Istanbul, Turkey – The news that Fethullah Gulen, widely believed in Turkey to be the mastermind behind the country’s 2016 coup attempt, had died had not yet reached Omer, a taxi driver heading towards Istanbul’s Fatih district.

When he heard, Omer was shocked. “It finally happened,” he exclaimed, turning up the radio.

As word of Gulen’s death in the United States spread on a crisp autumn day, bystanders began gathering outside the Istanbul municipality building in Fatih – one of the epicentres of the violence during the coup attempt, a night widely regarded as a turning point in modern Turkish history.

They gathered near the Sarachane memorial, which honours the anti-coup protesters of July 15, 2016.

The memorial includes a depiction of protesters performing ablution – a ritual purification for Muslims – at a nearby fountain before confronting soldiers and tanks in response to a call by Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

At least 251 people were killed, and more than 2,200 injured, but the coup was quashed within hours.

The blame was immediately put on Gulen, a Muslim preacher who formed and led a movement that went from being an ally of Erdogan’s to a foe, and perceived to be operating a “parallel state”. His followers in the armed forces were believed by the state to be behind the coup – a point of view widely shared in Turkey by government supporters and the opposition.

Memories of the coup

Gulen went from being a preacher in western Turkey to the founder of an expansive movement that ran schools, charities and media organisations. In 1999 he left for the US and exile, but he enjoyed a friendly relationship with Erdogan in the 2000s.

That did not last, as the government became more wary of what it considered to be the threat from Gulen’s “parallel state” networks, eventually culminating in the coup attempt, and the crackdown on Gulen’s supporters in the years that followed.

Not far from the Fatih municipality headquarters, at Eski Kafa, one of the district’s many small coffee shops, several young men enjoying their afternoon Turkish coffee were already discussing Gulen’s death.

“I’m satisfied because I believe Gulen is responsible for the deaths of hundreds of innocent people. So, in a way, there’s some sense of relief,” said Ibrahim Kibar, a 29-year-old lawyer.

“The second reason I’m satisfied is that his death might lead to some normalisation in Turkey regarding political issues. The coup affected our institutions, the Constitution, and the rule of law. It changed the way Turkey operates.”

The attempted coup left a deep mark on Fatih, Istanbul’s historic district, where most have a story about where they were that night.

A memorial for all those killed stands at the centre of Fatih with photos of the dead, a marker for many of the first Turkish coup that ordinary citizens were able to prevent.

Several religious orders, concentrated in Fatih and Uskudar, were among the first to organise opposition to the 2016 coup, according to a study conducted shortly afterwards.

“I was in Fatih that night,” Kibar recalled. “After the coup attempt, I went to Vatan Street, in front of the Istanbul police headquarters. There were two tanks, but they were inactive. Thousands of people had gathered outside the police station.”

Gulen organisation’s future

Ahmet Faruk Yilmaz, a 29-year-old artist sipping his Turkish tea, hopes Gulen’s death will mark the collapse of his organisation.

“I don’t know if his death will have a direct impact on Turkey, but it might hasten the dissolution of his cult, which would benefit the country.”

After the attempted coup, many Gulen supporters fled to Europe and the US, where the group is still headquartered. Thousands of others were arrested in a crackdown that had support within Turkey, but has been criticised abroad and by human rights organisations.

“It’s true that some Gulenists still have influence in Turkey, but their power has greatly diminished since the attempted coup,” Yilmaz noted.

Smoking his shisha in one hand and holding Turkish tea in the other, Muhammet Ali added that the US should have extradited Gulen to Turkey.

Gulen’s extradition had been repeatedly sought by the Turkish government since the coup, creating friction between the two allies. The US had refused to extradite Gulen for his links to the coup, citing a lack of evidence.

“I would have wanted him brought to Turkey to stand trial before his death. Gulen exploited Turkey’s resources, energy, and opportunities for foreign agendas,” said Ali.

“He caused fractures in the Turkish political system that will be difficult to repair, and the coup worsened political polarisation.”

However, Ali noted that Gulen’s death could weaken his organisation and its influence on Turkish society.

“More space will open up for Turkey abroad, and one major issue in relations with the US will be resolved.”

After Gulen

In another tea house nearby called Lena, an academic from Istanbul University who wished to remain anonymous shared his thoughts. “A majority of Turks celebrate this event, as Gulen is known to have orchestrated a coup.”

“Of course, the coup created a traumatic experience for many people, especially those of our generation born in the 1990s. As someone born and raised in the countryside, I could see how powerful Gulen’s organisation was,” said the young academic.

For many young Turks, coups were events their parents had experienced. While there were attempts to shut down the ruling AK Party in 2008, many believed that coups were a thing of the past.

“After Gulen, I’d like to think Turks will be more vigilant against such figures, but I don’t think we’ve fully learned the lesson,” said the academic.

Muhammed Enes, sitting with his friend, noted that Gulen’s death is one of the rare moments in contemporary Turkish politics where most people find common ground.

“Gulen’s death is long-awaited good news for Turkish society. There were always rumours of his death, but this time, it’s real. Turks across society, from secularists to conservatives, except for Gulenists, are happy,” said Enes.

While Gulen’s influence on Turkish politics has faded, partly due to a government crackdown that seized many of his assets, Enes believes that Gulen’s passing may also affect the group’s internal workings.

“For the cult itself, especially members abroad, there will probably be confusion over who will take the mantle, leading to intra-group power struggles that will weaken the organisation,” he said.

“It also depends on the American government’s decision – whether they continue to support and protect the group or distance themselves from it now that its founder is dead.”