Fri. Nov 15th, 2024
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The brutal war the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has been waging against the Sudanese people for the past 15 months, and the unprecedented atrocities it committed in the process,  have so far received an inadequate response from the international community.

True, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2736, adopted on June 13, 2024, which demands the RSF halt its siege of el-Fasher in North Darfur region and end fighting in the area, is significant.  However, it falls short of unequivocally condemning the militia for its crimes.

According to a panel of independent experts assigned by the UNSC, between April and December 2023, the RSF and its affiliated militias were responsible for the deaths of 10,000 to 15,000 civilians in West Darfur. The US State Department further determined in December 2023 that the RSF committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of ethnic cleansing. A bipartisan draft resolution in the US Congress also recognised these actions as acts of genocide. On June 5, 2024, another carnage took place in Wad-al-Nora village, al-Gazira state. Around 270 villagers were slaughtered.

Despite global outrage over these crimes, the international community’s response to them appeared to be slow and insufficient, amounting to apathy.

Apathy encourages impunity

The result is continued ethnic cleansing and killings by the militia in different parts of the country. The latest UN resolution and international condemnations essentially call for the RSF to behave itself. This soft approach mistakenly assumes the militia possesses a level of morality, legitimacy or discipline. It has none. The RSF’s response to the UNSC resolution – a major attack on el-Fasher – demonstrates its disregard for international diplomacy.

Short memory?

The Janjaweed militias achieved global infamy for the brutality they demonstrated during the Darfur conflict in the early 2000s. Their crimes even led to the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2005. Yet, certain Western quarters seem to have forgotten that the RSF is essentially an upgraded version of the Janjaweed.

As various experts, NGOs and respected publications agree, “the RSF grew out of, and is primarily composed of the Janjaweed militias” which are infamous for ethnic cleansing and genocide.

Nevertheless, the leader of the RSF, Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, has been elevated to the position of an international political figure, receiving calls from the UN secretary-general and the US secretary of state, receiving a red-carpet reception from an East African president who is pro-West, and even securing an invitation to an Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) summit. All this as the RSF militia continues to commit unspeakable atrocities not only in Darfur, but also in al-Gazira, Greater Kordofan, Khartoum and Sennar states. The RSF commits these crimes with the full backing of its wealthy regional sponsor, which supplies it with advanced weaponry, mercenaries, finance and extensive PR and propaganda networks.

Thus, compared to its response to the crimes of Janjaweed during the Darfur conflict between 2003-2009, the international community’s reaction to the ongoing atrocities of the RSF victimising almost half of the Sudanese population appear muted and deeply insufficient.

Changing context

Hemedti rose to the post of deputy president of Sudan’s Sovereignty Council during the extremely difficult transitional period that followed the ousting of the former regime by a popular uprising.  At the time, accommodating the RSF, as well as other armed movements that had fought on behalf of the former regime, was seen as necessary to minimise resistance to change and prevent worsening an already precarious situation.  It was envisaged then that such arrangements would usher the country into a new dispensation based on a broader national accord.  Accordingly, it was decided that the RSF would be integrated into the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) after going through a process of reform and rehabilitation, under the supervision of the latter. However, meddling from various external and domestic forces sabotaged this effort, and led to the strengthening of the RSF.

Thanks to the support it receives from its regional sponsor and its appropriation of the bigger part of the country’s gold wealth, the RSF now boasts advanced weaponry, significant economic power, and an extensive PR network. As a result, Sudan came close to joining the list of  Middle Eastern countries that are effectively run by militias.

After experiencing heavy casualty figures early in the war, as well as voluntary demobilisations and an end to secondments by SAF officers, the RSF has fully reverted to its Janjaweed origins. Hemedti was removed from his post in May 2023, and the RSF was officially disbanded by the SAF commander in September 2023. Therefore, today the force that is fighting the Sudanese people is Janjaweed, unmasked.

Courting the beast

Certain European powers began courting the RSF before the former regime fell, to help control irregular migration through Darfur and Libya. These dealings gave Hemedti a pseudo-legitimacy and significant revenue, allowing him to recruit new mercenaries to his militia, including undocumented immigrants attracted to the high pay he was able to offer.

Military victory against terrorism

The notion that “there is no military victory in this war” deserves scrutiny. While war is undesirable, defending against aggression is a right and duty. Historical precedents, such as the defeat of Nazism, fascism, and ISIS, show that military action can be necessary and effective. Thus the question should be how, not whether, the war against terrorism could be won.

The SAF is currently winning the war against the RSF militia, which is why it is now resorting to targeting remote villages and small towns and displaying tactics typical of terrorist groups like ISIL (ISIS) and Boko Haram.

People’s resistance and the right to self-defence

Criticism of arming willing civilians for self-defence against the RSF is misplaced. The right to self-defence is fundamental, especially in a vast, underdeveloped country like Sudan facing a terrorist militia. International precedents support the legitimacy of people’s resistance against colonial or terrorist forces.

In summary, the international community’s soft approach to the Janjaweed and RSF and its leader Hemedti is counterproductive, given the militia’s history and current actions. A firmer stance is needed to address the Janjaweed’s renewed crimes. The international community should support Sudan’s fight against this terrorist group.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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