Countries are so desperate to put bases there. The militaries of France, Saudi Arabia, and Japan rub shoulders here with the US. What’s even more surprising is that so does China. India and Russia are keen to join in too. Despite its chaotic neighbors, Djibouti offers an excellent position for foreign militaries to project their power.
Historical Roots: Djibouti’s Role in Global Trade and Colonial Legacy
Any trade flowing from Europe to Asia typically passes through the Suez Canal and thus must pass through the 25-km-long strait of Bab el-Mandeb next to Djibouti. In an era when Somali pirates are a real danger to shipping vessels, Djibouti offers a perfect location for foreign militaries to house their ships patrolling the area to protect the massive quantity of trade passing through from the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. This location has been strategic for a very long time.
Djibouti became a French colony in 1883, right before the “scramble for Africa”, when European powers colonized as much of the continent as possible. The colony offered vital territory for France, sandwiched between the English and Italian colonies and uncolonized Ethiopia. In a region that was largely dominated by the British Empire, Djibouti was critical to preventing England from having a monopoly of power across the Red Sea and the newly built Suez Canal, which cut travel times between Europe and Asia by 10 days. While the British controlled the Canal, the French maintained control of the Bab el-Mandeb strait from Djibouti, preventing British interference with trade in the area.
France established its military base there in the 19th century. and desperately wanted to maintain it despite the wave of decolonization in the 1960s and 1970s. French President Charles De Gaulle saw Djibouti as part of a network of military bases that could cement the country as a third power in the region after the USA and USSR. France deployed bases across Africa, deploying 80,000 troops in the continent to intervene in any crisis within 24 hours.
When Djibouti became independent in 1977, the country could finally define its destiny. Foreign powers seeking military bases were now guided by global geopolitics rather than a colonial desire to dominate the region. But despite Djibouti’s independence, the French troops didn’t leave. In exchange for helping the new country form a functioning government, France was allowed to construct a permanent military base for its army, navy, and air force. Over time, other countries started to catch on to the idea.
Military Bases: A Conglomeration of Global Powers
Following 9/11 and the start of the war on terror, America’s geopolitical anxieties now lay in regions close to Djibouti: the Middle East and North Africa. After George Bush Jr. called on all NATO forces to join him in his “Global War on Terror,” Djibouti sensed a once-in-a-generation opportunity and invited the US to build a military base on their territory. Since then, America has established a military base in Djibouti.
It’s not just the US that is active in the area. There are between 8 and 11 foreign bases in the country. American allies like Germany, Spain, Italy, and Japan share their bases with the US. The US and France do share a runway, but the US, France, and China have standalone bases. Everyone here has a different geopolitical agenda in mind that they want to pursue with these bases. The result is an unprecedented place where geopolitical rivals coexist in pretty close quarters. That’s why all these powers have seized the opportunity over the past 15 years to take a small piece of this cake.
With Djibouti located between two crucial regions: the African continent and the Middle East, the US can also swiftly respond to any event in the region. Djibouti’s adherence to traditional Islam also lessens the political and military risk of setting up camps compared to radicalized areas like Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, or Pakistan. The US partnership also benefits Djibouti through military partnerships and $200 million in US payments, which is equivalent to around 10% of the country’s GDP. The base has been crucial in US responses to radicalism in the region, including areas of Iraq, Syria, and North Africa.
Camp Lemonnier: The US Military Presence
The American base in Djibouti would become one of the most important strategic bases the US Army has ever built outside its borders. Known as “Camp Lemonnier”, it is home to the US Africa Command (or ‘AFRICOM’) and is located at Djibouti International Airport. As one of the most stable countries in an otherwise volatile region, Djibouti was a prime location for such a facility.
Camp Lemonnier was once a 37-hectare facility when it opened in 2002 but has since expanded to over 200 hectares. Many countries soon followed the American example, with most major nations now having some kind of presence in Djibouti. Spain and Italy, representing the EU’s anti-piracy operation, now have a presence in Djibouti for this exact purpose. Their bases also provide an opportunity for incoming ships and aircraft to refuel and resupply.
France’s Enduring Presence
France still has an outsized presence in Djibouti, and a few reasons explain this large military presence in the country. As their former colonizer, France aims to maintain its longstanding relationship with the Djiboutian people by guaranteeing their security in a highly volatile region. France has agreed to defend Djibouti’s airspace in times of war, and it also supports NATO missions in the Middle East and peacekeeping missions in nearby African countries. The result is that 7,000 of France’s 36,000 globally deployed troops are sent to the country.
Japan’s Strategic Shift
The region has become such a concern to the international community that even Japan built a military base here in 2011. Japan’s small 12-hectare plot of land in Djibouti is its first overseas base since WWII. Although Japan’s constitution forbids it from having a military, instead it maintains a self-defense force confined to its borders.
The official reason for the base was enforcing anti-piracy measures, but it followed former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s 2015 “war bill” legalizing certain conditions for collective self-defense outside of Japan. This bill allowed for potential engagement in live combat overseas, thus enabling JSDF troops to have a more diversified role in world politics. While Japan refers to the base as an “activities hub” to oversee peacekeeping missions and a “supply and information hub” to assist their allies, some academics, like Ra Mason, argue the base was built in reaction to increasing tensions in the Asia-Pacific, anticipating China’s next move.
Japan has since increased funding and enhanced its military capabilities from the base and can now carry out military operations in conflict zones in South Sudan and Somalia. Moreover, Japan can finally deploy state-of-the-art carriers to Hokkaido, Okinawa, and even Djibouti, extending its power beyond mere national defense.
Djibouti’s Gain: Constructive Diplomacy and Economic Prosperity
David Styan calls this approach “constructive diplomacy” or fostering close ties with a wide variety of states to avoid depending on a single country. This strategy allows a relatively small, weak, and vulnerable country like Djibouti to maintain an independent negotiating strategy with larger states.
Djibouti’s government policy is to deliberately increase these connections to attract large amounts of foreign investment. This is how the Horizon Oil Terminal at Doraleh came to be after a Dubai-based shipping company secured a 30-year contract in 2006 to build a new, modernized container port. These terminals were built to handle an increasing amount of cargo, containers, livestock, and even oil. The new port brought higher economic prosperity and activity to the country and the broader East African region. But it’s important not to underestimate how unique Djibouti is in the region.
The small country’s fear of radical Islam and its desire to maintain autonomy were the motivations behind inviting foreign powers to build bases there. The strong foreign military presence and robust trading network would make it a terrible idea for anyone in the region to invade.
Hosting all these foreign military bases also brings the country over 200 million US dollars each year, with the US alone contributing around 30 million USD. But that is about to increase, as the US recently signed a new 20-year lease, doubling this amount to $60 million, amid an increasing Chinese presence in the country and rumors of Russian bases coming to the region as well. An additional 30 million USD is estimated to come from France and China every single year.
China’s Rising Influence: Belt and Road Initiative and Economic Investments
China’s arrival in Djibouti in 2017 is more a relationship of convenience than a close political relationship. From an outside perspective, it may seem that Djibouti is falling into a ‘neo-colonial’ relationship trap through China’s Belt and Road initiative. But Djibouti’s President Guelleh doesn’t seem to think so, claiming to have a vision of turning Djibouti into the next Singapore. For this to happen, the country requires a large and well-trained workforce, just like that of China. For the Chinese, Djibouti offers an easy opportunity to increase their economic and political presence in the region and demonstrates how only the Chinese are willing to invest in the country’s infrastructure.
This is the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway line, running from Ethiopia’s capital to Djibouti. The Chinese-built rail line shuttles people and goods between the two countries, offering a modern replacement for colonial-era tracks built by the French. China sees Djibouti as a gateway to the economic hub of Ethiopia and, more importantly, as improving oil exports and trade from South Sudan. Building large and expensive infrastructure projects across four major sectors (road, rail, energy, and communications) is no big deal to China when it means they can grow the lucrative 200 billion dollars of trade China conducts in Africa.
China’s infrastructure investments improve its access to oil, accounting for about 62 percent of its total crude oil imports. With such a heavy investment, China deploys a 700-man force to protect its interests across the region. China has actively silenced any potential opposition in Djibouti by actively funding 40% of all major infrastructure projects in the country. This means that in addition to the 30 million USD they pay for their base each year, Chinese banks and construction firms are funding an additional 14.4 billion USD of projects in the country.
Conclusion: Djibouti’s International Stance and the Geopolitical Tug-of-War
According to Djibouti’s government, having such a partner can only mean good economic prospects for its people. China took an active interest in fixing the country’s chronic water shortages by building a water pipeline from Ethiopia and has also contributed to building the largest free trade zone in Africa, creating 15,000 jobs for the local population. They are currently in the process of building geothermal plants to solve the lack of electricity in the country while also developing two new airports. China is rebuilding Djibouti from the ground up. It remains to be seen whether this reliance on China will bite Djibouti back with repayments to China and Chinese construction companies, but without a doubt, Djibouti has played its hands quite well on the international stage.
According to China’s strategic objective, a balance of foreign powers serves their interests. It seems like a new tug-of-war will be sought between China and the US in Djibouti. China’s dominant economic influence in Djibouti is likely to have detrimental consequences for other military powers. As the world becomes more multipolar, Djibouti has become a playing ground for the countries shaping the world order.