoing calls for the authorities in the DR Congo to reopen banks to alleviate the financial hardships faced by the population. In response, government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya explained that the banks are not closed due to the government’s decision but rather due to security concerns affecting individuals with savings accounts.

Muyaya expressed concerns during a press briefing, stating that ongoing tensions in Kivu have led to punitive measures against its populations due to the banking sector’s dysfunction. “Let them not lie to you. These people do not have the right to utilise the American dollar in any way,” he said,  emphasising the legal ramifications of engaging with movements under U.S. sanctions. 

He clarified the situation by explaining that “the banks are not closed because the government wants it, but because of how the system functions and the security conditions,” indicating that the closures are a complex issue tied to broader systemic and security problems. The government’s spokesperson says he hopes for expeditious peace initiatives to alleviate the suffering endured by the Congolese communities affected by rebel control, which he attributed to support from Rwanda.

“The President of the Republic and all of us in government are working to push all the processes going on, and this situation, the butchers in Goma, must quickly stop. I recall the necessity for all of us always to express the sentiment of support and solidarity to affected populations,” he added.

However, Joseph Kabila, a former president of the DR Congo, criticised the government for neglecting the people, particularly by disconnecting local financial institutions from the national banking network, and restricting the movement of people and goods. 

Calling for the humanisation of the living conditions in this part of the country, the former president exhorted the authorities to protect the population and insisted that “the army, justice and other structures in charge of security and order must in reality be in the service of the population and respond to their aspirations”.

The Bishops of the National Episcopal Conference of Congo also expressed their disquiet at the persistence of the multifaceted crisis affecting the DR Congo. In a statement made public on Friday, May 16, the religious leaders deplored the degradation of the political climate and the deterioration of the socio-economic situation, especially in the zones under the control of the M23/AFC rebels supported by Rwanda.

For bishops, the closure of banks and airports in the territories under the control of the M23/AFC rebels imposes precarious and challenging living conditions on several families.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) has raised concerns about the worsening security and humanitarian conditions in Lubero territory in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

A recent report from UNOCHA reveals that armed individuals perpetrated at least 32 instances of rape in the village of Vuhato, located in the Kayna health zone. The report from recent months indicates that on April 9 and 10, violent confrontations erupted in the areas of Kanune, Luhanga, and Mbwavinywa. These clashes resulted in the deaths of two civilians and prompted more than 4,000 individuals to evacuate from the villages of Bunyatenge and Musika.

Since December 2024, more than 16,000 people from 2,307 households have been newly displaced in Vuyinga’s health zone of Musienene. The UN agency reveals that most of these displaced people are being taken care of by already vulnerable families, living under precarious conditions with limited access to food, potable water, shelter, and protection.

The risk posed by stray war explosives is highly significant. Since the beginning of this year, there have been at least four incidents involving explosive devices that have resulted in the deaths of ten civilians, particularly in the farming regions of Kayna and Lubero. This situation has made it perilous for farmers to access their fields.

Since April 26, 2025, clashes between rival factions of an armed group have instilled panic in Vuhira, a Beni territory.

Joint military operations between the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) are ongoing. However, the security situation remains precarious, especially in Oicha, where civilians are subjected to illegal taxation.

Despite relative calm in the Lubero territory, UNOCHA is concerned about the strengthening of armed groups in the Kitsombiro and Kamandi regions, which have become new hotbeds of violence. In Kamandi Gite, clashes have led to further displacements, with people moving towards Lunyasenge and Kiribata.

Faced with the degradation of the humanitarian situation in Lubero territory, UNOCHA calls for an urgent humanitarian and coordinated response to protect civilians and respond to their fundamental needs. The agency insists on securing humanitarian access and supporting local populations affected by these conflicts.