With the highest scoring duo in the NBA, it’s no surprise the Lakers are one of the best offenses in the league.
Doncic, who will miss Thursday’s game for personal reasons, leads the league with 35.3 points per game. Reaves, who is setting himself up for a hefty pay day this offseason, is averaging a career-best 28.1 points and 6.6 assists per game. The Lakers are first in field goal percentage (51.3%) and rank eighth in offensive rating, averaging 118.3 points per 100 possessions.
The most glaring deficiency is turnovers, where the Lakers rank last in turnover percentage (16.2%).
They had 22 turnovers against the Phoenix Suns on Monday, the first game of what should be a revealing stretch of games.
The Lakers weren’t punished for their lackadaisical play during their seven-game winning streak against teams with losing records. But the Suns, who lead the league in steals, had no problem turning Doncic’s full-court prayer passes into transition buckets.
The Toronto Raptors will be an even bigger challenge. The Raptors are fifth in the NBA in defensive rating and third in deflections, ahead of the fourth-ranked Suns.
Between October 1 and November 10, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs documented 167 olive harvest-related settler attacks resulting in casualties or property damage, which locals note is likely a significant undercount.
Moustafa Badaha, 48, owns a small house among these olive groves on the other side of Deir Ammar from the Othmans.
In July, yet another settler outpost was erected just south of Moustafa’s property. Moustafa has since filmed settlers breaking his fence, damaging property, and stealing farm equipment.
Settlers from this outpost also started attacking Ein Ayyoub, a Bedouin community of 130 people south of the village, forcing them out, eventually by military orders, which made the area a “closed military zone”.
According to Deir Ammar’s mayor, Ali Abu al-Kaak Badaha, 65, settlers have been attacking villagers trying to reach their farms in eastern and southern Deir Ammar for years.
This year, he added, the villagers have been completely cut off, and now the settlers, supported by Israeli soldiers, have started attacking villagers on the western side of the village, where Moustafa’s property is.
Having scared the Deir Ammar villagers off, settlers from this outpost make a point of releasing their cows to feed on the village groves west of the village.
The Israeli settlers also steal from the farms, said the mayor, taking olives, tarps and plastic sheeting used in the harvest.
“This year, everywhere you go for the olive harvest, the settlers find you,” Izzat said. “And they attack you.”
There’s a pattern to how the settlers stop the harvest, according to Kai Jack, a field coordinator for the Rabbis for Human Rights (RHR) organisation, which accompanies Palestinian farmers as a protective presence.
A teenage settler runs after a Palestinian in Deir Ammar as a soldier looks on [Jacob Lazarus/Al Jazeera]
“Very often, we’re first spotted by settlers, who then can be seen on their phones, and within a few minutes, the army shows up,” said Jack.
“It’s just obvious that they’re working together.”
Jack, along with about 50 other solidarity activists from RHR and Standing Together, had accompanied some Deir Ammar villagers on October 16 to pick olives on the west side, near Moustafa’s property.
Within five minutes of arriving and starting to pick, two female Israeli soldiers arrived, telling the group the area was a closed military zone and they had to leave.
The soldiers did not have official orders, so the olive picking continued.
Fifteen minutes later, more Israelis arrived – some were in military uniforms, some were masked, and others were in partial military fatigues, with “no clear separation between the settlers and the soldiers”, Jack said.
A closed military zone order was soon delivered, and some of the armed settlers began chasing villagers, throwing rocks at them, the soldiers taking their time to stop them.
In the groves, settlers attacked families with clubs and rifles, including Yousef Dar al-Musa, who was injured and spoke to Al Jazeera days later in his family compound.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu testified on Monday for the first time in his years-long corruption trial, appearing in court days after formally requesting a presidential pardon. The legal saga, now entering its fifth year, continues to polarise Israelis at a moment of deep national instability.
Below is a full breakdown of the charges, legal stakes and political implications.
What Are the Charges?
Netanyahu was indicted in 2019 in three separate criminal cases on bribery, fraud and breach of trust. He denies all wrongdoing and has pleaded not guilty. The trial began in 2020 and has dragged on through multiple election cycles and ongoing conflict.
This is the most serious case.
Prosecutors allege Netanyahu granted regulatory benefits worth 1.8 billion shekels (around $500 million) to Bezeq Telecom in exchange for favourable coverage of himself and his wife on a news website controlled by then-Bezeq chairman Shaul Elovitch.
Netanyahu faces bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Elovitch denies wrongdoing.
Case 1000: Gifts of Champagne and Cigars
Netanyahu and his wife Sara allegedly received nearly 700,000 shekels ($210,000) worth of luxury gifts cigars, champagne and jewellery from Hollywood producer Arnon Milchan and billionaire James Packer.
In return, Netanyahu is accused of using his influence to advance Milchan’s business interests.
Neither Milchan nor Packer face charges. Netanyahu is charged with fraud and breach of trust.
Prosecutors say Netanyahu negotiated a deal with the owner of Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, Arnon Mozes, offering legislation that would weaken a rival paper in exchange for more favourable coverage.
Netanyahu faces fraud and breach of trust.
Why the Trial Is Taking So Long
Because Netanyahu refuses a plea bargain and fights every charge, the trial moves at a slow pace hearings, cross-examinations and procedural motions. A verdict is unlikely anytime soon unless his legal strategy shifts.
Could Netanyahu Be Pardoned?
Netanyahu’s lawyers have asked President Isaac Herzog for a pardon, arguing that:
continuous court hearings hinder his ability to govern
granting a pardon would serve national interest during wartime
the president has constitutional authority to intervene
However:
Israeli presidents traditionally only grant pardons after conviction
there is no precedent for pardoning a sitting prime minister mid-trial
Netanyahu has not admitted any guilt, making a pardon even less likely
How Is He Still Prime Minister While on Trial?
Israeli law does not require a prime minister to step down unless convicted. Even upon conviction, they may stay in office throughout the appeals process.
This legal loophole has allowed Netanyahu to govern while fighting charges for years.
Could Netanyahu Go to Prison?
Bribery carries up to 10 years in jail
Fraud and breach of trust carry up to 3 years
If convicted on the most serious charges, Netanyahu could face a lengthy sentence though appeals could drag the process out for years.
Impact on Israeli Society and Politics
Before the 2023 Hamas attacks and the subsequent Gaza war, Netanyahu’s trial was at the centre of national division, sparking mass protests and contributing to five election cycles.
After returning to power in 2022, his government launched a sweeping judicial overhaul that critics argued was designed to weaken the courts ahead of his trial. Massive protests followed, straining relations with the U.S. and Europe.
The war temporarily shelved these debates, but Netanyahu has recently revived rhetoric against the judiciary, reigniting old tensions.
International Angle
Western allies privately worry that the trial and judicial overhaul weaken Israel’s democratic institutions.
Netanyahu’s wartime leadership is judged through the lens of his corruption cases, raising questions about political survival, credibility and motivations.
Allies fear both instability and the perception of democratic erosion.
Broader Implications
Governance Paralysis: A prime minister fighting for political survival may prioritize personal protection over strategic decision-making.
Institutional Pressure: The judiciary faces immense political strain, risking long-term damage to Israel’s democratic credibility.
Public Trust: With society deeply split, the trial undermines trust in government, media and legal institutions.
Security Environment: Political instability during war raises fears about decision quality, national direction, and accountability.
Personal Analysis
Netanyahu’s trial is no longer just a legal battle — it is a referendum on Israel’s democratic identity. His ability to govern while under indictment exposes structural weaknesses in the Israeli political system. The war has muted criticism for now, but the underlying fissures remain and are reopening as he ramps up attacks on the judiciary.
The trial will likely continue for years, shaping Israeli politics long after the conflict ends. Whether Netanyahu secures a pardon or not, the case has already transformed Israeli society, reshaped alliances, and deepened polarisation. In many ways, the outcome of the trial whenever it comes will signal what kind of democracy Israel chooses to be.
