The rise of China’s economic might and political acceptance presented a direct threat to U.S. hegemony. Both states are engaged in a constant tug of war to gain influence. This ‘new cold war’ is based on propagating the soft image of one’s own country, culture and system while denouncing others. Although U.S. is quite frequently criticized for ‘what America does’, but ‘what America is’ still holds a desirable acceptance. Ostensibly, China is also concentrating on building its soft power to counter the American threats. China adopted Nye’s soft power strategy with its distinct characteristics. The changing international dynamics and the inclusion of environmental threats initiated a new arena for politics. Climate change provides both countries with ample opportunity for collaboration and competition as well.
Humanity is in the tantrum of ecological disruption. Rapidly melting glaciers, mounting sea levels, frequent flooding and droughts are putting pressure on already fragile resources. A global economy on a ventilator will further exacerbate the appalling inter-state conflicts. The North-South divide is a testimonial of environmental injustices. The climate apocalypse is affecting the globe indistinctly. The borderless impact of it is an indication towards a need for collective response and mutual obligation. A serious responsibility lies on global powers to drive the change and lead a policy framework. China and America are the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases (GHG) and they account for 40% of the world economy. They naturally fall into the prerequisites of sustaining global governance in the wake of environmental threats. Nevertheless, their mutual rift and economic competition come in between their commitment to any ecological restoration. Despite of the fact that both the nations are adversely hit by environmental calamities.
China’s reluctance was visible from its unwillingness to take on any leadership role in the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference in 2009. Partially, it was due to the risk of undermining its economic priorities and mainly consequent to its status as a developing country. Although its poverty reduction measures and economic reforms were widely praised, but its per capita GDP and development inequity in Chinese society are hindrances in visualizing its complete potential. Howbeit, its quick ratification of the Paris Agreement in 2015 was a breakthrough. China went from a ‘spoiler’ to an active participant by pledging to have a carbon emission peak by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060. Along with that, it is also financing and collaborating in many environmental projects in the Global South. Scholars argue that ‘on the basis of contradiction between domestic emissions and its ambitious international promises’, majority agrees, ‘China’s climate policies stem at least in part from Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s need to secure performance legitimacy to maintain domestic political stability’.
Apparently, China is in a very unique position. On the one hand, its military and economic might widely outstrip any of the developing countries. On the other hand, its colonial past and economic struggles create a shared anti-imperialism narrative with developing countries. The common trauma, membership in G77, and close coordination with Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDC) provide China with a natural tendency to speak on behalf of the Global South. Besides that, China has been advocating for Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) to ensure its unhindered economic growth and avoid taking any multilateral obligation in addressing climate cataclysm. Industrialized developed countries are main drivers of environmental degradation and their high capability of addressing these issues, China argues, bind them with the greater responsibility of financing and taking the lead in climate actions. China is quite diligently employing this strategy to expand the stature of its soft power.
State power in Global Climate Governance arises not only from military and economic power, but also from moral leadership, technological capacity and emission levels.
China is revitalizing its position in global climate governance by extending moral leadership to Global South It is main streaming adaptation measures for combating ecological disaster. The disproportionate burden on economies and vulnerability to people’s livelihood force developing countries to position adaptation, technology transfer and Loss & Damage Fund as core negotiating priorities. China is striving hard to place an adaptation-mitigation balance on multilateral forums and pressurizing the international community for knowledge sharing and technology transfer with developing countries. Although China is adversely impacted by the climate crisis, it possesses the institutional capacity to adapt to any critical situation. The vociferous rhetoric on behalf of developing countries comes from the Chinese ambition of sustaining unity and aligning with the rest of the vulnerable community to ensure its discursive triumph.
Telling the ‘Chinese story’ is one of the most prominent features of Chinese diplomacy. Since 1978, China has undertaken vast measures to protect the ecosystem and enforce forest management policies. It shares China’s success story in assisting other developing countries. Under the patronage of the South-South Climate Cooperation Program (SSCCP), China is building trust among the countries of the Global South and enhancing its soft image. So far, hundreds of mitigation and adaptation projects in developing countries are testimony of China’s strengthening alliances. Through knowledge sharing and technology transfer to the Global South, China is filling a gap for many governments.
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a flagship project for China to propagate its strategic power on the world stage. Nevertheless, climate change stood a challenge to the long-term sustainability of its development schemes. It did not take long for BRI administrators to launch a sustainable and environmentally friendly Green BRI. The revisited initiative is focused on energy transition, ecological restoration and damage financing. Ultimately, all of these steps lead toward the China’s claim of ‘responsible great power’.
Harnessing soft power strategy by China in global climate governance will have implications for the future. The diplomatic maneuvering by China will widen the ideological divide between Global North and the Global South on environmental policies. Developed countries could be forced to ramp up their mitigation efforts and enhance their technology transfer to vulnerable countries. They may be obliged to boost their financing and pay for ecological degradation. Contrariwise, it could appear as a relief to developing countries from immediate mitigation efforts and a manifestation of focused socio-economic development. Potentially, it mainstreams the adaptation as more viable solution to combat climate change. China’s increasing demand for CBDR-RC could eradicate the climate inequity, as well as assist in alleviating the disproportionate burden on developing countries. Nonetheless, this can cause deadlock in multilateral negotiation and hamper the policy formulation process. Certainly, the projects like SSCCP and BRI extend the soft power of China. It will assist China in building trust, enhancing alliances and taking up the leadership role on behalf of the Global South.